Sunday, June 28, 2020

White privilege: to dismantle it, we must first learn to identify it

George Floyd’s death has led the Western world to examine the privilege it has accumulated through centuries of oppression of black and other non-white people
Undoing the damage is an uncomfortable task that will take generations, but it starts by not looking away


OPINION Chandran Nair Published: 28 Jun, 2020

A woman marches during a demonstration on June 14 in Barcelona. Photo: AFP
When George Floyd was killed by a white police officer in May, it tore open the racial fault lines that have run through the United States for centuries. The impact was felt elsewhere in the Anglosphere, particularly in Britain, stirring renewed debate about the nature and scale of white privilege.

On June 18, the Church of England and the Bank of England admitted to being complicit in hundreds of years of oppression of black populations across the world. It took these institutions centuries to come out of actively practised denial, so on that front, this is a historic moment.

British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, on the other hand, suggested it was unfair to “photoshop British history” when referring to the removal of statues of slave owners, as if they were somehow worth maintaining. This societal delusion and amnesia are ingrained in many white views of race issues today, aided by centuries of not having that world view challenged.

To have honest conversations about white privilege, there is a need for everyone (white or otherwise) to recognise what it is, acknowledge how widespread it is, and reflect on the damage it has done.

There is no running away from the large-scale impact resulting from European conquest of the world, which was predicated on the belief that White superiority must prevail in the world order.

Firstly, it must be understood that white privilege is a system that allows for white narratives to take hold globally and be actively spread. It is not restricted to the US and the systemic oppression of black people there. It is insidious, and it pervades many systems that govern how the modern world operates.

This globalisation of white privilege has allowed for the notion of superiority to be planted and enforced across the world, enabling other privileges to be born and old ones further enshrined.

We should be conscious of how white privilege intimidates, stifles or abuses others; and conversely, how it is actively cultivated and camouflaged for all its inherent benefits. We should examine where it makes non-whites want to imitate white people and even live like them, or how it offers a “free pass” to white people globally, often through conferred social status. And underpinning all of this, how white privilege maintains and reproduces economic power over all others.

An honest – yet respectful – examination of its ubiquity is the only way to fight contemporary white racism in all its permutations, and come to terms with the historical events that have created and spread white privilege. This goes to the heart of the global debate on race and power.

People at a rally in Missouri to protest the death of George Floyd. Photo: AP
Secondly, white people seeking to recognise their own privilege should do so in a way that does not let emotion cloud their understanding, through denying the existence of white privilege, or by seeking refuge in old arguments that racism is a global issue – and therefore racism perpetuated by white people isn’t worth singling out – to smokescreen the industrial scale of white racism over the last four centuries. Nor should we be resorting to racist insults in return.

The fact is that white privilege is unique because of its scale and global persistence. We need to be attuned to knowing where it lurks and thrives, while also understanding how often it is unrecognisable or deeply coded into long-established systems that many of us have accepted as norms.

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To do this, the first step is to acknowledge historical wrongdoings by coming to an agreed history of oppression and the consequent privileges that white people have accrued, which still persist and continue to be cultivated.

The next step is dealing with the impact of what was done across the world in the name of white supremacy. Facing these truths and undoing the damage is a monumental task that will take generations – an example is the process in South Africa. The US will need to do the same, from a national apology to deciding on reparations, and identifying and honouring all the victims of racist killings.

A poster seen at a protest in California on June 24, 2020. Photo: AFP


So how does white privilege manifest? How should we rethink its persistent and pervasive influence? To assist in this process, I have gathered some examples that demonstrate just how ubiquitous the perpetuation and preservation of white power is.

It is a starting point to encourage productive and honest discussions. Some may elicit discomfort, but it is high time that we do the work of dismantling white privilege and this means facing uncomfortable truths.

GEOPOLITICS

In the arena of geopolitics and multilateralism, the non-white global majority is wholly under-represented, from the United Nations Security Council to the G8.

The heads of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund are an American and a European, respectively. Two of the world’s most important multilateral institutions practise a form of apartheid. White exceptionalism ensures that the West directs the rules of the so-called rules-based world order because it fears changes to its world order.

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At the moment, the dislike of China by the West and its media, which borders on xenophobia, is an example, and India will be next if it grows in power. Obsession with the spread of the West’s version of democracy is an instrument in this process. The Middle East has paid the highest price in recent years. The US in particular has been the driving force of this, and has been at war 225 of the 243 years since its inception, largely to spread and enforce Western democratic ideals.

The use of sanctions against opponents of the West, led by the US and, until recently, invariably supported by Europeans, is an example of trampling on international law and ignoring the deaths of hundreds of thousands, none of whom are white.

Western brands such as Starbucks are idealised as business heroes. Photo: SCMP

BUSINESS

In the business world, the promotion of ideas about globalisation, free markets, role of finance, are all done in accordance with the Western rule book.

A key vehicle for the spread of this ideology has been the leading Western business schools, and their march across regions like Asia has been relentless. They invariably idealise the superheroes of the Western business world, from Amazon to Apple and Starbucks.

The gatekeepers of the rules of governance of international business, despite systematically failing in their roles, are a cartel of four: Deloitte, PwC, Ernst & Young and KPMG, all of which are Western-owned.

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The same dominance is to be seen in the business consulting world through a handful of mainly US firms – McKinsey, BCG, Bain – as they churn out the same old ideas.

For IPOs and M&A, no global deal can be led by any legal firm except the largest ones from the US or Britain.

Leading investment banks worldwide are all Western, and some in the US have egregious histories of funding slave plantation expansion and even providing insurance for slave owners.

When it comes to ratings agencies, S&P Global Ratings, Moody’s, and Fitch Group are all Western, with no accord for a non-Western ratings organisation to join their ranks.

The West closing its doors to Huawei is an example of keeping the tech world in the control of Western powers.

The global ranking of universities and business schools is set by Western establishments. File photo: AFP


EDUCATION AND MINDS

Education is an area where examples abound. The prestige accorded to Western Ivy League universities, including the lavish donations to these institutions, even by Asians is a case in point.

Oxford and Cambridge, even in this day and age, have continued global pre-eminence, especially in former colonies. The global ranking of universities and business schools is dominated by Western establishments, and is perpetuated by Western publications with their eagerly awaited annual ranking.

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Models of Western education across all development stages are practised as the “pinnacle” of education across Asia and Africa.

Selective teachings of history are a particular irony. Fiction, philosophy and other lessons from Western, mostly male, authors have a special place in the literary canon, and are exported and venerated the world over – Dante, Homer, Kant, Shakespeare, Tolkien, and so on – while other literary greats or philosophers from non-white countries are majorly unknown.

The week to June 13 was the first time in British history that a black British author topped the UK book charts.

Books by Western authors such as JRR Tolkein have a special place in the literary canon. File photo: AP

MEDIA

The Western media plays an important role in this scheme of things. From outlets such as the BBC and CNN to The Guardian, Financial Times and The New York Times, Western media shapes the information that global middle classes and elites consume.

English is the lingua franca of the modern world, meaning English-sourced narratives are predominant. This is changing as other nations join the international media fold, resulting in one of the biggest ideological reckonings of our times as media discourse between the West and the Rest ekes it out on a multitude of platforms.

In addition, which books get published and put on global bestseller lists is largely decided by the Western publishing world. Few books on politics, economics, development or environment written in non-English languages are ever translated for a global audience.

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Western publishing agents favour Western authors and certain narratives. Only
select Asian or African writers who pander to the taste of Western audiences and their politics make it in – including stories about the monsoons, romantic views on Africa, white saviours, or awful indictments of the countries they hail from.

In the global media, commentary is dominated by Western writers and aligned to associated ideologies. Current fads include China-bashing, the dangers of a new world order, even climate – but seen through the narrow lens of the Western experience.

Leading global media outlets are blind to white privilege narratives and thus perpetuate it by the decisions they make daily in the narratives they choose to broadcast.

Peking opera is centuries older than Western opera. File photo: Reuters
CULTURE AND ENTERTAINMENT

Culture and entertainment has been one of the most powerful tools in promoting White superiority.

Hollywood leads the charge through movies, ranging from the promotion of Tarzan, John Wayne and Marilyn Monroe to the movies that vilified black people, Geronimo, the Yellow Peril, and portrayed freedom fighters from white colonisers as terrorists.

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Western pop music was another powerful tool with its global spread, making the Beatles and the Rolling Stones global icons – not Chuck Berry or Bo Diddley – while music from non-Western countries is callously labelled “world music”.

Western classical music is revered as a cultural pinnacle, while non-Western classical music is sidelined or not broadcast. Ballet is the ultimate historical dance form, not Kathakali from India or Shen Yun from China. The global prominence of Western opera, and not Peking opera – which is centuries older – paints the same picture.

US rock ‘n’ roll legend Chuck Berry. File photo: AFP

SPORT

Sport is not spared and is rife with racism. Ownership, management and coaching of the NBA, NFL, leading football clubs, and other major sports around the world are dominated by white people.

In certain sports such as basketball, black players act as modern-day gladiators and entertainers in arenas that cater to mainly white businesses and audiences, with sporting successes attributed to race and genetics, not individual hard work and intelligence.

Racism in European football has been co-opted into a liberal cause restricted to the sporting world, without confronting the deeper structural issues within society that enable this manifestation of racism in the first place.

I remember
https://t.co/KIRWpMHd62
— Vanessa Nakate (@vanessa_vash)
June 4, 2020

SAVING THE PLANET

When it comes to saving the planet, so-called global solutions are seen through the lens of the Western political economy and economists, the belief that no sacrifice – including a change in lifestyle – is needed to reconcile free market failings with environmental destruction and the rights of the global majority.

The belief that solutions to climate change and other global environmental challenges can only come from the research centres, leaders, activists and spokespersons from the West is widespread.

Teenage activist Greta Thunberg is now an icon – it is hard to think that a young African or Asian person would be cultivated into a global figure in a similar manner.
Non-Western experts and voices are ignored or silenced, despite climate change disproportionately impacting socioeconomically less-advantaged populations, most of whom live in non-white countries.

US fashion model Halima Aden, a refugee from Kenya, broke boundaries in 2017 as the first hijab-wearing model to grace magazine covers and walk in high-profile runway shows. Photo: Reuters


FASHION

The rarefied world of high fashion is an important influencer. Leading fashion houses are all Western and promote white fashion styles.

A white sense of female beauty has permeated the non-Western world – slim, sexualised and fair (including skin-whitening products and complexes).

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The hijab is perceived as oppressive, while a bikini is viewed as freedom. Then there is the erosion of traditional attire – replacing the Indian sari or the Burmese longyi with a Chanel outfit or Hugo Boss fabrics, both in the home and the workplace.

Cultures of fashion are belittled or appropriated. For example, indigenous clothing is looked down upon until it is co-opted by fashion houses. Gucci created a jumper that mimicked blackface last year. Commes Des Garcons made blonde cornrow wigs for white models this year.

The statue of former British prime minister Winston Churchill is seen defaced at a rally in London outside the US Embassy on June 7. Photo: AFP

HISTORY

And finally there is the writing and teaching of history. In Western retelling of wars, there are often no non-Western heroes. In World War II, millions from Africa and Asia were denied their basic freedoms and died fighting for the West in a war that was waged to determine which Western country would continue to exploit them.

There is also the brushing aside of the crimes of the West – Churchill and his involvement in the genocide of 4 million Bengalis in 1943 is an example.

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Equally, no US history book regales you with how many native Americans were killed by white settlers, but US historians have precise numbers for atrocities committed by other nations.

There has been no apology for dropping a nuclear bomb on the people of Japan or for the three million killed in the Vietnam war and the carpet bombing of Laos.

Women in Vietnam still have Agent Orange in their breast milk and birth deformities run into the tens of thousands. Or even historical recognition of the crimes against humanity committed in the European conquest of the lands of native Americans, the First Nation Peoples of CANADA, Australia, or the Māori of
New Zealand.

Protesters participate in a Black Lives Matter rally in Brisbane on June 6. Photo: EPA-EFE

Citing these examples is not to say that other races, nations or cultures have not engaged in racism, slavery, crimes against humanity or oppression of other civilisations.
Most have and some still do – just as the US does with its prison system today, there is the Indian caste system, racism against black people across  Asia, and the infringement of the rights of girls and women in numerous parts of the non-Western world.

But there is no running away from the large-scale impact resulting from European conquest of the world, which was predicated on the belief that white superiority must prevail in the world order.

It has ultimately shaped a world that – even today – is marked by global white privilege.

Black Lives Matter protests held across Asia

These interventions have also resulted in intra-national fragility and conflicts that persist today – for example, the conflicts in Myanmar, Kashmir, DR Congo and Palestine, to name a few.

We live in a moment when the #BlackLivesMatter movement provides a rare opportunity to expose and rectify practices which have, for far too long, been conveniently ignored in the interests of preserving and protecting white privilege.

Thus, if as a reader you find yourself thinking, “But Western intervention has helped create the globalised world we see today, with opportunities for prosperity in all countries”, or conclude that the points in the list above are simply manifestations of things that white people are “just better at”, then you are falling into the same trap that catches white supremacists.

This is where the hard work must be done: to dismantle the deeply ingrained mindsets that many of us possess. It’s not comfortable, it’s not easy, but now is the time to start.

It starts by not looking away.



Chandran Nair is the founder and CEO of the Global Institute for Tomorrow. He is the author of The Sustainable State . He lived and worked in southern Africa during the years of the liberation struggle.

From cultural prop to circus freak: the first Chinese woman in US

Afong Moy was brought to the US in 1834 to help sell Chinese goods to an eager American middle class, writes historian Nancy E. Davis

She met president Andrew Jackson and served as a cultural bridge, but ended up in a circus sideshow being mocked for her differences


Martin Witte Published:  3 Sep, 2019

An engraving of Afong Moy. Referred to as “the first Chinese woman to arrive in America”, Moy served as a cultural bridge between China and the United States, including in private and among elites, but was eventually relegated to little more than a sensationalised caricature resulting from racial and ethnic tensions.

The Chinese Lady: Afong Moy in Early America, by Nancy E. Davis. Published by Oxford University Press. 4 stars.


It requires an inventive streak to write extensively about a person whose known biography only fills a few pages. This is the long shot taken in The Chinese Lady: Afong Moy in Early America, by historian Nancy E. Davis, who refers to her as “the first Chinese woman to arrive in America”.

Davis’s ambition pays off. She augments scant available material about Moy, who was brought to the United States as a “cultural prop” to help sell Chinese goods, by painting in the negative space around her. While keeping Moy in sight, Davis branches off to detail, among other topics, the foundation of US-China trade and cultural ties, the beginnings of China’s manufacturing industry, and the transformation of 19th-century American society.

Moy arrived in New York in October 1834 at about 16 years of age. She has a documented history in the country spanning 17 years, the middle half of which were spent in relative obscurity in a poorhouse in New Jersey.


An advertisement for an “exhibition” of Afong Moy.

Davis divides Moy’s public life into two acts. First, she was an exotic “presenter” of Chinese-made goods. Later, after an absence from a leering public – fallout from the economic panic of 1837 made her an expendable luxury – she became a sideshow attraction from the late 1840s, mainly under the devices of American showman PT Barnum.

There are no known photographs of Moy, no reliable idea about how she felt about her experiences in America, and no record of her at all after 1850.

The merchants who brought her over from the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou (it seems that “money likely changed hands”) played up her “exoticism” – her bound feet, clothing and accessories – to promote the “authenticity” of Chinese imports.

She was taken on a 1,600-kilometre (1,000-mile) tour from New York to New Orleans, with a stop in Cuba, posing on stages alongside Chinese wares for sale. Moy was viewed by thousands of people, most of whom paid a small fee to lay their eyes on a Chinese woman for the first time.

Davis frequently references a lithograph printed to advertise Moy’s earliest “demonstrations”. The image most often associated with Moy (it is unknown whether it is an actual likeness) depicts her in Chinese dress and surrounded by vases, chairs, textiles and other products. The items displayed – like many Chinese goods manufactured today for foreign markets – were mass-produced, often knocked-off from European designs, and marked up in price for an American middle class eager to reap the rewards of expanding trade with China.

A newspaper clipping about Afong Moy.


While no solid impressions survive on how Moy herself felt about being objectified, there are hints. Davis writes that most disconcerting for her may have been “the attention paid to her by strange men in close proximity”, since women in China generally stayed out of public view. One business publication reported that “when some of them significantly ogled her through their quizzing glasses, we thought we saw on her brow, a frown of indignant rebuke”.

Not everyone was game to gawk at Moy. Some felt repulsed by what they regarded as a crass commercial venture that deprived her of dignity. An editorial in a New York City newspaper read: “We have not been to see Miss Afong Moy, the Chinese lady, nor do we intend to perform that ceremony to convert a lady into an exhibition. [It is] by no means to our taste.”

Later, Moy was able to communicate directly with audiences in English. She also sang, possibly the first performances in the United States of folk songs from her home province.

Cover of Nancy E. Davis’s The Chinese Lady.


She also emerged as something of a trendsetter – fashion plates depicted her “most becoming” hairstyle, stroked back from the forehead and knotted at the top of the head. It became a popular look widely adopted, especially by French women in New Orleans.

Moy’s last known chapter, unfortunately, relegated her to little more than a sensationalised caricature. From 1847, she was part of a circus sideshow, with PT Barnum pairing her with General Tom Thumb – his leading stage attraction – and joining her up with such figures as the Wonderful Monkey Man and the 430-pound (195-kilogram) Ohio Mammoth Girl. Her “differences” were mocked, and her personality was ridiculed.

A pamphlet advertising her oddity remarked that her “habits, everyday occupations and pursuits” were “opposite to all the received notions of every other civilised nation on the face of the earth”, and portrayed her as “vain, conceited, prideful and shallow”.

Animus towards outsiders was beginning to grow, and “a disdainful and derisive attitude toward the Chinese” had become standard. By 1850, Moy disappeared from Barnum’s spectacles, and she would be lost without further trace.

PT Barnum (left) and General Tom Thumb (stage name of Charles Sherwood Stratton) in a portrait circa 1850. Barnum founded Barnum & Bailey Circus, and for many years Tom Thumb was a popular dwarf performer in the circus.


Racial and ethnic tensions in Moy’s era resonate, depressingly, with American conditions today. The country she saw was gripped by nativism, as a fair chunk of Americans were wary of cultural and linguistic influences from overseas and advocated for tighter immigration and enfranchisement laws.

Davis emphasises that Moy, with her singular uniqueness, served as a cultural bridge between China and the United States, including in private and among elites. She met with President Andrew Jackson in February 1835, becoming, in the author’s words, the “first concrete example of China to a sitting American president”.

Portrait of Andrew Jackson, the seventh US president.


Davis’s book is a form of redress for a familiar injustice: the lives of the exploited, no matter how remarkable, rarely get remembered, much less told. Davis expresses hope that others can find out more about Moy, particularly from when history seemingly lost track of her, which would bring the “Chinese Lady” into greater relief.

If this happens, it would cast open wider a window into the treatment of women and racial minorities at tumultuous times in American history. And we might better grasp how attitudes and choices – about race, gender, culture and economics – shaped that society, and in turn help us assess the direction the country is going in today.

Asian Review of Books
This article appeared in the South China Morning Post print edition as: Significant, other: the first Chinese woman in America
How art spread Maoism around the world, from China all the way to Peru


An excerpt from Art, Global Maoism and the Chinese Cultural Revolution, edited by Jacopo Galimberti, Noemi de Haro García and Victoria H. F. Scott, explores the contradictions inherent in the global spread of China’s 20th century political doctrine

Manchester University Press Published: 1 Mar, 2020

“Contradiction is present in the process of development of all things; it permeates the process of development of each thing from beginning to end.”Mao Zedong, ‘On Contradiction’, 1937
Art and images were and continue to be central channels for the transnation­al circulation and reception of Maoism. Though it is rarely acknowledged as such, the so-called Great Chinese Proletari­an Cultural Revolution (1966-76) was one the most extraordinary political upheavals of the 20th century. And similarly, no other post-war statesman has elicited more conflicted emotions than Mao.

Indeed, despite being responsible, by some controversial accounts, for tens of millions of deaths, the man known as the Great Helmsman is still widely revered both inside and outside China, and in the 21st century, the contested legacy of this powerful figure has only expanded.

A 1967 poster features an illustration of Mao Zedong above the phrase “Raise High the Great Red Flag of Mao Zedong Thought to Carry Out to the End the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution”. Photo: Getty Images

Marking the 50-year anniversary of the Cultural Revolution, in both China and other countries, academic research produced pioneering studies of the Red Guards, the Shanghai People’s Commune, the “little red book” and seminal theoretical disputes (opposing, for instance, Mao to Deng Xiaoping). Some aspects of Maoism are being reasses­sed, partly because they speak to the present moment, such as Maoism’s critique of colonialism and racism.

If the 1960s and 1970s saw the rise of anti-colonial struggles, and “an awakening sense of global possibility, of a different future”, this should also be ascribed to Maoism. Thus it comes as no surprise that Fredric Jameson viewed Maoism, rightly or wrongly, as “the richest of all the great new ideologies of the 1960s”, when the idea of “Maoist China” became a productive epistemological device to reimagine the world, to reinterpret its hierarchies and to act to change them.

Maoism preceded the Cultural Revolution, and can be traced to the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, or even earlier. It was, however, only with the Sino-Soviet split and China’s experiments with nuclear weapons that it gained real momentum. Mao’s sustained criticism of the peaceful coexistence between the two superpowers, as well as his advocacy of armed struggles in the Third World, broke what many regarded as the theoretical and geopolitical impasse of Marxism.

Art and images were paramount in the dissemination and reception of Maoism’s revolutionary ambitions. Not only could they travel fast to distant places, but some visual conceits could also be easily adapted to specific contexts.

In recent years there has been a scholarly reappraisal of the art produced in China between 1966 and 1976. No longer stigmatised, this type of visual propaganda has been widely examined, helping to shed new light on the semantics, aesthetics and memories associated with Maoist plays, posters, photographs, paintings and artefacts of all sorts.


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The dynamics created by travelling objects (model works, “little red books”, posters, badges, pamphlets, journals, etc), people (intellectuals, party cadres, diplomats, activists, etc) and ideas associated with Maoism had an enormous impact. However, any effort to delineate the “standard Maoist position” on the arts is probably doomed to failure because of the long history, complex networks and diverse practices into which Maoism has crystallised. By the same token, searching for the putative “essence” of a Maoist aesthetic in Mao’s founding texts leads to an impasse.
The lecturer on modern Chinese history and literature
Julia Lovell has observed that the Cultural Revolution did not attract significant interest among students in the United States until 1968, when it began to resonate strongly with their own anti-establishment sentiment. She concludes that this identification is “far more informative about the preoccupations of these distant observers of Chinese politics than about Chinese politics itself”.

Students at the Central Academy of Fine Arts in Beijing create political artworks. Photo: Getty Images


In his study of the anti-authoritarian Left in West Germany, the historian Timothy Scott Brown echoes Lovell’s remarks. He maintains that the reception of images associated with Maoism “served as a bridge between the global and the local”, and was driven “less by the meaning imputed to images or cultural products at their point of origin, than at the point of their reception”.

Yet scholarly literature has had little to say regarding the role played by art in global Maoism. The wealth of studies and exhibitions about the art of the Cultural Revolution has not been accompanied by comparable analyses of European, African, Asian and American artists who were heavily influenced and inspired by the events in China.

Nor has the recent interest in exploring the worldwide influence of Chinese communism in the 1960s and 1970s been met by a commitment to analysing the visual compo­nents of its reception. The omission is surprising, as for several years this global phenomenon shaped the work and thought of major artists as diverse as John Cage and Jörg Immendorff, to name just two.

For more than a decade, global Maoism permeated art production in a variety of ways that continue to be neglected by standard art-historical accounts of the post-war period. Caught between a cult of personality and libertarian impulses, thousands of artists, architects, designers and film directors appropriated or emulated the political ideals of the Cultural Revolution, translating them into a wide variety of visual propositions.

A Soviet communist poster. Photo: Getty Images
From the Californian campuses to the Peruvian campesinos, many attempted to integrate Mao’s principles and the Cultural Revolution’s material culture, iconography and slogans into their production and model of authorship, although in different, and at times highly incompatible, ways.

It is unlikely that the lack of scholarship on this topic is accidental. The widespread apprehension concerning the attribution of historical significance and intellectual sophistication to the Maoist phase of several American and European artists is directly related to the political implica­tions of espousing Mao Zedong Thought in the West. On the one hand, the predominant narratives of art history are still embedded in the Cold War dualistic conceptual frameworks, setting capitalism against communism.

Modern art and modernism were long ago constructed as the counterpoint to the propaganda of so-called totalitarian art, which brought durable discredit upon the latter. On the other hand, the current presence of Maoist guerillas makes the topic politically sensitive in several countries, pushing scholars to see Maoist artistic production as secondary over issues of state security. Moreover, claiming the political primacy of the Chinese Cultural Revolution challenges the Eurocentrism of both the Left and the Right, which still, occasionally, thinks in terms of “oriental despotism”.

A further reason accounts for the scholarly reluctance to explore Maoist artists. The Red Guards’ “cultural” revolution represented a shocking rejoinder to the Western definition of “culture” as it had emerged since the Enlightenment. Denouncing ancestral traditions and wisdom not as a shared heritage that had to be preserved, but rather as an obstacle to the exigencies of communism, in the West the Red Guards were decried as vandals, destroying culture rather than renewing it


A poster created by communist trade unions celebrates May Day in Kolkata, India, on May 1, 2006. Photo: AFP


Maoism in India is still very much alive, and in several areas Maoist guerilla fighters continue to combat the Indian state. Sanjukta Sunderason’s chapter “Framing margins: Mao and visuality in 20th century India” maps the traces of Mao and Maoism in India’s long 20th century.

Drawing from the visual culture theorist Nicholas Mirzoeff ’s notion of visuality, Sunderason explores three key moments of Indian Maoism in relation to art: the iconography of resistance developed by the Communist Party of India in the 1940s, the Naxalites’ “statue-smashing” in Calcutta in the early 1970s and the afterlives of Maoism in Indian art from the mid-1970s to the present.

The early 1970s were a key period for Maoism in the US as well. Colette Gaiter’s chapter, “The Black Panther news­paper and revolutionary aesthetics”, looks at the work of the American artist Emory Douglas, the Minister of Culture for the Black Panther Party, which at the time was subscribing to a political tendency known as “intercommunalism”.

More expansive than other strands of leftist thought, intercommunalism sought to unite countries of the world in resistance to global capitalism and imperialism. A wave of “Black Maoism” swept through black liberation movements at this time and came to visual life in Douglas’ work on The Black Panther newspaper.

An image in The Black Panther newspaper. Photo: Getty Images

The analysis then moves to the years of the Cultural Revolution, and to the two industrialised countries that were the first to see the emergence of a large Maoist movement: West Germany and France. Lauren Graber and Daniel Spaulding’s joint contribution, “The Red Flag: the art and politics of West German Maoism”, maps artistic Maoism in West Germany from the late 1960s to the early 1970s, tying it to both the student movement and the extra-parliamentary opposition. Looking at a broad sample of artists, the authors demonstrate how the image of Mao and the politics for which it stood became contested terrain where the complex dialectic of Pop and revolution was played out in perhaps its most spectacular form.

France is the European country where Maoism has had, perhaps, the most lasting and pervasive impact on society, with intellectuals – the most prominent being the philoso­pher Alain Badiou – continuing to eulogise Mao and the Cultural Revolution. This is especi­ally significant because of the role many French intellectu­als from this period had in the formulation and dissemi­nation of post­modernism.

Like their northern neighbours, southern European artists also appropriated the Cultural Revolu­tion’s political ideals and forms of authorship. “La Familia Lavapiés” as a collec­tive, collaborated but also argued with political leaders, mass organisations, political parties (especially the Communist Party), workers, students, neighbours and, of course, other artists.

Sympathetic to acracia (the suppression of any kind of authority, of domination, of power, of coercion) and Trotskyism, the members of La Familia Lavapiés saw art and Maoism as tools with which they unsuccessfully tried to challenge and transform the cultural and political milieu in which they carried out their activities.

Mao’s “little red book”. Photo: Getty Images


In several countries Maoism was so strongly refracted through the prism of the local specificities that it occasion­ally became a pretext and even a joke. Could one at once be a Maoist and poke fun at Mao’s cult? By 1976, some Italian militants were advocating a new form of Maoism that con­flated pop culture, autonomist Marxism, Gilles Deleuze’s and Félix Guattari’s philosophy and, last but not least, avant-garde art. They defined this trend as “Mao-Dadaism”.

In “Another red in the Portuguese diaspora: Lourdes Castro and Manuel Zimbro’s Un autre livre rouge”, Ana Bigotte Vieira and André Silveira examine Un autre livre rouge, an artists’ book made by the Portuguese artists Lourdes Castro and Manuel Zimbro while they were living in Paris. The two-volume work alluded to Mao’s “little red book” and was entirely devoted to the contradictory meanings and psycho­logical associations that red conveyed.

The work was craft­ed mostly between 1973 and 1975 at a time of radical political change in Portugal. The Carnation Revolution and the PREC (Período Revolucionário Em Curso, Ongoing Revolutionary Period) informed Un autre livre rouge, which was, however, both less and more than a political book.

The significance of Maoism for global independence movements around the world is an important subject that merits further attention, particularly for countries in Africa, for example. In “Avenida Mao Tse Tung (or how artists navigated the Mozambican Revolution)”, Polly Savage examines Maoism in Mozambique. Drawing on interviews and archival records, the study focuses on the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (or FRELIMO).

A Peruvian Communist Party poster. Photo: Getty Images
Between 1970 and 1977 FRELIMO negotiated an artistic and cultural agenda combining, not without difficulties, leftist internationalism and local traditions. The analysis of works produced by the graphic designer “Mphumo” João Craveirinha Jnr offers insightful perspectives on how these tensions materialised in images. In the case of the artist Juan Carlos Castagnino, often considered to be the official painter of the Argentinian Communist Party, his relationship with China informed both his politics and his practice.

Peru was on the verge of becoming a Maoist state in 1990, set against the background of the civil war between the Communist Party of Peru (PCP), also known as Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso), and the Peruvian state, a conflict that began in 1980 and lasted well into the 1990s.

Austrian art historian Ernst Gombrich’s The Story of Art, published in 1950, is the world’s bestselling book in the field of art history. In 1953, at the height of McCarthyism, Gombrich wrote a scathing review of Arnold Hauser’s book The Social History of Art. Criticising Hauser’s methodology, Gombrich argued that contradiction was an ontological trap that led to theoretical paralysis. But the notion of contradiction is an insightful one for describing and understanding the impact of Maoism on the visual arts.

Instead of eschewing the paradoxes that animate art history, one must expose them and reveal cultural contra­dictions for what they have always been: a powerful source of political, social and aesthetic transformation, for better or for worse.

Excerpt from Art, Global Maoism and the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Edited by Jacopo Galimberti, Noemi de Haro García and Victoria H. F. Scott. Published by Manchester University Press
Post Magazine / Books
Review | Forbidden Memory explores the role of Tibetan Red Guards in the Cultural Revolution

The starting point for Tsering Woeser’s book was a trunk of photographs taken by her father in Tibet in the 1960s


Based on more than 70 interviews, Woeser makes a powerful and nuanced argument against popular perceptions

Ajay Singh Published:  30 May, 2020

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The cover image from Forbidden Memory, Tibet During The Cultural Revolution, by Tsering Woeser. Photo: Handout

Forbidden Memory: Tibet During the Cultural Revolution
by Tsering Woeser
Potomac Books
4/5 stars

The Dalai Lama has called it “the most sacred temple” in Tibet. Located in the capital, Lhasa, and dating back to the seventh century, the Jokhang temple is a magnet for devout Tibetans who gather there every day to pray, prostrating themselves on the ground.

But among the worshippers who visit Jokhang these days, it would not be unusual to find former cadres of Mao Zedong’s revolutionary Red Guards – Tibetans who helped ransack the temple in the early years of China’s tumultuous 1966-76 Cultural Revolution.

That is the disquieting belief of Tsering Woeser, a Tibetan intellectual, blogger and critic of Beijing’s Tibet policies. In her latest book, Forbidden Memory: Tibet During the Cultural Revolution, the Beijing resident dives into one of the most traumatic chapters in Chinese history, during which cultural relics were destroyed and political enemies were targeted for public abuse and humiliation.

A rally at the People’s Stadium, in Lhasa, Tibet, on August 19, 1966. Photo: Tsering Dorje


The book is an updated English translation of Shajie, the title under which Woeser first published her work in Chinese, in Taiwan in 2006, the 40th anniversary of the start of the Cultural Revolution\
Based on interviews with more than 70 people who lived through the Cultural Revolution, Forbidden Memory contains hundreds of photographs from the period taken by Woeser’s father, Tsering Dorje, a People’s Liberation Army officer born to a Chinese father and Tibetan mother

Woeser, who was born in 1966 just as the Cultural Revolution was beginning, inherited the photographs after her father died in 1991. But it wasn’t until 1999 that she thought of doing something with what she describes as “the most complete private record of these events yet to have come to light”. That year, she mailed the photographs to Wang Lixiong, a Chinese dissident whose book, Sky Burial: The Fate of Tibet (1998), she had just read.

“I had never met him, but I thought that rather than leave father’s photographs sitting in the trunk, it might not be a bad idea to entrust them to a scholar willing to study Tibet in a balanced way,” Woeser writes.

Wang promptly returned the images. By letter, he explained they “belonged to the yet-to-be-rediscovered memory of Tibet”, as Woeser puts it. He said he would be willing to help –
Woeser and Wang eventually married – but as an outsider he was reluctant to take on the task alone.

The photographs in Woeser’s book depict everything from the destruction of religious relics, “struggle sessions” (a form of public humiliation and torture) and militia training to rallies, parades and manual labour. Just about every image captured by Woeser’s father is a precious historical resource: “until Woeser released this book there were no images of that period from Tibet in public circulation, either in Tibet or elsewhere in the world”, writes Robert Barnett, a British scholar of Tibetan performance art and media, in the book’s introduction.


Many of the photographs attest to the vandalism and violence of the revolution. When Red Guard cadres ransacked the Jokhang in 1966, for example, Woeser’s father photographed a young Tibetan woman hacking off the golden edging of the temple’s roof with a harrow.

The woman, like her compatriots, was following one of the revolution’s central tenets: denounce the “four olds” – old society, old culture, old traditions and old habits. Woeser wonders why the woman appeared to believe that “turning the past to ruins would give birth to a bright new world”. Her question, like many of the book’s 345 images, challenges readers “to try to understand the ideological constructions of the time that made such actions seem natural and even necessary to so many participants, both the rulers and the ruled”, writes Barnett.
In lucid, engaging prose interspersed with her own insights, Woeser highlights how the Cultural Revolution shaped the contours of Tibet’s negotiation with communist China. Her account is a powerful, nuanced argument against the popular perception that Tibetans strongly resisted Beijing’s secularisation and sinicising policies.

Woeser is intrigued by the possibility that many Tibetans became Red Guards, attracted to new ideas and revolutionary fervour. At the same time, she writes, “the atmosphere of red fear created by the authoritarian regime” probably left them no choice but to be “sucked against their will into the string ride of radicalism”.

Lhasa’s Jokhang temple, in 2012. Photo: Tsering Woeser

A close look at a photograph depicting the installation of a Mao portrait on the rooftop of the Jokhang illustrates the author’s viewpoint. The image captures crowds gathered to watch uniformed Red Guards place the portrait and a Chinese flag in a spot previously occupied by the Wheel of Dharma, a revered Buddhist symbol.

“Tibetans would not easily abandon their gods,” Woeser writes. But the occupation and the Dalai Lama’s 1959 exile, “seem to have shown that the new god was so powerful that the ancient gods of the land had been defeated”.

She adds: “Tibetans can be said to have been in shock, stunned by everything that was unfolding before their eyes, so that when the Cultural Revolution took place, they accepted the new reality.”



Ajay Singh is a Los Angeles-based journalist who worked as a staff correspondent for Asiaweek magazine in Hong Kong in the 1990s and in the New Delhi bureaus of The Associated Press and The Wall Street Journal Asia.





Post Magazine / Books
Review | The Road: new book shines a light on Indonesia’s 50-year forgotten war in West Papua as it flares again

Australian journalist John Martinkus documents West Papuan indigenous tribes’ fight to recover ancestral lands annexed by Indonesia

Construction of a controversial highway sparked an escalation last year with Indonesia deploying troops and chemical weapons

Tom Fawthrop 6 Jun, 2020

Central Highlands villagers, shown here with the Morning Star flag in the West Papua capital, have been fighting to recover their ancestral lands for 50 years. Picture: Getty Images

The Road: Uprising in West Papua
by John Martinkus
Black Inc
3
.5/5 stars

After 50 years of popular resistance to Indonesian rule in West Papua, this forgotten war is flaring up again. 

The indigenous movement, led by the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), has never lost hope of recovering ancestral lands dating back centuries before their annexation by Indonesia.
Military operations intensified in the Central Highlands region of Nduga last year as the uprising spread. Another 16,000 troops were dispatched to protect the construction of a controversial Trans-Papua Highway. Helicopters dropped bombs and strafed villages. About 45,000 refugees fled across the border into Papua New Guinea.

“It is the helicopters that are the worst. They are used as platforms to shoot or drop white phosphorous grenades or bomblets that inflict horrible injuries on the populace,” John Martinkus writes in his new book, The Road: Uprising in West Papua.


Martinkus depicts a dirty little war far removed from the glittering shopping malls of Jakarta, in a distant out­post of the vast Indonesian archipelago, hidden from the world. The Indonesian military denies it uses white phos­phorus, a banned agent of chemical warfare. But photos of the Papuan victims in the book display gruesome wounds consistent with this chemical.

T
he Australian journalist has risked his life many times bringing news from the front lines in East Timor and Aceh, and is now committed to lifting the veil of secrecy over West Papua. At least eight foreign journalists – including Australian, Dutch and Swiss – have died reporting from these Indonesian war zones.

Martinkus writes: “After seeing the violence and knowing people the Indonesian security forces have killed, tortured and jailed in East Timor, Aceh and Papua, I cannot, as a human being and a journalist, walk away from this story and let the lies, obfuscations and outright atrocities against the people of those three Indonesian conflicts go unreported.”

The Indonesian government has a different narrative. It says it wants to bring development to a remote province by building an ambitious road – the 4,300km Trans-Papua Highway, costing US$1.4 billion – through the jungle to bring “wealth, development and prosperity” to the isolated regions of West Papua.

But that is not how West Papuans see it, according to Martinkus. “The road would bring the death of their centuries-old way of life. The highway brings military occupation by Indonesian troops, exploitation by foreign companies, environmental destruction and colonisation by Indonesian transmigrants from other provinces.” This mineral-rich region hosts the world’s largest gold mine and second largest copper mine.

The Suharto-era transmigrasi policy involved organi­sing a massive migration of farmers from overpopulated Java to become settlers in West Papua. Many believe the highway will increase the number of settlers and the Melanesian tribes are convinced this will pave the way for their cultural extinction.

Author John Martinkus. Photo: Handout

When East Papua celebrated its independence, in 1975, as Papua New Guinea, the western part of the island was saddled with a shoddy United Nations-brokered deal (1969) awarding de facto sovereignty to Indonesia. Papuans passionately believe they were cheated.

While the book draws many parallels between the East Timor and West Papua conflicts, it does not give enough coverage to the major differences between the two liberation struggles. In the case of West Papua, Indonesia steadfastly claims the 1969 UN agreement granted it eternal sovereignty over West Papua.


Key Western governments – the United States, Britain and France on the UN Security Council, and Australia, Indonesia’s closest neighbour – all have substantial business investment, trade and military ties with Jakarta. They are only too happy to support Jakarta’s narrative that it is fighting a “separatist rebellion” and defending its sovereign territory.


By appointing a controversial general, Wiranto – who goes by one name – as the senior minister dealing with West Papua, Indonesian President Joko Widodo has tied himself to a militarist policy. Wiranto was indicted for crimes against humanity in East Timor by a UN court in 2003, but Jakarta declined to hand him over.
Two decades later, Wiranto has rejected all Papuan demands to end the war by agreeing to a referendum with the words: “The door is closed to any referendum.”


Indonesian President Joko Widodo (second right) with his delegation to look at the Trans-Papua Highway. Photo: AFP
The big difference with East Timor was that the UN never recognised Jakarta’s annexation and, together with former colonial power Portugal, pushed for the referendum that delivered independence.

In 2019, after years of isolation, a diplomatic campaign by the ULMWP took off. The group was granted observer status at the Pacific Islands Forum and its call for a referen­dum was backed at the UN General Assembly by several Melanesian governments.

Last year, the exiled West Papuan leader and ULMWP chairman, Benny Wenda, delivered a historic petition with 1.8 million signatures to Michelle Bachelet, director of the UN Human Rights Council. It was smuggled out from the West Papua jungles on a long, perilous journey to her office in Geneva, Switzerland. Bachelet has expressed grave concern over the situation in West Papua but, predictably, Jakarta has denied her requests to allow a UN human rights mission access to the region.

With no referendum or international effort to restrain the Indonesian army, this book serves as grim reminder that another genocide could be in the making and, like the Rohingya in Myanmar, another outpouring of refugees.
Post Magazine / Books
Review | Sukarno, Suharto, and the US-backed mass murder of communists in Indonesia that set the template for Cold War regime change worldwide

Slaughter in Indonesia in 1965 set template for the systematic mass murder of civilians in the name of anticommunism, Vincent Bevins says in The Jakarta Method
‘This was one of the most important turning points of the 20th century, eliminating the largest communist party outside China and the Soviet Union,’ he writes



Kit Gillet Published:  28 Jun, 2020

Indonesian president Sukarno (left), who handed over his presidential power to military strongman Suharto in February 1967, is shown with Suharto during an Independence Day Parade in Jakarta, in October 1966. Photo: AP


The Jakarta Method by Vincent Bevins, PublicAffairs. 3/5 stars

In 1965, the Indonesian military killed as many as one million of their own country­men, destroying the third-largest communist party in the world and taking with it pretty much anyone seen as having left-wing tendencies (as well as hundreds of thousands who had nothing to do with anything).


Not many people were killed in the streets or officially executed, but rather disappeared into the night.

On the island of Bali, at least 5 per cent of the population, about 80,000 people, were killed, but even today, the events of 1965 are little known outside Indonesia, or even within it.

“For more than 50 years, the Indonesian government has resisted any attempt to go out and record what happened, and no one around the world has much cared to ask, either,” writes journalist Vincent Bevins in The Jakarta Method: Washington’s Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World. The book attempts to lift the veil while also putting the bloody events in a global context and pointing an accusatory finger at the United States.


In many ways the violence was a result of actions by the American government and the CIA, which during the Cold War used any means possible to stop the spread of communism. This often involved installing friendly right-wing strongmen in countries around the world, even if it meant overturning democratic processes and being complicit in acts of brutality.

Indonesia in 1965 wasn’t the first time the US govern­ment got involved in overthrowing an el
ected government, or the last, but it would be highly consequential.

“This was one of the most important turning points of the 20th century, eliminating the largest communist party outside China and the Soviet Union and inspiring copycat terror programmes in faraway countries like Brazil and Chile,” writes Bevins.


Between 1945 and 1990, a loose network of US-backed anti-communist extermination programmes carried out mass murder in at least 22 countries, and these groups often learned from one another, adopting methods developed in other countries. Some used the term “Jakarta”, harking back to events in Indonesia.

America has come to terms with Indonesia’s past. Why can’t Indonesians?
29 Oct 2017


Like many countries during this period, Indonesia, a parliamentary democracy and the world’s fourth most-populous country, had tried to remain neutral, engaging and often receiving aid from both the US and the Soviet Union. However, under president Dwight D. Eisenhower, the US began to take a more aggressive approach to deciding if and when an independent nation had become insufficiently anti-communist, writes Bevins. Indonesia and its playboy president, Sukarno, increasingly came under the microscope.

Bevins, a Southeast Asia correspondent for The Washington Post and previously the Brazil correspondent for the Los Angeles Times, has created a powerful record of the often-muddled events in Indonesia following a botched coup on September 30, 1965, which was blamed on commu­nist forces.

The book covers the appearance and rise of military strongman General Suharto, who was considered friendly to US interests and would go on to rule the country until 1998.

“Everything Suharto did in October [1965] suggests that he was executing an anti-communist counter-attack plan that had been developed in advance, not simply reacting to events,” writes Bevins, who adds that Washington quickly began to supply communication equipment to the army and made it clear that direct assistance could resume if the local communist party was destroyed, the president removed, and attacks on US investments stopped

Most disturbing, the US embassy prepared lists of the names of thousands of communists and suspected commu­nists, “and handed them over to the army, so that these peo­ple could be murdered and ‘checked off’ the list”. One embassy worker reportedly said that he “probably has a lot of blood on my hands, but that’s not all bad”. Managers of US-owned plantations also furnished the names of “troublesome” communists and union organisers, who were subsequently killed

Meanwhile, American publications and journalists parroted the official line, even as rumours of widespread violence circulated and a further million citizens were herded into concentration camps.

Perhaps not surprisingly, it worked. “Almost overnight the Indonesian government went from being a fierce voice for Cold War neutrality and anti-imperialism to a quiet, compliant partner of the US world order,” historian John Roosa is quoted as saying.

“I came to the conclusion that the entire world, and especially the countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America … has been reshaped by the waves emana­ting from Brazil and Indonesia in 1964 and 1965.”Vincent Bevins writes in The Jakarta Method

While Indonesia is a focus of the book, the narra­tive stretches far beyond the country’s borders, detailing CIA-backed regime changes across vast swathes of the world.

Bevins suggests the US-backed dictatorship in Brazil, which took power in a coup in 1964, played a crucial role in pushing the rest of South America into the anti-communist group of nations. “I came to the conclusion that the entire world, and especially the countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, … has been reshaped by the waves emana­ting from Brazil and Indonesia in 1964 and 1965,” he writes. These two events “led to the creation of a monstrous inter­national network of extermination – that is, the systematic mass murder of civilians – across many more countries”.

Communist parties elsewhere could not fail to take note, with some adopting a more militant attitude perhaps in response to the right-wing threat.

The Jakarta Method offers an easily digestible chrono­logy of this bloody period of Indonesian and world history. While at times the narrative can be too systematic, and lacking in prose that would bring it more to life, the result is a powerful reminder that in many countries around the world, the Cold War was anything but cold, and those that suffered the most were often ordinary people.

In one of the most revealing passages of the book, Bevins describes how eyewitnesses and victims, all these years later, talk about that period in terms of weeks, specific dates, hours, even minutes. The trauma and suffering are still raw, made worse by a lack of public discussion and closure.

As much as the brutal methods were abhorrent, Bevins admits they were effective. “I am not saying that the United States won the Cold War because of mass murder,” he writes, but adds that the extermination programmes in countries such as Indonesia, “organised and justified by anti-communist principles”, was such an important part of the US victory that the violence profoundly shaped the world we live in today.


It is a sobering thought.

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