Friday, May 01, 2020

Armed (WHITE) Gunmen Enter Michigan Capitol Building Demanding End to Coronavirus Lockdown

On Wednesday a state court ruled that Michigan's stay-at-home order does not violate constitutional rights.
COMMON DREAMS


(CD) — The movement against public health measures designed to stave off the coronavirus pandemic escalated on Thursday as armed gunmen were among those who stormed the Michigan state house and tried to enter the legislative chamber.

The protesters entered the building after holding a small rally outside the State House in Lansing, calling for an end to Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer’s stay-at-home order in accordance with guidance from public health experts due to the coronavirus pandemic.


Multiple armed gunmen storm Michigan’s State House, State police are protecting @GovWhitmer and blocking the gunmen from gaining access to the house floor.
This is America in the age of Trump. pic.twitter.com/tLWR2bvjtR
— Rob Gill (@vote4robgill) April 30, 2020

The so-called “American Patriot Rally” was organized by the recently-formed group Michigan United for Liberty and came two weeks after a similar protest dubbed “Operation Gridlock” created a traffic jam outside the government building.

Some demonstrators on Thursday wore “Make America Great Again” hats, while others carried firearms into the Capitol building. It is legal to carry a visible weapon in Michigan.

“You aren’t allowed to bring in posters to the Michigan State Capitol, but you can bring guns and rifles,” wrote progressive activist Linda Sarsour.

The protesters demanded to be let into the state House chamber, where the Republican-controlled legislature was debating an extension of Whitmer’s emergency order, which is due to expire at the end of the day Thursday. The lawmakers eventually adjourned without extending the order.


Democratic State Senator Dayna Polehanki posted photos of armed men with long guns in the public gallery above the floor:

Directly above me, men with rifles yelling at us. Some of my colleagues who own bullet proof vests are wearing them. I have never appreciated our Sergeants-at-Arms more than today. #mileg pic.twitter.com/voOZpPYWOs
— Senator Dayna Polehanki (@SenPolehanki) April 30, 2020

(WHERE THE SENATORS WITH KEVLAR VESTS REPUBLICANS WITH ADVANCE KNOWLDEGE OF THIS ARMED PROTEST)
A number of progressive advocates noted that racial and economic justice demonstrations have been met with force in recent years, while the crowd of largely white and pro-Trump protesters was permitted to force their way into the Capitol building with weapons.

Can’t quite put my finger on why, but I’m pretty sure I’d get arrested for this. https://t.co/FpQBwpOlTn
— Kashana (@kashanacauley) April 30, 2020





I got tear gassed protesting right to work for less being passed in Michigan while completely unarmed and being completely peaceful.#1u https://t.co/jEJUj4tiS0
— Randy Bryce (@IronStache) April 30, 2020

This is outrageous and dangerous.

The “liberate” Michigan protest in Lansing just somehow got inside the statehouse.
I’ve seen countless activists on the left arrested for less, and that’s without carrying guns.
pic.twitter.com/lwGMs1x0eR
— Joshua Potash (@JoshuaPotash) April 30, 2020

The protest—during which one speaker compared the crowd to civil rights leaders including Rosa Parks and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.—came as the advocacy group Progress Michigan released poll results showing the majority of Michigan residents oppose protests like the American Patriot Rally and Operation Gridlock.

More than half of respondents said they trust Whitmer to handle the state’s response to the pandemic, while only 15% said they trust the state legislature and 24% said they trust President Donald Trump.

Only 25% supported the anti-Whitmer protests, and 56% opposed them.

“Once again, the polling shows that Michiganders support Gov. Whitmer’s commonsense, science-based handling of the COVID-19 crisis,” said Lonnie Scott, executive director of Progress Michigan. “Operation Gridlock protesters have made a lot of noise, but these numbers make it clear they’re only a very vocal minority of our state.”

The demonstration came a day after a state court ruled that Whitmer’s stay-at-home order does not violate constitutional rights.

“Our fellow residents—have an interest to remain unharmed by a highly communicable and deadly virus, and since the state entered the Union in 1837, it has had the broad power to act for the public health of the entire state when faced with a public crisis,” Court of Claims Judge Christopher M. Murray wrote.

By Julia Conley | CommonDreams.org | Creative Commons

Lost Knowledge

The Concept of Vanished Technologies and Other Human Histories

Series: 

Lost Knowledge: The Concept of Vanished Technologies and Other Human Histories examines the idea of lost knowledge, reaching back to a period between myth and history. It investigates a peculiar idea found in a number of early texts: that there See More

BRILL IS THE OLDEST PUBLISHING HOUSE IN EUROPE IN THE WORLD IN FACT
AND IT CHARGES OUT OF THIS WORLD PRICES FOR ITS BOOKS BECAUSE IT IS AN ACADEMIC PRESS

Lectures du Printemps (Sélections)


POST MODERN FASCISM OF THE SO CALLED RIGHT WING  TRADITIONALISTS REVIEWED BY A CATHOLIC TRADITIONALIST, BECAUSE YOU CAN'T BE A TRADITIONALIST WITHOUT BEING EITHER CATHOLIC OR ORTHODOX, OF COURSE FOR TRADITIONALISTS LIKE
EVOLA, AND HIS CONTEMPORARY THE MAD POET EZRA POUND THE REVIEWER OUTLINES THE RIGHT WINGS FETISH NOT WITH THE PAST BUT DESTROYING THE MODERN AND THE LEFT WHICH IS MODERNISM ITSELF
Evola Bow and the Club
Julius Evola (1898 – 1974), The Bow and the Club (in Italian, 1968; English translation by Sergio Knipe, 2018): Julius Evola gained notoriety with his Revolt Against the Modern World (1934), a trenchant book as apposite to the current phase of modernity in the 2020s as it was to the inter-war phase in whose midst it appeared.  Men among the Ruins (1953) and Ride the Tiger (1961) carried forward the analyses and conclusions of Revolt.  Evola’s authorship looms large, encompassing works major and minor.  A late entry in Evola’s bibliography, The Bow and the Club, which perhaps qualifies only as a minor one, anthologizes nineteen independent essays from the 1950s through the 1960s, rewriting them with some cross-references, so as to lend unity to their collocation.  “The Psychoanalysis of Skiing” illustrates Evola’s acumen in cultural analysis: Diversion although trivial can testify to the social condition and to the pervasive attitude.  Evola remarks the recentness of skiing as a popular sport even while casting doubt on its sportive status.  Whereas mountaineering, also recent, requires strength, courage, and skill, skiing, in Evola’s view, simply makes use of gravity.  One emphasizes the ascent – the other the descent.  The skier must, of course, ascend before he descends, but “the problem has been solved by building cableways, chair lifts, and sledge lifts that meet the real interest of skiers by effortlessly taking them up.”  The very mechanization of skiing ranks it, as Evola writes, “among those [activities] most devoid of any relation to the symbols of the previous world-view.”  Evola detects in skiing an essential passivity.  The thrill of the downhill run reflects the general “collapse and downfall” of the modern world, to which the skier gleefully submits.  Evola relates skiing to “naturism,” his word for nudism.  A demon of shamelessness indeed hovers over the piste.  The notorious hot-tubs of the Sierra-Nevada ski lodges, although they post-date Evola’s death, affirm his intuition.
The essay on “Subliminal Influences and Intelligent Stupidity” again explores the condition of spiritual non-being.  In a modern context, propaganda and advertising resemble gravity.  They exert an omnipresent pull that pulls down most people.  The program of ceaseless indoctrination perpetrated by the Left, and always by the Left, takes its most basic form, Evola asserts, in the fetishization of words.  Some words acquire the status of totems and others of taboos.  Words like democracy, socialism, work, sociality, and social justice belong in the totem category, functioning as praise; words like reaction, obscurantism, immobility, and paternalism belong in the taboo category, functioning as vilification.  Evola insists on the duplicity of the epithet reaction, which the Left transforms into “a synonym for abomination – as if, when certain parties ‘act,’ others should refrain from reacting and instead turn the other cheek like good Christians.”  The Left’s appropriation of the French engagé likewise irritates Evola: “The implication is that anyone who is not a leftist is not ‘engagé’ as a writer, intellectual, or man of action, but is rather frivolous, superficial, irresolute, lacking in vigour, and with no real cause to defend.”  In fact, “the only truly ‘engagé’ person is he who defends those higher ideals and transcendent aims that the leftist rabble… covers with contempt and disrepute.”  The Big-Sisterish gutting of language fosters “intelligent stupidity,” which ensconces itself in journalism and education.  Journalists and educators assume a posture of “nonconformism,” while conforming utterly to the institutional consensus.  Evola reserves his bitterest bile for criticism, a word that he isolates sanitarily in quotation marks.  “Generally speaking, ‘criticism’ should be seen as one of the scourges of modern culture.”  “Criticism” pretends to judge a legacy of the past that it could not, itself, create, which inspires its envy, and which it would excise.  Anyone who has any contact whatsoever with the professoriate will know precisely what Evola means.
“The Youth, the Beats, and Right-Wing Anarchists” refers to an earlier item in the sequence of The Bow and the Club, “The Negrification of America.”  In Evola’s estimate, the United States of America served as an early indicator for the degeneration of the West.  Besotted by the notion of democracy, a term that appears nowhere in the Constitution, wholly de-spiritualized, attracted because of the absence of refinement and nobility to debasement and vulgarity, America pioneered the jejuneness of total commercialization.  When the loss of high culture deprived people of a healthy orientation at the first degree, the non-nourishing character of low culture provoked confusion at the second degree.  Social phenomena like the Beatniks and Hipsters represent that second degree of mental befoggedness.  The subject vaguely guesses that something has gone lacking, not only in society, but in himself, but he cannot discern what.  The Beatniks and Hipsters instinctively reject society, but they seek asylum in libertinism rather than in discipline.  They naively buy into Leftist and non-Western tropes because these settle on their perplexity the ornamentation of intellectuality, but they nevertheless gravitate to the sensual and the orgiastic.  “There are reasons to believe,” Evola writes of the Beatnik’s alienated musical predilections, “that the identification with frenzied and elementary rhythms produces forms of ‘downward self-transcendence’ [and] forms of sub-personal regression to what is merely vital and primitive.”  Evola contrasts the American Beatniks and Hipsters with a portion of Italian youth, “who are rebelling against the socio-political situation in Italy while, at the same time, showing an interest in… the world of Tradition.”  One knows of the college-age Italian Marxists who agitated against social norms in the 1960s, as they did in France and elsewhere in Europe.  They culminated in the Red Brigades.  The Young Traditionalists to whom Evola refers seem to have disappeared without a trace.  They certainly have no counterpart in Twenty-First Century North America.  Whereas Beatnikism went extinct with Maynard G. Krebs, Hipsterism has risen zombie-like from the grave, taking as its new milieu the foetid soil of the Great Awokening.
Gadamer Relevance of the Beautiful
Hans-Georg Gadamer (1900 – 2002), The Relevance of the Beautiful and Other Essays (in German, 1967 & 1977; English translation by Nicholas Walker, 1986): Hans-Georg Gadamer while not so much as Evola, who claimed for himself the title, conforms to the pattern of a Traditionalist.  He insisted on the relevance of Western Civilization’s classical foundation to its modern phase – and he recognized the distortions in that modern phase.  Gadamer lived through the same events, after all, as Evola, but his rhetorical approach differs from that of the Italian, being less polemical and more dedicated to finding ways in which some portion of modernity might be assimilated to the classical episteme and thus redeemed.  The essays on beauty that Relevance brings together serve Gadamer’s agenda.  In the title-essay, Gadamer investigates art, the creative expression of beauty, through the concepts of play, symbol, and festival.  Introducing the essay, Gadamer rehearses the history of aesthetics beginning with Plato and including Immanuel Kant, G. W. F. Hegel, the Romantics, and the Twentieth-Century justifications of non-representational painting and non-tonal music.  Gadamer validates Plato for insisting on beauty’s transcendence, but he regards Plato and Kant as defining beauty in too static a way.  Gadamer credits Hegel for remarking the historicity hence also the temporality of art.  The appreciation of beauty has for Gadamer an inherent memoriousness, by whose invocation he rescues the Platonic anamnesis into his own theory despite his criticism of staticity.  While “the beautiful fulfills itself in a kind of self-determination and enjoys its own self-representation,” it also reminds its witnesses of a truth that they once knew but tend to forget.  Beauty in art is self-determining because it is play.  In play, reason “sets the rules” for “non-purposive” yet meaningful activity.  Beauty in art is symbolic because it is anamnetic.  Gadamer restores the etymon of the term “symbol”: The tessera hospitalis or symbolon by means of which host and guest after a temporal hiatus ritually recognize one another.  Beauty in art corresponds to the festive because its special time, as imbued with the sacred, lies outside profane time and because it is communal.  “A festival,” Gadamer writes, “is an experience of community and represents the community in its perfect form.”
Lest elements of the foregoing appear contradictory, for Gadamer the beauty of art exists in time and yet reserves its essence outside time.  The problem of modern art beguiles Gadamer because he can see that the sedition of non-representational painting and non-tonal music consists in a narcissistic rejection of the past arising from the intimidating awe of excellence in its persistence.  The modern artist reacts against the communion inherent in producing the tessera hospitalis.  He rejects the host-guest bond and refuses the festive occasion, in which, as in gift-giving, society obliges everyone to participate.  In the classical or medieval festum, moreover, not only does the living community come together, but the spirits of dead make themselves known too.  In disdaining tradition, which the ancestors gift upon the present and which festivity celebrates, a self-conscious (but is that the word?) modernity commits the sacrilege of scorning the dead.  Such scorn violates the ethical unity of past and present on the basis of which, through memory, consciousness arises and endures.  In the essay that follows “The Relevance of the Beautiful,” Gadamer returns to the topic of festivity.  “The Festive Character of Theater” owes something to arguments that classicist Jane Harrison makes in her Ancient Art and Ritual (1913), which emphasizes not only the sacred origins of drama, but of all artistic genres.  “A festive occasion,” Gadamer writes, “is always something uplifting which raises the participants out of their everyday existence and elevates them into… universal communion.”  Festivals have a theurgic quality, such that “all cultic ceremony is… creation.”  The typical modern drama, aiming not at communion but at alienation, displays the same willful disrelation to the past as non-representational painting and non-tonal music.
Gadamer believed it possible to overcome modernity’s self-isolation in novelty-for-its-own-sake or in ugliness as the substitute for beauty.  In 1967 or 77 such a prospect might have loomed above the horizon.  In the age of the Dead White Male, of pulling down statues and veiling portraits, that prospect has retreated out of sight.  The “cutting edge” has everywhere revealed itself as the homicidal metaphor that it always was.  But because of his bright view, Gadamer continues to beckon – all the more so – due precisely to the onset of a new Götterdämmerung.  Take the essay on “Aesthetic and Religious Experience” where he concerns himself with the tenacious unity of “the eminent text” in poetry and theology.  Gadamer’s “eminent text” consists in writing that functions other than as a representation of oral utterance and that claims truth and invites faith.  He gives the example of Hesiod’s Theogony.  Hesiod’s poem can only be apprehended through the readerly eye, with much back-scanning; not through the ear.  In Hesiod’s proem, reporting the encounter with the muses that impelled his bardic career, those deities affirm that they can convey both truth and falsehood.  How then to assess Hesiod’s purportedly truthful validation of Olympian order?  One must measure the likelihood of the tale, judge the coherence of its details, and choose.  Religion penetrated all ancient activity, poetry included.  The modern arts separate themselves from religion, even radically.  Gadamer writes that, “This does not mean that religious content ceases to be communicated through poetry…  Nor does it mean that religious texts cannot have a poetic-literary aspect that marks them off from other religious texts.”  He cites “passages in the New Testament with a densely wrought narrative quality,” a textual eminence that gives a sign to the attentive subject.  Gadamer nevertheless concedes that under “the radicality of the Enlightenment… religion itself is declared to be redundant and [is] denounced as an act of betrayal or self-betrayal.”
Slonimsky Lexicon of Musical Invective
Nicolas Slonimsky (1894 – 1995), Lexicon of Musical Invective – Critical Assaults on Composers since Beethoven’s Time (1953): Nicolas Slonimsky, St. Petersburg born, became an émigré to the U.S.A. in the aftermath of the Bolshevik insurrection in Russia.  Admitted to the St. Petersburg Conservatory before adolescence, having been examined by none other than its director Alexander Glazunov, Slonimsky looked forward to a life in Russian high-musical tradition as a keyboard virtuoso and dirigent.  Instead, in gigs in New York, Massachusetts, and California, he became the preeminent musicologist of his era, a conductor of avant-garde compositions by Charles Ives, Edgar Varèse, Henry Cowell, and others, a writer, raconteur, humorist, lecturer, and to all who knew him, a man of extraordinary geniality and magnanimity.  For five decades he wrote and edited the successive editions of Baker’s Biographical Dictionary of Composers and Musicians, a monumental task.  His Thesaurus of Scales and Melodic Patterns (1947) inspired many a composer, not least the eccentric Frank Zappa, who became a close friend.  In his Lexicon, Slonimsky, by dint of assiduous research in newspaper morgues, compiles an encyclopedia of cutting and acidulous words penned by critics in their responses to new compositions beginning with those of Ludwig van Beethoven in the early Nineteenth Century.  Slonimsky prefaces his assemblage with a brilliant essay on “The Non-Acceptance of the Unfamiliar.”  Slonimsky reveals his main criterion of selection in the opening paragraphs of his Introduction: “The music critics whose extraordinary outpourings are detailed here are not necessarily opinionated detractors,” but “many of them are men of great culture, writers of brilliant prose, who, when the spirit moves them, excel in the art of imaginative vituperation.”  Indeed, Slonimsky regrets a decline in “imaginative vituperation,” the rhetorical virtuosity of which he relishes.  When, after a lengthy series of taped interviews, a diffident young man proffered him a copy of the Lexicon to sign, he wrote: “For Tom Bertonneau, with best wishes for more and better invectives – Los Angeles, March 25, 1977.”
Beethoven’s first auditors, inculcated musically in the Eighteenth-Century formalities of “Papa” Haydn and Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, experienced much difficulty in according themselves to an enlarged compositional scheme and, as it seemed to them, harmonic aberrations.  Writing in Der Freimütige, Vienna, September 11, 1806, August von Kotzebue reported that, “Recently there was given the overture to Beethoven’s opera Fidelio, and all impartial musicians and music lovers were in perfect agreement that never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic, and ear-splitting produced in music.”  In the Harmonicon, London, July 1825, an anonymous reviewer described the Ninth Symphony as “a composition in which the author has indulged in a great deal of disagreeable eccentricity.”  The reviewer declared of the symphony that, “we cannot yet discover any design in it.”  A column in Musical World, London, March 1836, comments without specifying the work: “Beethoven mystified his passages by a new treatment of the resolution of chords, which can only be described in words by the term, ‘resolution by ellipsis,’ or the omission of the chord upon which the discordant notes should descend.”  Johannes Brahms fared little better with his first audiences.  According to the Boston Evening Transcript, January 4, 1878, “In Brahms’ First Symphony there appears to be a large quantity of mere surplusage, a strenuous iteration and reiteration, after the manner of one who is unable to utter his thought once and for all.”  On February 25, 1904, writing in the Boston Daily Advertiser, Louis Elson wrote of Claude Debussy’s Afternoon of a Faun that, “The faun must have had a terrible afternoon, for the poor beast brayed on muted horns and whinnied on flutes, and avoided all trace of soothing melody, until the audience began to share his sorrows.”
Slonimsky points out in his Introduction that ill-disposed music-journalists like to invoke the Chinese language or the caterwauling of felines in heat to characterize music that falls chidingly on their ears.  In 1910 the critic H. T. Finck condemned one of Richard Strauss’s tone poems, by charging that, “Strauss lets loose an orchestral riot that suggests a murder scene in a Chinese theater.”  A musical Philadelphian with strong prejudices denounced Arnold Schoenberg’s Violin Concerto (1936) as assaulting his ears like “a lecture on the fourth dimension delivered in Chinese.”  As Slonimsky writes, “the Mozart-loving Oulibicheff heard ‘odious meowing’ and ‘discords acute enough to split the ear’ in [Beethoven’s] Fifth Symphony.”  Slonimsky devotes long sections to Schoenberg, Alban Berg, Anton Webern, and Igor Stravinsky.  The seventy years since the first publication of the Lexicon fail to uphold the universal applicability of its author’s thesis that the  ear invariably catches up with the score.  While the Viennese trio still have advocates, mostly in the academy, the musical public has not done for them what it eventually did for Beethoven, Brahms, Strauss, and Mahler.  Stravinsky, in whose early period the extravagances of the Russian folkloristic style effloresce, differentiates himself from his Teutonic contemporaries.  His Firebird (1910), Petroushka (1911), and Rite of Spring (1913) will draw contemporary audiences although in their day they drew mostly contumely, an example of which explains Slonimsky’s delectation in Schimpf.  In the Boston Herald, February 9, 1924, after a performance of the Rite, these verses appeared:
Who wrote this fiendish Rite of Spring,
What right had he to write the thing,
Against our helpless ears to fling
Its crash, clash, cling, clang, bing, bang, bing?”
After an intervening quatrain, the versifier concluded with this couplet:
He who could write the Rite of Spring,
If I be right, by right should swing!
A useful “Invecticon” follows the sample reviews, with such entries as “Broken China,” “Epileptic Convulsions,” “Tipsy Chimpanzee,” and “Volcano Hell.”  Each entry sends the reader to the pertinent composer or composers.
Steampunk
Jay Strongman (birth date nowhere listed – but a good guess, mid-1950s): Steampunk – The Art of Victorian Futurism (2011): Wikipedia having omitted to dedicate a page to “Jay Strongman,” difficulty attends the attempt to identify him – to discern, for example, when he was born or where he currently domiciles.  Various websites ascribe to him a career as a “DJ,” or disc-jockey, but whether on radio or in discotheques remains unclear.  “Strongman” has authored at least one book, the title under discussion here.  The counter-cultural eccentricity known as Steampunk offers itself as less fugacious than the man who writes about it.  It goes back proximately to a set of genre novels of the 1970s and 80s.  Michael Moorcock’s The Warlord of the Air (1971), The Land Leviathan (1974), The Steel Tsar (1981) take place in a retro-world of the early Twentieth Century where the steam technology of the Victorian and Edwardian Ages have perfected themselves, thereby preempting the emergence of the proper electrical and internal-combustion technology of the Twentieth Century.  In The Warlord of the Air, for example, the British Empire dominates the world not by its ocean-going Royal Navy, but domination of the airways using armed dirigible airships.  William Gibson and Bruce Sterling’s Difference Engine (1990) assumes a similar milieu.  But to assert that these writers conjured Steampunk out of the blue is not quite accurate.  They wrote on the basis of two authorships, that of Jules Verne and that of H. G. Wells, that extrapolated existing technology into its then future development and application.  Verne’s 20,000 Leagues under the Sea (1869) and Wells’ War in the Air (1906), with their submarine vessel and War Zeppelins respectively, established a template for Moorcock and Gibson-Sterling to exploit.  Steampunk consolidated itself under that name, however, decades after the appearance of The Warlord of the Air and The Difference Engine.  Steampunk emerged as a subdivision of the “cosplay” or costume-play associated with comic book conventions in the late 1990s.  The color and structure of Victorian and Edwardian attire makes a good antidote to the blandness of modern dress.
Strongman acknowledges the motivating nostalgia of Steampunk.  “Like Neo-Victorianism, which preceded and then paralleled it,” Strongman writes, “Steampunk is… a form of escapism – a yearning for a simpler time, a period in which there was little doubt that the future, with technology’s help, was going to get better and brighter.”  Strongman adds how “there is also a longing for an age in which machines were awe-inspiring steam-powered engines and magnificent clockwork mechanisms of gleaming brass, polished wood and shining steel – so unlike today’s bland boxes of micro-chips, grey plastic and hidden, integrated circuits.”  The devices and the attire go together.  They suggest a concern for formality and a fondness for ornamental detail that lifts things to a higher level.  Strongman discovers another origin of Steampunk when he points out that, “The dapper Edwardian gentleman was… the inspiration for the bowler-hatted John Steed in the innovative TV detective series The Avengers, which ran from 1962 until 1969.”  Haberdashery and engines came into prominent display in films such as The Wild Wild West (1999), derived from the 1960s television series; and The League of Extraordinary Gentlemen (2003), by which time the moniker Steampunk had organized itself.  Strongman focuses The Art of Victorian Futurism on painting, illustration, sculpture, collages, and assemblies by contemporary craftsmen and creators. The imagery of Japanese illustrator Kazuhiko Nakamura (born 1961) both typifies and accentuates the Steampunk vision.  Nakamura emphasizes the dystopian side of Steampunk that first presented itself in Gibson and Sterling’s novels.  Paul Guinan (birth-date nowhere listed – but a good guess, mid-1950s) injects humor and irony into his Boilerplate franchise.  Boilerplate is a steam-powered robot who undertakes adventures in the years around 1900.  He joins Teddy Roosevelt, for example, during the Cuban expedition.
One might recall Evola’s implied thesis in the essays of The Bow and the Club that even the trivial can produce a sign of the times.  Steampunk certainly ranks as a diversion, but its particular focus on the Victorians and Edwardians distinguishes it from purely contemporary fads.  The period from 1850 to 1914 was, after all, the period of the intact family, the paterfamilias, monarchy, sensible limitations on suffrage, and a pervasive sexual modesty, at least in the middle and upper classes.  The people of those eras did not suffer from the delusion that everyone should attend college, but they knew the value of training and apprenticeship.  That age honored people who acquired mechanical skills, like those who designed, built, maintained, and drove the great steam locomotives and the impressive ocean liners and dreadnaughts of late-Nineteenth Century travel, commerce, and national sovereignty.  The steam locomotive still exerts its fascination on many people.  In cities and towns across the continental U.S.A., when a steam locomotive, restored to operation, makes an appearance at the local, mostly disused railroad station, crowds will turn out.  The locomotive will be pulling a suite of passenger cars, their original appointments meticulously refurbished.  Unlike the diesel-electric freight-puller, the steamer possesses dignity.  The cars of its passenger train will not be covered by obnoxious, gang-related graffiti, as are the ugly boxcars and tankers of the freight assembly.  Fathers will bring their school-age sons to see the steamer. The event will exhibit the characteristics of a festival.  It is highly unlikely that a gaggle of feminists will be among the onlookers.  Hipsters, Greens, and the other members of the phony heterogeneity have other things to do.
[I dedicate the dozen foregoing paragraphs to my friends, the parents and children of the Flanders family.]
The Allure of Lemuria

I recently set my freshman composition students the task of writing an essay based on each writer’s choice of a topic from a list of two hundred topics. I urged especially that writer-respondents to the assignment should strive to find interest in whatever topics they might select and that they should seek to discover the meanings in their topics. To prove that it could be done, I wrote the following essay on one topic from my own list – “Lemuria.” I append my list at the end of the essay. (TFB)
The poet and fantasist Clark Ashton Smith (1893 – 1961) wrote of “enormous gongs of stone” and of “griffins whose angry gold, and fervid / store of sapphires [were] wrenched from mountain-plungèd mines,” which exist in a long-lost provenance, inaccessible except in dreams or by ecstatic witness.  Contemplating the vision, and beseeching the reader in his opening line, the monologist of Smith’s sonnet asks the portentous question, “Rememberest thou?” Ah, remembrance! Plato’s “unforgetting”! Smith called his poem “Lemuria,” after the fabled counterpart in the Pacific Ocean of Plato’s Atlantis, the legendarily unfortunate continent, home to a high but wayward civilization, which vanished beneath the waves in a great and world-implicating catastrophe some ten thousand years ago and more. The traces of Atlantis are such geographical entities as the Canary Islands, the Azores, and the submerged Mid-Atlantic Range. Lemuria’s fragments, as enthusiasts purport, are the scattered atolls, their enigmatic monuments, as at Ponape or Easter Island, and a tissue of myth that the poetic sensibility might cherish, but that stern rationality gruffly and aggressively dismisses. Rational or not, plausible or not, the “Legend of Lost Lemuria,” like the “Story of Atlantis,” speaks to a need – or rather to a gnawing hunger – that afflicts the modern soul: To believe in the fabled, in the scientifically unsanctioned, and in the remoteness-cum-greatness of a past age that mocks the modern pretension of self-sufficiency. The allure of Lemuria, like the allure of Atlantis, responds to the vapidity and parochialism of the rational world’s priggish self-perception.
Clark Ashton Smith
Lemuria is supposed to be as old as Atlantis (the measure of its age varies from author to author), but, as a story, it is newer than Atlantis. The story of Atlantis, the island-continent beyond the Pillars of Hercules whose people, grown decadent and greedy, attempted world-conquest only to suffer heavenly chastisement in a cataclysm that obliterated them and their homeland, goes back to Plato (428 – 347 BC). In Plato’s linked dialogues Timaeus and Critias, the Legend of the Sunken Continent figures centrally. Plato offers the Atlantis narrative as a “likely story,” whose meaning is largely symbolic and whose imagery the reader should take care not to interpret literally. Nevertheless, the tendency since Plato, especially in the Late-Nineteenth Century and again in the early Twentieth Century, was to take it literally. Lemuria only becomes a topic in the Nineteenth Century, a proposal of zoologists and ethnographers seeking to explain uniformities in the zoology of the Pacific archipelagos and in the myths and legends of their people.
De Camp
According to L. Sprague de Camp (1907 – 2000), writing in Lost Continents (1948; revised 1970), the Nineteenth Century German biologist Ernst Haeckel (1834 – 1919) speculated in the 1880s about the “distribution of lemurs,” sub-primate creatures that appear “in Madagascar… in Africa, India, and the Malay Archipelago.” Lemurs must have originated, Haeckel thought, somewhere between these places, perhaps on a now-submerged “Indo-Madagascan Peninsula.” As de Camp reports, “The English zoologist Philip L. Sclater suggested the name ‘Lemuria’ for this land bridge.” According to de Camp, Haeckel himself “in a burst of exuberance… went on to suggest that this sunken land might be the original home of man.” Haeckel’s suggestion took fire in wilder imaginations because in the 1881 the Atlantis story had gained popularity in a book by the American Ignatius T. Donnelly (1831 – 1901), his Atlantis – the Antediluvian World. Donnelly, seeking to explain cultural similarities in the Old and New Worlds, had invoked Plato’s mid-Atlantic continent as the native ground of human civilization.
The Donnelly-theory of Atlantis soon found favor with observers curious about widespread cultural similarities in the Pacific, who transferred the reasoning of The Antediluvian World to a new environment. The occultist Helena P. Blavatsky incorporated both Atlantis and Lemuria in her encyclopedic Secret Doctrine (1888). De Camp remarks how Blavatsky’s artificial myth articulates, if rather incoherently, “a vast synthesis of Eastern and Western magic and myth about the seven planes of existence, the seven-fold cycles through which everything evolves, the seven Root races of mankind,” and other bits of baroque fantasy and delusion. In Blavatsky’s Theosophical speculation, Lemuria was the home-continent of an early “Root-Race” possessed of telepathic ability and clairvoyance, whose people corrupted themselves by experimenting in black magic and whose endeavors led to the break-up and submergence of their island. In Blavatsky’s version of history, Atlantis came after Lemuria, and represented a later stage in spiritual evolution.
Lemur of Madagascar
Donnelly had written of Atlantis, in a far more sober tone than Blavatsky, as a place that “once existed in the Atlantic Ocean, opposite the mouth of the Mediterranean Sea, a large island, which was the remnant of an Atlantic continent.” The Antediluvian World argued that Atlantis was “the region where man first rose from a state of barbarism to civilization,” and that when it sank, “a few persons escaped in ships and on rafts, and carried [with them] to the nations east and west the tidings of the appalling catastrophe, which has survived to our own time in the Flood and Deluge legends of the different nations of the old and new worlds.” James Churchward (1851 – 1936), less sober than Donnelly but less fantastic than Blavatsky, wrote copiously about Lemuria, which he called “Mu,” in the 1920s and 30s. Among Churchward’s titles are: The Children of Mu (1931), The Lost Continent of Mu – Motherland of Mankind (1931), and Cosmic Forces of Mu (1934). As Donnelly argued about Atlantis, so Churchward argued about “Mu”: It was the Ur-Civilization, a high Bronze-Age society, which ended in catastrophe and in the Diaspora of its survivors. In The Lost Continent, Churchward wrote: “The civilizations of India, Babylonia, Persia, Egypt and Yucatan were but the dying embers of this great past civilization.”
The context of these seemingly outrageous claims should be taken in consideration. The second half of the Nineteenth Century saw remarkable discoveries in archeology. Fabled places long thought to be purely legendary or fantastic exposed themselves to the digger’s spade. Most famously at the hill called Hissarlik in Northwestern Turkey, Heinrich Schliemann (1822 – 1890) in 1876 revealed the existence of a late-Bronze-Age city that he identified (and whose identification has long been certified) as the Troy of Homer’s epic poems The Iliad and The OdysseySir Arthur Evans (1851 – 1941) excavated the fabled Palace of King Minos at Knossos in Crete between 1900 and 1903. These and other events seemed, to many people, to confirm the reality of legend and folklore; at the same time, and by extension, they called into question the standing version of history. To discover Troy or Knossos was to pluck at many a stuck-up beard – a rare pleasure ardently sought after by a gadfly type of person. To validate Atlantis or Lemuria would be even better yet.
Spence 07
Central to any discussion of Lemuria as a pseudo-archeological fact is the authorship of the Scotsman, and Scots nationalist, Lewis Spence (1874 – 1955), better-known as a folklorist, an advocate of the case for Atlantis, but also, in two books, an exponent of the reality of the lost continent of the Pacific. In The Problem of Lemuria: The Sunken Continent of the Pacific (1932), Spence wrote of his surprise, on collating the evidence, that “the myth of Lemuria in its Polynesian form, and the Myth of Atlantis as told by Plato, have a common basis.” Spence wrote indeed of an “Atlantis culture-complex” that he had detected in archeology and myth, “from Spain to the Sandwich Island,” that is to say, Hawaii. The Problem of Lemuria, like the same author’s Problem of Atlantis (1924), marshals abundant geological, archeological, and mythological evidence to support the claim that the existing islands and cultures of the Pacific stem from a geologically and culturally unified, and very ancient, mid-oceanic landmass.
Some of Spence’s chapter-titles are: “Arguments from Archeology”; “The Testimony of Tradition”; “Evidence from Myth and Magic”; and “The Geology of Lemuria.” In the chapter on “The Catastrophe and its results,” Spence paints a tragic and awesome picture of a doomed people scrambling to save their society as the quite un-metaphorical ground-under-their-feet slips away into the salty abyss. Spence also paints the moral picture of a society that had fallen into the corruptions of avarice, arbitrary class-divisions, and various forms of practical wickedness, which undoubtedly exacerbated the natural catastrophe and perhaps even precipitated it. “That wholesale destruction of life occurred in certain areas we cannot doubt, having regard to the quite recent geological history of Japan, where earthquake has accounted for hundreds of square miles, and horrified beholders on vessels at sea have witnessed the collapse and engulfment into ocean of entire countrysides with their houses, farms, animals and populations complete.”
Smith Lemurian Idols
Here Spence in his own words reminds readers of another aspect of the allure of Lemuria, as well as of Atlantis, for both are stories of inescapable destruction that urge from the audience the emotions of pity and fear.
As for the moral contribution of the Lemurians to their own misfortune, Spence contents himself with citing myth, not bothering to dismiss it: “Man must not arrogate to himself the joys of heaven, or imitate its hauteurs” because “human profligacy [has] a direct and blighting effect on the powers and economy of nature.” If so-called primitive people believed that “the wholesale destruction of nations or countries” followed from the indignity of an “outraged deity,” who among modern people, the people who had murdered one another in the trenches in “The War to End War,” could sincerely gainsay the old idea? Indeed, a later book by Spence from 1943 bears the title Will Europe Follow Atlantis? The answer to the titular questions is, probably yes, but if not, then Europe bloody well ought to follow Atlantis, and the sooner the better.
De Camp writes that “Spence’s facts… turn out less impressive than they seem at first,” and dismisses him for “consider[ing] legends more reliable evidence of past changes in the earth’s surface than geology, despite the fact that to change a story he has heard is one of the easiest things for a man to do, while the rocks stay much the same from age to age.” Even conceding that Spence began sanely, de Camp argues, “his own critical sense seems to have declined with the years.” De Camp is especially vicariously embarrassed by Spence’s Will Europe Follow Atlantis? Martin Gardner (1914 – 2010) too in Fads and Fallacies in the Name of Science (1952) believes that while Spence began as “one of the sanest” lost-continent advocates, he later “became obsessed with what he thought was a parallel between the decadence of ancient Atlantis [and, of course, Lemuria] and the decadence of modern Europe.” In sum, as Gardner sees it, Spence was one more crank and Lemuria is nothing but crankiness.
Frank Lemuria
Despite so much skepticism, the idea of Lemuria as a fact persists. Frank Joseph, writing in The Lost Civilization of Lemuria – the Rise and Fall of the World’s Oldest Culture (2006), insists that “Lemuria undoubtedly did exist in the past… [and] was the birthplace of [the earliest] civilized humans” whose “mystical principles survived to influence fundamentally some of the world’s major religions.” Frank’s Afterword, “The Real Meaning of Lemuria,” begins with an epigraph from Spence on the decline of the lost continent (whether it be Atlantis or Lemuria) into decadence and unto “utter barbarism”; and  it ends with the declaration that “although her broken remains have lain at the bottom of the sea for the last twenty-three centuries, the Motherland’s spirit is alive in the folk memories and high spirituality of more than a dozen different peoples around the Pacific Rim.” Frank concludes summarily: “In this age where the unnatural is normal, nothing is too good for self-indulgence, and the Earth is pushed to the brink of ecological revolt, we need a different role model from our past.”
Smith Zothique
Frank, in 2006, calls for a “Return to Lemuria,” a phrase that attests the “allure” invoked in these paragraphs from the beginning. Prior voices anticipated Frank’s call by decades. Clark Ashton Smith, already mentioned, wrote at least a dozen “Lemurian” stories for his usual venue, Weird Tales, in the 1930s, only Smith renamed the foundered Pacific continent “Zothique” (as in the French, exotique). Smith, a correspondent and follower of H. P. Lovecraft, felt attracted to the Lemuria-myth because of the aura of decadence that hovered over it, but he relocated his disintegrating insula oceanica from humanity’s dim past to its gray doom in the twilight of the far future. Smith’s Lemurian stories – “The Empire of the Necromancers” (1932), “The Isle of the Torturers” (1933), “Necromancy in Naat” (1933), and “Xeethra” (1934) – depict the Lemurian decadence, as described by Spence and Scott-Elliot, but in the mode of the baroque fable and under the philosophical premises of the French Symbolist poet Charles Baudelaire’s verse-collection The Flowers of Evil (1857). The narrator of “The Empire” begins this way: “I tell the tale as men shall tell it in Zothique, the last continent, beneath a dim sun and sad heavens where the stars come out in terrible brightness before eventide.”
Beginning in the March 1945 number of the science fiction pulp magazine Amazing Stories, during the editorship of Raymond Palmer, items began to appear by one Richard Shaver (1907 – 1975) that Palmer declared in his editorial comments to be other than fiction. Shaver, an out-of-work welder who had been institutionalized in a psychiatric hospital, had experienced voices and out-of-body trances that convinced him, as the title of his best-known story phrased it, that I Remember Lemuria. Shaver’s stories of his past life in Lemuria, of the catastrophe that overwhelmed the Lemurian civilization, and of the subterranean survivors of that catastrophe, both benevolent and malevolent, dramatically increased the sales of Amazing until the appearance of the final installment of “The Shaver Mystery” in 1949. In Shaver’s stories, the Lemurian civilization is space-traveling and interplanetary; in this way the old myth absorbs the elements of science fiction.
Shaver I Remember Lemuria
Shaver’s stories link up with a putatively non-fiction book about Lemuria, W. S. Cervé’s Lemuria – Lost Continent of the Pacific (1931), which argues that a Lemurian colony persists in caverns under Mt. Shasta in Northern California. Even Santa Barbara, according to Cervé, is a remnant of Lemuria. Nerds over fifty who read science fiction in their youth might remember the “Thongor” stories of Lin Carter (1930 – 1988), prolific paperback-writer of genre fiction: The Wizard of Lemuria (1965), Thongor of Lemuria (1966), Thongor against the Gods (1967), Thongor in the City of Magicians (1968), Thongor at the End of Time (1968), and Thongor and the Pirates of Tarakus (1970). Carter writes, “Where now the Blue Pacific rolls a thousand miles without a break… there was once, in the dawn of the world, a mighty continent, thronged with glittering cities of marble and gold.” Each paperback installment of the series included a map of Lemuria, drawn by the author.
Science tells us that the world is stable, that progress is steady and assured, and that the present is the summit of humanity’s aspirations. The allure of Lemuria is to doubt all that.