Showing posts sorted by relevance for query EMOTIONAL PLAGUE. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query EMOTIONAL PLAGUE. Sort by date Show all posts

Saturday, February 19, 2022


The Ancient Greeks also lived through a plague, and they too blamed their leaders for their suffering


Joel Christensen, Professor of Classical Studies, Brandeis University
Wed, February 16, 2022

A painting by Nicolas Poussin titled 'The Athenian Plague' shows people dying of the plague. Bettmann / Contributor via Getty Images

Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, as a scholar of ancient Greek literature, I have returned again and again to the Greek historian Thucydides to try understand the historical parallels to the American response to the health crisis.

Thucydides – a onetime general and historian of the Peloponnesian War, a generationlong struggle between Athens and Sparta – presents one of the most famous accounts of a plague from antiquity.

Then, as now, the story forms the backdrop for tragedy and conflict as Thucydides focuses on the emotional impact of living through a plague.

Parallels with plague


At the beginning of its conflict with its historical adversary, Sparta, Athens pulled its people and forces within the long walls that protected the central city’s access to the sea. With Athens’ maritime and economic supremacy, its leader Pericles believed that with such a strategy, the city-state would be impossible to conquer.

An unintended consequence of this strategy, however, was that the crowded confines of the city made it a fertile ground for a novel pathogen. The emergence of plague led to a temporary suspension of Athenian life, but it did not change the policy on the war or its strategy, despite the death toll.

Thucydides’ account records vividly the onset and progress of the disease as it fell on Athens. Some of what he wrote might sound familiar today: The symptoms of what was then an unidentified disease included chest pain, a cough, fever and diarrhea; if the disease was not fatal, it often left scars and a loss of memory.

Just as the spread of COVID-19 across the world led to a heightened focus on its origins, Thucydides tracked how the plague allegedly moved from Egypt through the Persian Empire and into Greece.

Thucydides also noted another fallout – despair. He described despair as the “most terrible feature of the sickness” and recorded that depression and fear were common. Like today, families lost their loved ones to the disease, and any kind of social order dissipated.

The despair of disease

I have also been deeply affected by Thucydides’ ability to talk about the plague from his own experience. As he notes at the beginning of his narrative of the disease, he became sick himself and watched others suffer.

Few people I know made it through 2020 and 2021 without anxiety about their own or their loved ones’ health. But the despair of actually contracting the disease and the feeling of utter powerlessness of watching one’s family getting it as well was something I personally evaded until January 2022.

Even though my spouse, my two older children and I were all vaccinated, we all contracted the virus. Our “mild” COVID experience left me winded going up stairs for weeks. And over a month later there is no one who can say what the long-term effects will be for us or our children.

Thucydides describes not just the despair of getting sick but the danger faced in “caring for one another.” My wife and I considered ourselves lucky that our fevers peaked at different times, leaving one of us to comfort our 9-month-old through four days of fever and a worrisome cough.

People dressed in coats holding burning candles for a memorial.


While we were sick, an average of 3,000 people died a day in the United States. Local and federal officials in many areas have pushed for a return to normal by planning to drop mask mandates and other restrictions. Experts have cautioned about the risk of new variants emerging as a large number of people in low-income countries remain unvaccinated.

Plague and leadership

The stories we tell and don’t tell about COVID-19 follow a pattern familiar to those who have spent time with ancient literature. Greek plague narratives take little interest in the nameless suffering masses and instead focus on the leaders who allow it to happen.

In Homer’s “Iliad,” the Greeks suffer a plague because their leader Agamemnon refuses the divinely sanctioned custom of accepting a ransom in exchange for a prisoner; the plague is sent as a punishment. Sophocles’ famous tragedy puts an Oedipus on stage. He wants to save his people but can’t see that he is the main cause for the spread of the disease.

Faulty public policies in the U.S., the U.K., Brazil and elsewhere have led to a large number of deaths that many experts considered preventable. The virus is only the beginning of the problem.

Plague stories provide settings in which fate pushes human organization to the limit. Leaders almost always play a pivotal role, as Zeus observes in Homer’s “Odyssey,” saying, “Humans are always blaming the gods for their suffering / but they experience pain beyond their fate because of their own recklessness.”
Leading for the public good

The Athenians lost the war with Sparta not because of the plague, but the plague did reveal the fault lines beneath the surface of Athenian culture. As Katherine Kelaidis, a scholar at the National Hellenic Museum, frames it, the disease was a moral test of the physical and political structures of Athens.

The Athenians lost tens of thousands of their citizens and soldiers and uncounted numbers of enslaved peoples and resident aliens, but they continued to fight for another 20 years. In the end, political factions and civil strife undermined their efforts to defend their state.

Two young scientists wearing protective masks and caps working on their computers that have an image of the coronavirus.

COVID-19 has shown the deep divisions among Americans, the lack of concern many of our neighbors show for one another, the fragility of the public health system and the limits of the leadership to meet collective challenges. But it has also shown the remarkable speed and creativity of scientists and the benefits of collaboration across international boundaries in helping us meet the unexpected.

Ancient Greek history and literature can help us understand the long-term social impacts of disease. They also show how fractious politics can undermine even heroic responses to public health challenges.


This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. It was written by: Joel Christensen, Brandeis University.


Read more:

Ancient Greek wisdom for today’s leadership crisis

An ancient Greek approach to risk and the lessons it can offer the modern world

Joel Christensen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Wednesday, October 26, 2022

From Black Death to COVID-19, pandemics have always pushed people to honor death and celebrate life

The Conversation
October 24, 2022

Painting showing the plague in Constantinople. (Credit: Walters Art Museum)

After the last couple of Halloweens were plagued by doubt and worry thanks to a global pandemic with no clear end in sight, Halloween 2022 may feel especially exciting for those ready to celebrate it. Thanks to ongoing vigilance and continuing vaccination efforts, many people in the U.S. are now fortunate enough to feel cautiously optimistic after all those awful months that have passed since March 2020.
Etching of a plague doctor in the era’s personal protective equipment.

I am a historian of pandemics. And yes, Halloween is my favorite holiday because I get to wear my plague doctor costume complete with a beaked mask.

But Halloween opens a little window of freedom for all ages. It lets people move beyond their ordinary social roles, identities and appearances. It is spooky and morbid, yet playful. Even though death is symbolically very much present in Halloween, it’s also a time to celebrate life. The holiday draws from mixed emotions that resonate even more than usual during the COVID-19 era.

Looking at the ways survivors of past pandemics tried to celebrate the triumph of life amid widespread death can add context to the present-day experience. Consider the Black Death — the mother of all pandemics.

Black Death birthed a new death culture

The Black Death was a pandemic of plague, the infectious disease caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis. Between 1346 and 1353, plague rampaged across Afro-Eurasia and killed an estimated 40% to 60% of the population. The Black Death ended, but plague carried on, making periodic return visits through the centuries.

The catastrophic effects of plague and its relentless recurrences changed life in every possible way.


One aspect was attitudes toward death. In Europe, high levels of mortality caused by the Black Death and its recurrent outbreaks made death even more visible and tangible than ever before. The ubiquity of death contributed to the making of a new death culture, which found an expression in art. For example, images of the dance of death or “danse macabre” showed the dead and the living coming together.



Everyone from the poor to the powerful will eventually dance with death.
Dance of death: death and the bishop. Etching attributed to J.-A. Chovin, 1720-1776, after the Basel dance of death. Wellcome Collection., CC BY

Even though skeletons and skulls representing death had appeared in ancient and medieval art, such symbols gained renewed emphasis following the Black Death. These images epitomized the transient and volatile nature of life and the imminence of death for allrich and poor, young and old, men and women.

Artists’ allegorical references to death stressed the closeness of the hour of death. Skulls and other “memento mori” symbols, including coffins and hourglasses, appeared in Renaissance paintings to remind viewers that because death was imminent, one must prepare for it.

Bruegel the Elder’s famous “Triumph of Death” stressed the unpredictability of death: Armies of skeletons march over people and take their lives, whether ready or not.

Death culture influenced the 19th-century Western European doctors who started writing about historical pandemics. Through this lens, they imagined a specific version of past pandemics — the Black Death, in particular — that one modern historian named “Gothic epidemiology.”

Flawed image of Black Death emerged in 1800s

The German medical historian Justus Hecker, who died in 1850, and his followers wrote about the Black Death in a dark, gloomy, emotional tone. They emphasized its morbid and bizarre aspects, such as violent anti-Jewish pogroms and the itinerant Flagellants who whipped themselves in public displays of penance. In their 19th-century writing of the Black Death, it was cast as a singular event of cataclysmic proportions — a foreign, peculiar, almost wondrous entity that did not belong to European history.

As it is remembered today, the dominant symbols of the Black Death – like images of uncanny dancing skeletons and the Grim Reaper – are products of that Gothic imagination. Ironically, the iconic plague doctor was not a medieval phenomenon but a 17th-century introduction. It was only then – 300 years post-Black Death – that doctors treating plague patients started wearing special full-body outfits and a beaked mask, a precursor of modern personal protective equipment. So, sadly, my own plague doctor Halloween costume has nothing to do with the Black Death pandemic itself.

Even the term Black Death is a 19th-century invention; none of the medieval witnesses wrote of a “Black Death” or thought of plague as black.

The living legacy of this Gothic epidemiology still defines scholarly and popular understanding of plague and may creep into today’s Halloween costumes and decorations.
Triumph of death or celebration of life?

Pandemics never mean death and suffering for all. There is strong evidence that Black Death survivors experienced better living standards and increased prosperity. Even during subsequent outbreaks, differences in class, location and gender informed people’s experiences. The urban poor died in greater numbers, for example, as the well-off fled to their countryside residences. Giovanni Boccaccio’s famous “Decameron,” written in the immediate aftermath of the Black Death, tells the story of 10 young people who took refuge in the countryside, passing their days telling each other entertaining stories as a way to forget the horrors of plague and imminent death.


The characters of ‘The Decameron’ retreated and distracted themselves from death.
  Heritage Images/Hulton Fine Art Collection via Getty Images

A later example is Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, a Habsburg ambassador to the Ottoman Empire who took refuge in the Princes’ Islands off the coast of Istanbul during a plague outbreak in 1561. His memoir describes how he spent his days fishing and enjoying other pleasant pastimes, even while the daily death toll in the city surpassed 1,000 for months.

Countless narratives testify that recurrent outbreaks of plague inspired people to find new ways to embrace life and death. For some, this meant turning toward religion: prayer, fasting and processions. For others, it meant excessive drinking, partying and illicit sex. For still others, self-isolation and finding comfort in one’s own company did the trick.

No one yet knows how the COVID-19 pandemic will be remembered. But for the moment, Halloween is the perfect occasion to play with the pandemic lesson to simultaneously celebrate life and contemplate death.

As you dress up in spooky costumes or decorate your home with plastic skeletons to celebrate this late capitalist holiday – yes, Halloween is now a thriving US$10 billion industry annually – you may find comfort thinking about how the way you feel about life and death connects you to those who survived past pandemics.

[The Conversation’s science, health and technology editors pick their favorite stories. Weekly on Wednesdays.]

Nükhet Varlik, Associate Professor of History, Rutgers University - Newark

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Monday, May 11, 2020

Medieval Europe’s waves of plague also required an economic action plan

May 6, 2020 


The Black Death (1347-51) devastated European society. Writing four decades after the event, the English monk and chronicler, Thomas Walsingham, remarked that “so much wretchedness followed these ills that afterwards the world could never return to its former state.”

This medieval commentary reflects a lived reality: a world turned upside down by mass fear, contagion and death.

Yet society recovered. Life continued despite the uncertainty. But it was not “business-as-usual” in the aftermath — the threat of plague remained.
The Triumph of Death by Pieter Bruegel the Elder shows a devastated landscape where death is taking people indiscriminately as it appeared to during a wave of plague. (Museo del Prado)

Slow and painful recovery

The post-Black Death world had “not been made any better by its renewal.” The French monk, Guillaume de Nangis, lamented that men were more “miserly and grasping,” “greedy and quarrelsome” and involved in more “brawls, disputes and lawsuits.”

The shortage of workers in the aftermath was acute. The contemporary Historia Roffensis notes that swaths of land in England “remained uncultivated,” in a world dependent on agricultural production.

A scarcity of goods soon followed, forcing some landlords in the realm to lower or pardon rents in order to keep their tenants. “If labourers work not,” quipped the English preacher, Thomas Wimbledon, “priests and knights must become cultivators and herdsmen, or else die for want of bodily sustenance.”

Sometimes, the stimulus came by force. In 1349, the English government issued its Ordinance of Laborers, which legislated able-bodied men and women be paid salaries and wages at the pre-plague 1346 rate.

Other times, the recovery was more organic. According to the French Carmelite friar, Jean de Venette, “everywhere women conceived more readily than usual;” none was barren and pregnant women abounded. Several gave birth to twins and triplets, signalling a new age in the aftermath of such a great mortality.
A common and familiar enemy

Then the plague returned. A second pestilence struck England in 1361. A third wave affected several other countries in 1369. A fourth and fifth wave followed in 1374-79 and 1390-93 respectively
.
A painting by Domenico Gargiulo of Naples depicts a wave of disease that ravaged the city in the mid-1500s.

Plague was a constant feature in late medieval and early modern life. Between 1348 and 1670, wrote historians Andrew Cunningham and Ole Peter Grell, it was a regular and recurring event:

… sometimes across vast regions, sometimes only in a few localities, but without omitting a single annual link in this long and mournful chain.”

The disease impacted communities, villages and towns with greater risks to urban centres. With its dense population, London was scarcely free from disease with large outbreaks in 1603, 1625, 1636 and the “Great Plague” of 1665, which claimed 15 per cent of the city’s population.

No generation escaped its wrath.

Controlling the disaster

Governments were not shy in their responses. While their experience could never prevent an outbreak, their management of disease tried to mitigate future disasters.

Queen Elizabeth I’s Plague Order of 1578 implemented a series of controls to support the infected and their families. Throughout England, a government initiative ensured that infected people did not leave their homes for food or work.

Pesthouses were also built to house the sick and protect the healthy. In 1666, King Charles II ordered each town and city “to be in readiness in case any infection should break out.” If an infected person was discovered, he or she would be removed from the house and city while the former was closed for 40 days, with a red cross and the message “Lord have mercy upon us” affixed to the door.

In some cases, barriers, or cordons sanitaires, were built around infected communities. But they sometimes did more harm than good. According to the Enlightenment historian Jean-Pierre Papon, residents of the Provençal town of Digne in 1629 were prevented from leaving, from burying their dead and from constructing cabanes where they might have otherwise safely isolated from the disease.
State and moral authority

Experience and regulatory measures weren’t always effective.

The great plague that struck the southern French city of Marseille between 1720 and 1722 killed an estimated 100,000 people. Following the arrival of the Grand Saint-Antoine, a merchant ship returning from the Levant, “proper care and remedies” to prevent the fatal consequences of this disease were delayed and ignored. The disease spread to all parts of the city.
French artist Michel Serre’s 1721 work shows a view of the town hall in Marseilles during the city’s outbreak of plague the previous year. (Marseille Museum of Fine Arts)

The plague began to rage there within a matter of weeks. A corrupt doctor, false bills of health, political and economic pressures to unload the ship’s merchandise, and corrupt officials investigating the initial spread of the disease, all contributed to a disaster that could scarcely be contained in southern France.

Hospitals were saturated, unable to “receive the vast quantity of sick which came to them in throngs.” Exercising “double diligence,” authorities built new hospitals in the alleys, “fitted up large tents” on the city’s outskirts, filling them with “as many straw beds as possibly could remain there.”

Fearful of transmission on its shores, the English government quickly updated its protective measures. The Quarantine Act of 1721 threatened violence, imprisonment or death on anyone endeavouring to escape the enforced confinement, or those refusing to obey the new restrictions.
A portrait of Edmund Gibson, the bishop of London, attributed to English portraitist John Vanderbank. (Bodleian Library, University of Oxford)

Some deemed these measures unnecessary. “Infection may have killed its thousands,” wrote one anonymous author, “but shutting up hath killed its ten thousands …

Edmund Gibson, the bishop of London and an apologist for the government, disagreed. “Where the disease is desperate,” he wrote, “the remedy must be so too.” As such, he wrote, there was no point dwelling “upon rights and liberties, and the ease and convenience of mankind, when there was plague hanging over our heads.”

Social dislocation was an inevitable result — a necessary evil. But as medieval and early modern experiences with plague remind us, it is not a permanent fixture.

Author   Kriston R. Rennie
Visiting Fellow at the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto, and Associate Professor in Medieval History, The University of Queensland
University of Queensland provides funding as a member of The Conversation AU.


What can the Black Death tell us about the global economic consequences of a pandemic?

Miniature by Pierart dou Tielt

March 3, 2020
Concerns over the spread of the novel coronavirus have translated into an economic slowdown. Stock markets have taken a hit: the UK’s FTSE 100 has seen its worst days of trading for many years and so have the Dow Jones and S&P in the US. Money has to go somewhere and the price of gold – seen as a stable commodity during extreme events – reached a seven-year high.

A look back at history can help us consider the economic effects of public health emergencies and how best to manage them. In doing so, however, it is important to remember that past pandemics were far more deadly than coronavirus, which has a relatively low death rate.

Without modern medicine and institutions like the World Health Organization, past populations were more vulnerable. It is estimated that the Justinian plague of 541 AD killed 25 million and the Spanish flu of 1918 around 50 million

By far the worst death rate in history was inflicted by the Black Death. Caused by several forms of plague, it lasted from 1348 to 1350, killing anywhere between 75 million and 200 million people worldwide and perhaps one half of the population of England. The economic consequences were also profound.
‘Anger, antagonism, creativity’

It might sound counter-factual – and this should not minimise the contemporary psychological and emotional turmoil caused by the Black Death – but the majority of those who survived went on to enjoy improved standards of living. Prior to the Black Death, England had suffered from severe overpopulation.

Following the pandemic, the shortage of manpower led to a rise in the daily wages of labourers, as they were able to market themselves to the highest bidder. The diets of labourers also improved and included more meat, fresh fish, white bread and ale. Although landlords struggled to find tenants for their lands, changes in forms of tenure improved estate incomes and reduced their demands.

But the period after the Black Death was, according to economic historian Christopher Dyer, a time of “agitation, excitement, anger, antagonism and creativity”. The government’s immediate response was to try to hold back the tide of supply-and-demand economics.
Life as a labourer in the 14th century was hard. British Library

This was the first time an English government had attempted to micromanage the economy. The Statute of Labourers law was passed in 1351 in an attempt to peg wages to pre-plague levels and restrict freedom of movement for labourers. Other laws were introduced attempting to control the price of food and even restrict which women were allowed to wear expensive fabrics.

But this attempt to regulate the market did not work. Enforcement of the labour legislation led to evasion and protests. In the longer term, real wages rose as the population level stagnated with recurrent outbreaks of the plague.

Landlords struggled to come to terms with the changes in the land market as a result of the loss in population. There was large-scale migration after the Black Death as people took advantage of opportunities to move to better land or pursue trade in the towns. Most landlords were forced to offer more attractive deals to ensure tenants farmed their lands.

A new middle class of men (almost always men) emerged. These were people who were not born into the landed gentry but were able to make enough surplus wealth to purchase plots of land. Recent research has shown that property ownership opened up to market speculation.

The dramatic population change wrought by the Black Death also led to an explosion in social mobility. Government attempts to restrict these developments followed and generated tension and resentment.

Meanwhile, England was still at war with France and required large armies for its campaigns overseas. This had to be paid for, and in England led to more taxes on a diminished population. The parliament of a young Richard II came up with the innovative idea of punitive poll taxes in 1377, 1379 and 1380, leading directly to social unrest in the form of the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381.
Peasants revolting in 1381. Miniature by Jean de Wavrin

This revolt, the largest ever seen in England, came as a direct consequence of the recurring outbreaks of plague and government attempts to tighten control over the economy and pursue its international ambitions. The rebels claimed that they were too severely oppressed, that their lords “treated them as beasts”.
Lessons for today

While the plague that caused the Black Death was very different to the coronavirus that is spreading today, there are some important lessons here for future economic growth. First, governments must take great care to manage the economic fallout. Maintaining the status quo for vested interests can spark unrest and political volatility.

Second, restricting freedom of movement can cause a violent reaction. How far will our modern, mobile society consent to quarantine, even when it is for the greater good?

Plus, we should not underestimate the knee-jerk, psychological reaction. The Black Death saw an increase in xenophobic and antisemitic attacks. Fear and suspicion of non-natives changed trading patterns.

There will be winners and losers economically as the current public health emergency plays out. In the context of the Black Death, elites attempted to entrench their power, but population change in the long term forced some rebalancing to the benefit of labourers, both in terms of wages and mobility and in opening up the market for land (the major source of wealth at the time) to new investors. Population decline also encouraged immigration, albeit to take up low skilled or low-paid jobs. All are lessons that reinforce the need for measured, carefully researched responses from current governments.

Authors
Adrian R. Bell
Chair in the History of Finance and Research Dean, Prosperity and Resilience, Henley Business School, University of Reading
Andrew Prescott
Professor of Digital Humanities, University of Glasgow
Helen Lacey
Lecturer in Late Medieval History, University of Oxford
Disclosure statement

Adrian R. Bell receives funding from the AHRC and previously from the ESRC.

Andrew Prescott receives funding from the Arts and Humanities Rsearch Council.

Helen Lacey receives funding from the AHRC.



Saturday, February 08, 2020

A Skeptical Scrutiny of the Works and Theories of WILHELM REICH

FROM A TRUE BELIEVER RAISED IN AN ORGONE FAMILY TO A RUTHLESS CRITIC OF REICH

A Skeptical Scrutiny of the Works and Theories of WILHELM REICH

By Roger M. Wilcox

Jump to the Introduction


Completed critiques:

Orgastic Potency as the criterion for emotional health
Others' personal experiences with Orgone Therapy
The Bioelectrical Investigation of Sexuality and Anxiety
Bions
The problems with Reich's use of the microscope
PA Bions
T-Bacilli
SAPA Bions
Orgone Radiation
The Orgonoscope
The Orgone Energy Hypotheses
The Orgone Field Meter
The Reich Blood Test(s)
Experiment XX
The problems with Reich's use of the Geiger-Müller counter
Vacuum Orgone (VACOR) Tubes
Orgone Motors
The Oranur Experiment
Melanor, Orite, Brownite, and Orene
Cosmic Superimposition


Articles written by others but hosted here

Breaking the Silence: Secrets of the Reichian Cult (.pdf file) by Marjorie Bayes

Critiques still under construction:

Character Analysis
Sex Economy
Vegetative Currents (Orgonotic Streamings)
The Tension-Charge (Orgasm) Formula
The Cancer Biopathy
Psychiatric Orgone Therapy (character-analytic vegetotherapy)
My personal experiences with Orgone Therapy
Orgone Accumulators (ORACs)
Orgonomic Functionalism
The DOR Hypothesis
Cloudbusters
Medical DOR Busters
The Emotional Plague
Energy alphas
The FDA Injunction against Reich
The book burning


Critiques yet to be written:

The Orgasm Reflex
Reich's conviction and imprisonment


Introduction

Wilhelm Reich (1898-1957) is one of the most colorful characters ever to tackle the mysteries of the universe.  He was charismatic, strong-willed, well-read, imaginative, and unflinchingly devoted to his ideals.  And he was also, beyond doubt, a crackpot.
Reich's initial work was in the area of psychoanalysis.  In fact, he was a protege of Sigmund Freud.  His technique of Character Analysis expanded on Freud's psychoanalysis and was well-received.  Some at the time even considered Reich to be Freud's successor.  However, his involvement with the early Communist Party in Europe eventually got him kicked out of the psychiatric community — and ironically, his involvement with the psychiatric community got him kicked out of the Communist Party at around the same time.  His relentless insistence that sexuality was central to emotional health earned him more critics than supporters, as well.  Reich eventually fled Germany for Norway in 1933 for fear of the rising power of the Nazis, who showed a great deal of enmity toward members of the Communist Party (even former members).
From there on, though, Reich began to delve into areas of research for which his medical and psychiatric training left him ill-equipped.  He performed bioelectrical experiments on subjects in various states of sexual arousal, somewhat reminiscent of the experiments Masters and Johnson would perform two decades later.  He claimed to see microscopic bions develop from lifeless matter and organize themselves into living cells.  And he eventually came to believe he had discovered a primordial energy essential for life, which he called orgone energy, and which he was obsessed with for the rest of his life.  Along the way of making these various "discoveries," his works were either ignored or heavily criticized by the mainstream scientific community.  Reich seemed to take every criticism of his work as a personal attack.  He was convinced he had made the greatest discoveries in the history of humanity, next to which the discovery of electricity or the law of gravity or the wheel or fire were insignificant.  He felt that mainstream scientists only attacked his work because his discoveries were too emotionally disturbing for them to tolerate.  (Why was such obstinant resistance to Reich's "obvious truths" so prevalent?  Why, because of the emotional plague, of course.)  And Reich surrounded himself with people who agreed with his assessments of his discoveries' greatness, people who all lacked any formal training in the natural sciences — training which, if it had been present, might have helped Reich see the real, concrete reasons why his work was criticized.
Thus far, hardly any skeptics have seen Reich to be worth the time and energy necessary to debunk all of his claims in detail.  Almost all skeptical treaments of his works focus on the more outrageous claims he made about orgone energy, or simply poo-poo his research and theories out-of-hand.  This, unfortunately, lends a false air of legitimacy to the various Orgonomy groups that promulgate Reich's ideas.  Modern orgonomists come across like poor, downtrodden underdogs, attacked without reason by those few obviously orgastically impotent skeptics and mainstream scientists out there who still take potshots at Orgonomy.  Since the skeptics and scientists never seem to show why the Orgonomists are wrong — at least not to the satisfaction of the Orgonomist groups, who always seem to have a rebuttal up their sleeve — the Orgonomists must therefore be right, of course.
This situation might be improved if the criticisms levelled against Reich by his contemporaries were easily accessible in English today.  But sadly, most of them, such as Kreyberg's criticism of bions in the 1930s, are practically lost to history.  Martin Gardner's Fads and Fallacies in the Name of Science contains one of the few critical treatments of Reich that has survived to this day, but even this is lacking in sufficient details to answer the rebuttals of the modern orgonomists.
My personal experiences with Orgonomy go way back.  Some people are raised in a Catholic family.  Some people are raised in a Jewish family.  I was raised in an Orgonomy family.  And despite Reich's insistence to the contrary, Orgonomy is a religion, filled with sacred truths which can never be experimentally verified, a single central theme which tries to explain everything in the universe, a Fall from Grace in the mythical past, and even a Christ figure in Reich himself.  I was forced to endure years of orgone therapy the way many other children are forced to go to church.  I became a "convert" to Reich's works in late puberty thanks primarily to his pro-sex attitude.  I was a "true believer" until the late 1990s, when my skeptical instincts finally caught up with me, and I at last acknowledged the similarities between the writings of Reich and the ravings of various other cantankerous crackpots who were trying to hawk their own all-encompassing theories.
This collection of articles, then, is the culmination of my skepticism toward the works and theories of Wilhelm Reich.  Reich's work encompassed many, many areas, not all of which he documented in the detail necessary to critique them properly.  So, yes, some of my critiques involve my personal, educated guesses as to what Reich might "really" have been seeing or measuring.  But enough of Reich's writings do give sufficient detail that Reich's own shortcomings as a self-proclaimed scientific researcher come through plainly.  For unlike Sir Isaac Newton, Reich was not willing to stand upon the shoulders of giants.  He stood only as high as his own experiences would allow, and from this low perch imagined himself to be a lone eagle soaring higher than any other man had ever reached.

Wednesday, November 18, 2020

«Pandemics affect women and men differently» 

The history of and experiences from previous pandemics give us important information about how to handle today’s corona pandemic.


«Nearly everything we know about pandemics emergency preparedness and how the measures affect society long-term comes from the Spanish flu experience», says May-Brith Ohman Nielsen. The photo is from Walter Reed Hospital in Washington D.C in 1918. (Photo: Harris & Ewing / Wikipedia)

Susanne Dietrichson JOURNALIST, 
KILDEN GENDER RESEARCH NEWS MAGAZINE
Thursday 30. july 2020 - 

Covid-19 is not the first pandemic in human history, nor will it be the last. But have pandemics affected women and men differently through the ages? And can we learn anything about why and how, so we better understand what goes on today?

«Pandemics are a magnifying glass that sheds light on social conditions, gender included,» says May-Britt Ohman Nielsen, professor of history at the University of Agder.

Tuberculosis is one example of a disease that has affected women and men differently at different times, according to May-Brith Ohman Nielsen. 
(Photo: UiA)

Case history into consideration


Nielsen works with the history of medicine, illness, health, and epidemics. She studies how pandemics affect women and men differently and uses examples from cholera and tuberculosis.

«Infectious diseases affect women and men differently, primarily because they have different roles and functions through history,» she says.

Tuberculosis has had different effects on the sexes throughout the ages, according to Nielsen.

«The disease is still active and widespread in large parts of the world, and people live with it for a while,» she explains.

«The disease spreads through droplet infection, and the source is often difficult to trace because the illness develops slowly. Infected persons may have been ill for a long time before the symptoms occur, and the infected or their surroundings become aware of them.»

Men spread infection, women nursed

Men were often the first to be infected during pandemics such as cholera and tuberculosis because they travelled more, as sailors, tradesmen, and soldiers, Nielsen explains.

«Consequently, men spread the diseases in larger circles, as they travelled, were infected, and brought the diseases home with them.»

At home, the infected men were often nursed by their sisters, mothers, wives, and daughters, who then became infected.

«It was not unusual that the women in the family felt pressure to take care of the men regardless of whether they wanted to. Those who brought home the money took precedence in the family regardless of how dangerous the disease might have been,» says Nielsen.

«Traditionally, women have carried the burden of care and taken on the emotional responsibility. This makes up the greatest difference between men and women regarding illnesses and pandemics. Women take care of children, spouses, and parents.»

Guilt and shame


To get infected with cholera, you have to swallow the bacteria. It infects through contact, but primarily through the drinking water. When the source of infection could not be identified, people came up with other theories about how the disease was spread, according to Nielsen. These theories were also gendered.

«For instance, many believed that cholera was a punishment from God. And there were different ideas about why women and men were punished», she says.

«When it came to the men, they were often thought to be punished for drunkenness, whereas women were infected because they were promiscuously dressed and had bad morals.»

The fact that tuberculosis could be connected to hygiene also affected men and women differently. The illness brought along strict requirements for the housewife in terms of infection control measures and hygiene, Nielsen explains.


«If a family was infected, the woman of the house might be considered a bad housewife who failed to keep a clean home. Tuberculosis resulted in a lot of shame,» she says.

«The men were forbidden to spit, while the women were required to clean.»

«Like covid-19, the plague spread as a result of increased globalisation», says Ole Georg Moseng. (Photo: USN)

Plagues and globalisation


Ole Georg Moseng, professor of history at University of South-Eastern Norway, has studied the history of plagues. He also draws parallels to today’s epidemic.

«Like covid-19, the plague spread through increased globalisation,» he says.

«The plague has always been a part of human history. The oldest recorded case is from 3 900 BCE, and the last major epidemic is from 2017 in Madagascar. Plague outbreaks occur in several countries across the world every single year.»

In other words, the plague still affects us. But as a pandemic, we are primarily talking about three major waves, Moseng explains. The earliest recorded pandemic occurred in the early Middle Ages between c. 540 and 750 CE, the second began in 1346 and lasted until 1722, whereas the third pandemic wave occurred in the late 1800s.

«The first outbreak started in the cities that were the centres of civilisation: Rome, Carthage, Constantinople and in the vicinity of Alexandria,» says Moseng.

During the second and largest outbreak, which began in Crimea in 1346 and is referred to as the Black Death, the plague spread to large parts of Europe through travelling tradesmen and explorers. Repeated outbreaks in Western Europe occurred up until the early 1700s.

«We may, therefore, assume that men spread of the plague, particularly as tradesmen,» he says.

«The third plague pandemic broke out in India and China in the late nineteenth century and spread all over the world during the course of two decades. In Europe, it caused a number of minor outbreaks of plague around the year 1900.»
«Women most sorely affected»

Moseng explains that the plague bacteria is transmitted to humans via fleas from wild rodents. And during the Black Death it particularly spread through the black rat, which eats grain and grain products, but is more or less extinct in Europe today.

«We have relatively good data on gender differences in how the plague affected people from the 1600s onwards. It seems like women were most affected by the plague», says Moseng. But recent studies of the Black Death in the 1340s indicate that this was also the case back then.

The black rat is one possible explanation to why more women than men had the plague.

«Women stayed more inside the houses than men did. Rats lived in the houses, and may have given the plague on to women,» he says.

«In addition, women held traditional caring functions, which made them more exposed to infection. They had the main responsibility for the children and the elderly in the family, and their job was to care for those who were ill.»

Moseng states that another consequence of the plague, more indirectly gendered,is how it contributed to the collapse of the feudal system.

«The Black Death resulted in an enormous and persistent decline in the population in Europe, which led to poorer conditions for women in the long term,» he says.

The land rent went down and fewer people paid taxes. The feudal lords, that is, the big farmers, kings and the church, lost power. The workers’ wages went up, and the petty farmers had more money to spend.

«As a result, the land-owning aristocracy’s economic, political and social hegemony was weakened, which laid the foundation for the growth of the bourgeoisie. In bourgeois society, women had less power than in the agricultural feudal society,» says Moseng.

«Feudal society was hierarchical, but women were nevertheless more equal to men in their life as a housewife on a farm», he says.

«The wife on the farm had a lot of power, whereas bourgeois norms ensured that the men were given a more distinct leader position within the family.»
More men died of the Spanish flu

«The Spanish flu came to Norway in 1918, and led to the death of 15 000 Norwegians, or 0.6 per cent of the population. Approximately half of the Norwegian population were probably infected by the disease», according to Svenn-Erik Mamelund who is a demographer and pandemics researcher at Oslo Metropolitan University (OsloMet).

Mamelund explains that the flu pandemic affected Norway in four waves: Two in 1918, one in 1919 and a ‘echo-wave’ in 1920.

There is not enough data on gender differences in mortality rates globally. But Mamelund says that it is likely that a few more men than women died of the Spanish flu, as was the case in Norway. People around the age of thirty became sicker and died more often.

«Especially during summer 1918, more men than women were infected. Men had broader and more frequent contact with others through work and social activities than women.»


Svenn-Erik Mamelund believes that the fact that young people in fertile age now find themselves in a society in lockdown may cause further decrease in the number of childbirths. (Photo: OsloMet)

Young adults particularly affected


The Spanish flu affected primarily young adults between the age of twenty and forty. That is when women are most fertile.

«This is partly why there was a dramatic decline in the birth rate in 1919, and nine months after the Spanish flu was at a peak in the autumn of 1918. People were hesitant to have sex, because they feared being infected or because they were already ill. The mortality rate among pregnant women increased, especially during the late stages of pregnancy. The number of miscarriages also increased,» Mamelund explains.

«Many men and women lost their spouse to the flu. Approximately 4 800 people were widowed in 1918–19, and the Marriage Act required at least one year of mourning before one was allowed to re-marry. Unless a woman was already pregnant when she lost her husband to the Spanish flu, she was by law denied a new pregnancy before she had re-married. Of course some women did conceive outside of marriage, but this was not common.»

Mamelund maintains that the baby boom in Norway in 1920 is a result of the Spanish flu rather than the end of the First World War, as many historians have claimed.

«The 1920 baby boom is the greatest in Norway, only beaten by the one following the Second World War in 1946. Many people postponed marriage and childbirths until the epidemic was over in 1919. Also, Norway did not participate in the First World War,» he says.

Mamelund draws parallels to the current pandemic. The fertility rate in Norway is in decline due to the corona epidemic, according to an article in the Norwegian newspaper DN.

«The fertility rate has been in decline for a long time in Norway, and the fact that young fertile people now find themselves in a society in lockdown may cause further decrease in the number of childbirths», he says.

Widows were badly affected


Coming back to the Spanish flu, Mamelund maintains that women who lost their husbands were probably affected harder than men who became widowers.

«At that time there was no such thing as widow’s pension and social security programs, and the women lost the family’s breadwinner,» he says.

«I would like to do more research on what happened with the bereaved during this pandemic. What coping strategies did they have? What happened to all the orphans? Did women apply different strategies than men? I believe they did.»

Mamelund gives one example: A woman from the Norwegian midlands was left behind with two small children when her husband and two other children died of the Spanish flu.

She did not re-marry; instead, she divided her land, kept an acre and sold the rest. She built a house on her part of the land and bought a cow, a goat and hens for the money she got from the sale. Her daughters worked on farms in their spare time, so that they could get enough healthy food.
Resulted in widow’s pension

The Spanish flu changed the society, also for women. In 1919, the Labour Party introduced social security benefits for single mothers and widows in the capitol, according to Mamelund.

«The reason may have been the consequences the Spanish flu had for women who lost their husbands to the disease and were left behind with small children.»

Many have referred to the Spanish flu as the forgotten pandemic, he says.

«But forgotten by whom? The doctors? Historians? The history of the Spanish flu is no victory narrative and it has no winners. I think that many people wanted to forget. They wanted to leave the pandemic behind and move on.»

Here, too, there are gender perspectives, according to Mamelund.

«Nancy Bristow, an American professor of history and pandemic researcher, has studied the Spanish flu by going through diaries, letters, photographs, and other ethnographic and archive material. According to her, the doctors – who were primarily men – wanted to forget the Spanish flu altogether. They felt that they had lost the battle against the disease, and they felt powerless and disappointed.»

«For the nurses, however, it was the other way around. They felt useful during the pandemic, when they had cared for and comforted sick and dying patients. Even though there was no cure, nursing, food and care were still necessary and the nurses had been essential in this work.»
The idea of anti-bac is not new

According to Ole Georg Moseng at University of Oslo, there are some clear common features between previous pandemics and covid-19, for instance when it comes to how we fight it.

«Actions like isolation of the ill, lockdown, travel restrictions, embargo on trade, quarantines and use of facemasks were also used to fight the plague in the 16th and 17th centuries», he explains.

Antibacterial hand gel is nothing new, says Mamelund. 7000 people in Norway died from tuberculosis each year between the years 1890 and 1910. The disease was fought without medicines, but with hand wash, hygiene, social distancing and public enlightenment.

«The nurses played an important role. They travelled around and educated people. They talked about the same things as the Institute of Public Health goes on about today: keep your distance, don’t drink from your neighbour’s cup and don’t ‘spit on the floor’.»

Read: “Women’s historical contributions are still ignored”

We can learn from the Spanish flu


May-Britt Ohman Nielsen at the University of Agder also see parallels.

«Today public health workers are particularly exposed to infection. This was also the case for those who treated patients with tuberculosis», she says.

«Especially the nurses, who stayed by the bedsides in the tuberculosis sanatoriums, were infected. And they were primarily women.»

But the infection also hit places with mostly men, according to Nielsen.

«In mines, boarding schools, the military, and especially the front line during the First World War, diseases spread rapidly and a large number of men were infected by tuberculosis and the Spanish flu.»

The history and experiences from previous pandemics gives us important information about how to handle today’s corona pandemic.

«The Spanish flu is the great learning model. Nearly everything we know about pandemic emergency preparedness and how the society is affected long-term, comes from this experience. How do isolation and closed down workplaces and schools affect relations between people?» she says.

«And in what ways do these measures change society in the long run? Here we can learn a lot from history.»

Translated by Cathinka Dahl Hambro

Tuesday, March 15, 2022

EMOTIONAL PLAGUE
Football violence pandemic spreads in Latin America


Rodrigo ALMONACID
Mon, March 14, 2022


The violence between visiting Atlas supporters and home fans in Queretaro drew global attention (AFP/STR)

A string of outbreaks of violence, several deadly, suggest that fan unrest in Latin American football is spiralling out of control.

Images of a mass brawl at a game in Mexico on March 5 that left 26 seriously injured, and led to 14 arrests went viral and attracted added attention because the country is set to co-host the 2026 World Cup with the USA and Canada.

On the same evening there were savage attacks beside a stadium in Palmira, just outside the Colombian city of Cali between America and Deportivo Cali fans.

The next day, a man was shot dead in a confrontation between fans of Atletico Mineiro and Cruzeiro in Brazil.

While academics who study the issue say that the end of coronavirus restrictions, which have been blamed for increases in violence in French and English football, is a factor, there are underlying problems that are being inadequately addressed by authorities.

"There is no way to end violence in football, that should be very clear," Heloisa Reis, a professor at the Unicamp University of Sao Paulo told AFP.

"But it can be reduced. For that, a very comprehensive public policy is needed," said Reis, the author of a book about the problem.

Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru have enacted laws to quell excesses by punishing hooligans with jail or even cancelling sporting events.

Some of these initiatives replicate steps in Europe to control hooligans, such as biometric identification or video surveillance in and around stadiums.

- 'Toxic masculinity' -


After the riot in Queretaro, Mexico banned travelling fans from games, a measure used in Argentina, Brazil and Colombia, and questioned by experts because, they argue, the fans still travel and the violence moves to the streets.

Despite their best efforts the death toll remains huge: 157 in Brazil between 2009 and 2019, 136 in Argentina in the last 20 years and at least 170 in Colombia between 2001 and 2019.

"The great failure of the policies adopted is that they focus exclusively on the security component," says sociologist German Gomez, a researcher at the Colombian Association of Sports Studies.

Specialists agree that measures tend to ignore academic studies or social background frustrations stemming from unemployment, inequality or drug and alcohol consumption.

Reis argues the root of the problem is "toxic masculinity".

Football matches provide an arena for competition between men to gain power over rivals, especially on their own territory, through physical force.

Reis advocates public policies focused on the education of men but she is not optimistic.

"We have lived under male domination for centuries. The male values reproduced are domination, strength, courage. Is there a prospect of ending that? There is not," she said.

Specialists and fans perceive an increase in violence since covid restrictions ended and fans returned to the stadiums.

"These are the consequences of such a prolonged confinement, in which people when they return to a public event have a need to break out of that confinement," said Gomez.

In Brazil, at least nine incidents have been reported since February 12, including the shooting dead of a Palmeiras fan and the stoning of team buses, in which players were injured.


Wednesday, March 17, 2021

Atlanta shootings: Police say gunman may have wanted to purge sex addiction

"[The gunman] made indicators that he has some issues, potentially sexual addiction," one investigator said Wednesday.

LITTLE MAN SUFFERS FROM EMOTIONAL PLAGUE 
OF MISOGYNY AND RACISM ALL ELSE IS EXCUSING HIMSELF
https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=EMOTIONAL+PLAGUE

Deputies with the Cherokee County Sheriff's Office are seen Tuesday evening at a massage parlor in Acworth, Ga., where four people were killed by a gunman who also attacked two similar businesses in the Atlanta area. Photo courtesy Cherokee County Sheriff's Office/Twitter



March 17 (UPI) -- Investigators said Wednesday that a man accused of shooting eight people dead at three massage parlors in Atlanta admitted a sex addiction and said he didn't specifically target Asian Americans at the businesses.

Police captured Georgia resident Robert Aaron Long after a manhunt on Tuesday night after the attacks at the massage parlors, which occurred within a short period of time and within close proximity. Eight people were killed and a few others were injured in the shootings.

Cherokee County Sheriff Frank Reynolds told reporters Wednesday that Long, 21, went on the shooting spree only hours after he obtained his 9mm handgun. He also said Long, who was arrested in Crisp County 150 miles south of Atlanta, has confessed to the attacks and said they were not racially motivated.

"During his interview, he gave no indicators that this was racially motivated," Reynolds said in a report by the Atlanta Journal Constitution. "We asked him that specifically and the answer was no."

Sex addiction played a role in the shootings, authorities added, because Long often frequented massage parlors and wanted to eradicate a behavioral habit he was trying to break.

"Yesterday was a really bad day for him and this is what he did," Cherokee County Capt. Jay Baker said in the AJC report.

"He made indicators that he has some issues, potentially sexual addiction, and may have frequented some of these places in the past. We still have a lot of things to process."

Long is scheduled to be arraigned on murder charges Thursday. It wasn't immediately known whether the handgun used in the crimes was obtained legally.

ANOTHER PROUD BOY

Investigators say Robert Aaron Long has confessed to the shootings at all three massage parlors, which killed eight people. Photo by Crisp County Sheriff's Office/EPA-EFE
BY ANY OTHER NAME

The Cherokee County Sheriff's Office identified four of the victims Wednesday who were shot at the parlor in Acworth, Ga. -- Delaina Ashley Yaun, 33; Xiaojie Yan, 49; Daoyou Feng, 44; and Paul Andre Michels, 54. Another person who was injured in the shooting there was listed in stable condition.


Six of the eight victims were of Asian descent and seven were women, details that spurred speculation that the attacks may be related to a wave of violence against Asian Americans in the United States over the past year related to the COVID-19 pandemic. Former President Donald Trump often refers to the coronavirus as the "China virus," and has even called it "Kung Flu," simply because it was first observed in Wuhan, China.

President Joe Biden has been in contact Wednesday with U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland and FBI Director Christopher Wray about the attacks. The bureau is involved in the investigation, as it may represent a hate crime.

White House press secretary Jen Psaki said Wednesday Biden was being briefed on the shootings and the president said he would address the attacks publicly on Wednesday afternoon.

"It is tragic. Our country, the president and I and all of us, we grieve for those lost," Vice President Kamala Harris told reporters Wednesday. "This speaks to a larger issue, which is the issue of violence in our country and what we must do to never tolerate it and to always speak out against it.

"But I do want to say to our Asian American community that we stand with you and understand how this has frightened and shocked and outraged all people."

At a ministerial security conference in South Korea on Wednesday, Secretary of State Antony Blinken denounced the shootings and said that such attacks have no place in the United States or any other nation.

Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms told reporters Wednesday that investigators believe Long may have been on his way to Florida to carry out more attacks when he was captured.

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