Saturday, August 08, 2020

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Out of work and with families to feed, some Americans are lining up at food banks for the first time in their lives

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Christopher Wilson Senior Writer, Yahoo News•August 7, 2020

As tens of millions of Americans have lost jobs due to the coronavirus pandemic, food banks across the country say they are facing an unprecedented surge in demand, comparable to a hurricane hitting the entire country at the same time.

“I’ve been in food banking for 24 years, and in my tenure I’ve never seen such a dramatic increase in need literally overnight,” said Lisa Scales of the Greater Pittsburgh Community Food Bank, referring to the initial spike in distribution in March, when the shutdowns started.

Across the country, Americans who’ve never had to rely on food assistance before are turning to local organizations for aid. In July, the Census Bureau reported that nearly 30 million Americans said they didn’t have enough to eat in the prior week, a situation that is likely to worsen since the expanded unemployment insurance of $600 per week ended last month. Food banks across the country are bracing for both another spike in food insecurity and the fact that the effects of the pandemic are likely to last until 2021 and beyond.

A number of food bank employees compared the current situation to the Great Recession of the late 2000s in terms of both length of need and impact, as the normal practice of turning to other parts of the country for support in times of a natural disaster failed in the face of a nationwide calamity.

“The best way to describe it is, we were very active through Hurricane Harvey, which devastated Houston and the surrounding area, and this is way worse than that,” said Mark Brown of the West Houston Assistance Ministries, a large food pantry in the area. “I’ve never seen this level of community-wide desperation at such an extended level.”

Like any other organization, food banks faced their own impacts of the pandemic, which kept some infected workers and older volunteers home, and required changes in procedure to implement social distancing. They changed distribution methods, setting up drive-through or no-contact pickups and starting direct-to-door delivery while coping with supply chain problems. Staffers who were used to helping residents sign up for SNAP benefits in the field set up special phone lines to deal with the influx of applicants.

“We’re very concerned,” Scales said of the expiration of federal unemployment benefits, noting that her food bank had already seen a slight increase just in the last week. “We’re anticipating higher than normal need for the next year, year and a half.”

But there was also gratitude and pride in how communities have stepped up to help their neighbors, with donations pouring in despite hard times for so many Americans. Yahoo News spoke to food banks across the country about what the last five months have been like and how they’re preparing for another potential spike as benefits that have kept many afloat expire. Their comments have been edited for length and clarity.

Natalie Jayroe, Second Harvest Food Bank of Greater New OrleansIt’s been a sprint and a marathon. Here in Louisiana we’ve had our share of natural and man-made disasters over the last decade and a half, having been through [Hurricanes] Katrina and Rita and then Gustav and Isaac and then an oil spill and an economic recession. Yet for intensity this has been the equal of any of them so far.

First we had the schools close down, so we had children losing their free and reduced breakfast and lunch. Then we had seniors who could no longer go to grocery stores, we had people quarantining who we had to get food to, and then we had mandatory stay-at-home orders and the community shut down. That was a huge shock, so now you have a community full of people who are still here, who can’t go anywhere and have totally lost the ability to care for themselves and their families. Unemployment in New Orleans topped 50 percent at some points. With the cases going up, it’s frustrating to know we’re going to be in the acute phase of disaster response at least until the end of this year.
El Paso Baptist Association volunteers hand out boxes of food on July 17. (Joel Angel Juarez/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

When people start to find us and show up at the door in an industrial part of New Orleans, it means they’ve never needed food before and they don’t understand that there’s probably a church partner in their neighborhood that they can go to. So when we had so many people showing up that we couldn’t get our tractor trailers into the warehouse, when we started to have hundreds of cars waiting outside our door, we moved that distribution to Zephyr Field, which is our baseball stadium, and now we have more than 2,000 cars there once a week waiting for food distribution, and they’ll wait five hours, six hours.

We’ve had incredibly generous community support — we’re just really the funnel through which the community takes care of itself. I can’t say thank you enough to our local community. Normally when we have disasters like this, we’ll reach out to food banks in Florida, Texas and North Carolina, where they have hurricanes — we pay it forward, because people have supported us through the downtimes we’ve had — but right now the whole country is in the same boat, so it really comes down to a local community taking care of itself, and the people here have been so generous in taking care of each other. 

Cynthia Kirkhart, Facing Hunger Foodbank (Huntington, W.Va.)
It really feels like it’s been a year, when it’s been about five months. Even before West Virginia had diagnosed cases, we saw what was going to be coming and started ordering up food because we recognized that we would probably have a pretty significant increase. We currently serve about 129,000 people across 17 counties. West Virginia is a poor state in general, but the job loss we anticipated was going to increase our demand about 50 percent. When the pandemic came and the closures occurred, those estimates became true, particularly with the demand for child nutrition with schools closed.

We started seeing real delays in getting food, and the cost of that food started to really increase quite a bit. Where I buy thousands of pounds of ground beef, I never really had to pay beyond $2 a pound for it, and suddenly I was being faced with $4.87. So you can only imagine, for the families we serve or who receive SNAP benefits and are purchasing products through their retailers, lot of foods became cost-prohibitive and the benefits didn’t extend as far. We had families who were doing pretty good with managing their food budget that really had to come back to us for assistance because those dollars weren’t providing enough for the family.
New Yorkers in need receive free produce, dry goods and meat at a Food Bank for New York City distribution on July 30. (Michael Loccisano/Getty Images for Food Bank for New York City)

Things leveled off over the last month or so at about a 25 percent increase, as a lot of people overcame the challenge of getting their unemployment benefits. People got the supplemental assistance, so they were able to move forward with paying for bills and food. Now that those benefits have ended and the resolution of that is still pending, we’re expecting we’ll see an increase again. We’ve already had [to close] some of our pantries located in areas really hard hit by the virus, so we’re again challenged to go back into those communities and do mobile distribution, which is focused on safety for the food bank staff, our volunteers and those receiving the food.

I’ve been struck by how the Band-Aid we rely on to hold safety net services together has been ripped off with this pandemic. What were already really fragile systems have really been broken. I’m hoping we can continue the conversations about how we can better serve our seniors, how we can better serve our veterans and homeless population, and certainly how we can better serve our children, as many rely so heavily on those meals they receive at school.

Scott Young, Food Bank of Lincoln (Neb.)

We saw a real spike in rural need when the pandemic settled in. Since then we’ve seen a spike in Lincoln too, as unemployment has continued to escalate. People have not returned to jobs. I think a lot of us back in March thought this was a 60- or 90-day inconvenience we’d be dealing with, and as it dragged on we’ve learned and come to believe this is months and months to go yet. We’re planning on a month-to-month basis, but we’re planning on doing this model of our operation through New Year’s Day, and I fully anticipate we’ll be doing it into the spring of 2021. So when we talk about returning to normal, some of our staff members talk about “This is normal and we better get used to it.”

In Lincoln in 2019, we had 5,892 people on the unemployment rolls. In June of 2020 we had 13,326. So we’ve had an earthquake, demographically speaking, of newly unemployed people and households that are going to have more month than money. Nebraska, much to our relief, has one of the lowest unemployment rates in the country. In June we were seventh [lowest], so that’s a positive sign in a roundabout way, but if you’re one of those people who are unemployed it doesn’t matter. You still have the problem of poverty and food insecurity.

A line that has been repeated around the food bank often is people saying, “I hate that I have to do this,” in terms of going through a food line. We’ve heard from people who’ve said, “I used to donate to the food bank, and now all of a sudden I’m in your line,” and I think that’s a testament to the charitable food system and the importance of supporting it. So many of us are on a pretty precarious financial edge, our economic system has been revealed as pretty fragile during the pandemic, and a lot of people are paying a stout price for it.

Lisa Endl, Feeding America Eastern Wisconsin


We support 35 counties in Wisconsin, and during the pandemic period from March 1 to June 30 we distributed 11 million pounds of food, and that was an 85 percent increase over what we’ve done in years prior. It’s been a very strong increase, and we definitely anticipate that if the added unemployment benefits go away that increase is going to be even more.

About 40 percent of the people using pantries are using them for the first time ever. We’ve always known in our work that anyone is just one injury or one missed paycheck from relying on a pantry, and right now it’s just a huge influx. In 2019, in our service area of eastern Wisconsin, 1 in 10 people were food-insecure or didn’t know where their next meal was going to come from, and we anticipate by the end of 2020 that 1 in 7 people will be facing hunger, including an additional 77,000 children.

I was just speaking with one of our pantries that is in Milwaukee. It’s an inner-city church, and they typically just have people from that area come in once a month to pick up products. Now they’re seeing people from suburbs and outlying ZIP codes who are coming to them now for the first time, so their reach is growing as the need is growing.

Jocelyn Lantrip, Food Bank of Northern Nevada
We cover the whole northern part of the state, and we have a big surface area, about 90,000 square miles, and we were busy before the pandemic. Our monthly average, we’d serve about 91,000 people — we had a pretty significant issue with hunger already — and we saw a very staggering increase right after the shutdown. It was not unusual to approach 1,000 families at one distribution, and we had also been turning to drive-throughs and 147 partners to distribute food for us.

We saw a particular increase in our Mobile Harvest program, where we take fresh fruits and vegetables out to neighborhoods. Leading up to the crisis, we were helping about 8,900 people per month through that program. In April we helped 28,272 people. We’ve never seen numbers like this. April was our worst month — we helped 125,000 people overall. We saw a lot of people who had never received food assistance before, and they were confused and not really knowing what to do, and then we throw a bunch of other restrictions on how you can receive food. You’re in a drive-through distribution, you have to wait in a line and give your information, and the whole process is rattling to some.
Volunteers with boxes of food to take to a senior apartment building during a food distribution at Salem United Methodist Church in Shoemakersville, Pa., on July 15. (Ben Hasty/MediaNews Group/Reading Eagle via Getty Images)More

We saw somewhat of a leveling off in June, still higher than normal, but we really are expecting a huge spike next month if something doesn’t change with the benefits expiring. In our area, reported unemployment right now is about 24.9 percent. I was here during the recession and we were pretty busy during that time, but unemployment was about 14 percent. We’ve never seen anything like this, and for that many people to lose benefits we’re prepared to be very, very busy.

We’ve been trying to get as much food in the door as we can so we can be ready for August and what we might see in the next few months. No matter what happens, we’re expecting this to be a very long recovery, because we haven’t recovered from the last economic issue, at least low-income people haven’t. We’re not unique with this, but we’ve seen issues with the supply chain, as food that would take us a month will take three months or longer to get here. That’s been an issue just to stay ahead of it, so we’re really ordering food all the time. We’ve been fortunate at our food banks — we haven’t had to turn anyone away because we’ve run out of food.

Jennifer Caslin, Food Bank of Central & Eastern North Carolina

We have been purchasing more food than we normally would in the past. Normally we rely on donations. In March our purchase budget for food was $500,000, and we ended up spending $2 million. For funding, the community has really stepped up during this time — we’ve been comparing it to the Great Recession because it feels very much like that. People really stepped up to give us support throughout the recession even though they had less to donate, but they knew food was a huge need.

If the recovery doesn’t continue and those additional funds aren’t extended in some form, we do expect the levels of visits from folks to get closer to what they were right at the beginning of quarantine, when our agencies were distributing as much as 150 percent higher than in pre-COVID times. Our food finder on our website, where you can go find a partner agency near you to receive help, right at the beginning of the pandemic the traffic for that site increased by 1,500 percent. We’re definitely expecting it to go back towards those levels as long as there’s not that additional support for people who still can’t go back to work.
Residents in vehicles wait for food at a Kelly Center for Hunger Relief distribution site in El Paso, Texas, on July 17. (Joel Angel Juarez/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

There’s always the chance of a weather event, so that on top of a pandemic would be pretty devastating. Thankfully, it’s looking like Hurricane Isaias wasn’t as bad as it could have been, but we’re keeping our fingers crossed that we don’t get anything worse than that this summer. We’re prepared if we do, but certainly that could make things a lot worse for people anywhere that might be impacted by a weather event. 

Lori Long, Community Food Bank of Eastern Oklahoma

We drove to this real small town in northeast Oklahoma. I had never been there before, and it was a stereotypical small-town food desert. They had a convenience store and some kind of a dollar store. There were very limited nutritious and fresh options because the grocery store had closed. So we set up this distribution, we were blessed to have the National Guard assisting us, and we had about a three-hour distribution. I am not kidding you, there were cars lined up the entire main street of this little town waiting to come through.

I know one of the biggest things for us that we think is going to increase need, or at least keep it at the high level, is all of the school systems deciding to go virtual. We still have a couple of systems that haven’t decided yet, but the majority have decided to stay virtual, but our kids really rely on those school meals. The other thing is looking at industry-specific impact. For example, in Oklahoma we are a heavy oil and gas economy. We also have a significant aviation industry, and of course with travel not being where it’s been in the past, it impacts both of those industries, so that’s something locally we are seeing more.

Dave Krepcho, Second Harvest Food Bank of Central Florida

I hate to even think about [the expanded unemployment benefits expiring]. That’s going to cause an immediate increase. The theme parks have reopened on a small scale, but Disney has 70,000 employees. When they’re partially open that’s tens of thousands of people without a job. Then add Universal Orlando and the other theme parks like Sea World, and then the ripple effect to all the resorts, all the hotel rooms, all the restaurants, the rent-a-car companies.

We’re a convention town, and that convention center hires thousands of people to work there, so when that hits a community like this it’s devastating economically. Thank God the stimulus checks went out, and thank God the $600 has been around, but when that’s reduced — the jobs aren’t here. There’s some job training going on, but my goodness, those openings are so few and far between, so it’s going to take months — I’ve heard some economists project that it will take 24 to 36 months to fully get back as a community. So that $600, that’s golden for these folks, and that only goes so far.

On the flip side, what I’ve seen that’s a very positive thing, we started to see a pattern of $1,200 donations. A lot of people were attaching notes to these and saying, “My wife and I got our stimulus checks and we don’t need them as much as somebody else does. Please put this to work for us.” Things like that, the community’s generosity, is really heartwarming.



Putin’s Got Big Problems in Russia’s Provinces

Anna Nemtsova,
The Daily Beast•August 7, 2020
Peter Muhly/Getty

MOSCOW—The city of Khabarovsk, a sprawling, industrial metropolis about 5,000 miles east of the capital—the Bolsheviks turned it into a hub for serving Siberian prison camps, in the middle of nowhere by design—is about as far from the seat of Russian power as geographically possible. But it’s suddenly at the center of Russian politics these days.

For the past three weeks, thousands of people have come out daily in Khabarovsk to protest the country’s top-down rule, what President Vladimir Putin once called his “vertical of power. “Wake up, cities, our Motherland is in trouble,” protesters chanted in the rain one Friday evening. Banners that read, “Putin, you lost my trust!” and “Down with the Tsar!” floated above people’s heads.

Despite the Kremlin’s best efforts to hide them, problems have been bubbling up in Russia’s provinces, transforming local issues into the most dynamic arena for dissent, protest, and opposition in the country’s political system and fueling Russia’s version of post-lockdown unrest.

The arrest of Khabarovsk’s popular regional governor sparked the anti-Putin uprising that has drawn up to 60,000 people into the streets in this usually sleepy backwater. The arrested governor was a member of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, which had for years been loyal to Putin. Yet even the party’s leader, Vladimir Zhirinovsky, told The Daily Beast that the provincial protests could spread, as people are fed up with the lies and media manipulation in the Putin system.

“This is a genuine, wonderful, peaceful protest, but federal television channels do not cover them, and that offends people,” he said.

Millions of Russians are still watching the Far East rallies online. People are outraged by unemployment, corruption, pollution, and failing government. “For as long as we have a one-party system, you will have the Khabarovsk protests,” Zhirinovsky recently declared from the tribune of the State Duma. “I have suggested to them a long time ago to have at least two parties, but they want to have the majority,” Zhirinovsky told The Daily Beast about Putin’s United Russia party. Putin continues the tradition of single-party system that began under Lenin, Zhirinovsky said.

Two thousand miles away from Khabarovsk sits another provincial city, Norilsk, with its giant factory that is the source of a fifth of the world’s nickel and half of the precious metal palladium. Norilsk is the world’s northernmost city and also Russia’s most polluted; visitors stepping off a plane are greeted by air that leaves an unforgettable metallic taste in the mouth. But even by Norilsk’s own abysmal standards, this summer was a horrific one for the environment: Its factory, Norilsk Nickel, spilled hundreds of thousands of gallons of red-hued diesel fuel into what locals now call “rivers of blood.” The rain smells of chemicals.

The diesel fuel spill was caused by the collapse of a rust-covered storage tank at a heat and power plant on May 29. Local bureaucrats and the factory kept quiet about the disaster for two days as the red, oily rivers spread pollutants through the fragile tundra environment in what Greenpeace would later call the “biggest environmental catastrophe in the history of Russia’s Arctic.”

Authorities initially tried to hide the disaster, in the same way state television channels have attempted to ignore the protests in Khabarovsk. Russians only learned of the spill from social media.

Six weeks later, with still no word of any official reprimand for the spill, the factory dumped another round of toxic waste—this time, intentionally—right onto the tundra.

Two reporters from the independent paper Novaya Gazeta, Yelena Kostyuchenko and Yuri Kozyrev, had traveled to Norilsk after the spill to see the pollution with their own eyes. The reporters discovered a stream with orange bubbles and a lake covered in white foam, surrounded by dead trees. But it had nothing to do with the diesel spill.

“Two large pipes were pumping and dumping white toxic waste with a sharp chemical smell onto the tundra when we arrived,” Kostyuchenko told The Daily Beast. Novaya Gazeta’s report raised the alarm with local prosecutors and police, so the factory sent a bulldozer to quickly dismantle the pipes. Then, the bulldozer accidentally crushed a police car while backing up. Environmentalists witnessed a wild scene: A huge number of Norilsk Nickel’s security services were demolishing their factory’s pipes in front of police and officials from the emergency ministry and Russia’s natural resources regulatory agency, Rospotrebnadzor.

Meanwhile, some Russian politicians started to call for the Kremlin to take control of the factory—owned by the country’s richest oligarch, Vladimir Potanin—and nationalize it.

Potanin, a former member of the Communist Party, obtained the Norilsk factory on the cheap during the privatization of the 1990s. Since then, he’s seemed untouchable. After all, according to Kremlin-watcher Mikhail Zygar, the billionaire has always paid up for problems at the factory in the only currency that counts: loyalty to the Russian president. “People like Potanin are happy to pay for all [Putin’s] projects, for anything he ever wants,” said Zygar, author of All the Kremlin’s Men: Inside the Court of Vladimir Putin.

Soviet and post-Soviet bureaucrats have a long history of attempting to hide the truth about disasters from the public, no matter how deadly—most famously after the 1986 nuclear accident in Chernobyl. Last year, an experimental missile exploded in the Arctic, releasing radioactivity into the air, and the official reaction was silence. So, too, in the first days after the fuel spill.

Officials were even reluctant to break the bad news to Putin himself. “One has to earn the right to report bad news to Vladimir Vladimirovich,” said Sergei Markov, a political analyst close to the Kremlin. “It must have taken a few days before the decision-makers on various steps of power figured out who would be the one to break the news.”

On the fifth day after the fuel spill, four people lined up shoulder to shoulder to report the truth about the accident to Putin in an online meeting: the oligarch Potanin; Svetlana Radionova, the head of Rospotrebnadzor; Yevgeny Zinichev, the minister of emergency situations; and Viktor Uss, the Krasnoyarsk regional governor.

Zinichev told the president that “the event itself, the emergency situation, was localized on June 1. We have installed booms, so there is no development.” Radionova, in contrast, talked about “unprecedented” pollution. “We registered an increase by dozens of thousands of times,” after the diesel fuel spilled into the rivers, she told Putin.

Potanin was the last to speak. He promised to dip into his wealth and pay for the damage. The accident would cost “not a ruble from the state budget.” Putin wanted to know how much, exactly, the company was going to pay. The billionaire paused.

Putin pressed Potanin on how much money he was willing to pay to compensate for the damage. “Billions and billions” of rubles, or tens of millions of dollars, the oligarch finally told the president. “And how much does one reserve tank cost that you are going to replace now? If you replaced it on time, there would not have been such damage and such cost to the environment,” the president replied.

According to Forbes Real Time, which gauges wealth, in the weeks after the accident Potanin’s net worth dropped by more than $3.6 billion, but he is currently worth $23 billion, which still allows him the title of Russia’s richest man. The World Wide Fund for Nature has addressed an open letter to Potanin, calling him personally to “take the full responsibility” for polluting the Arctic.

But money for the clean-up aside, Potanin is unlikely to face real repercussions for the spill. Earlier this summer Putin’s inspector, Radionova, flew to Norilsk to calculate fines for the factory—but, according to Transparency International, she flew there on Potanin’s own Bombardier Challenger private jet, instead of taking a regular flight. Radionova has also been accused of corruption by the foundation of opposition leader Alexei Navalny, which revealed documents for luxurious real estate in Moscow and Nice that suggest Radionova is the owner. “Such wealth cannot be explained. It is so outrageous,” Navalny said in his report on YouTube, viewed by more than 3 million people.

Meanwhile, experts warn that Russia is ill-equipped to prevent another environmental disaster.

After the diesel spill, a member of the board of directors at Norilsk Nickel, Yevgeny Shvarts, admitted on a television talk show that the storage tank that had collapsed was the newest piece of equipment at his company. “This is terrifying: One of Russia’s richest companies considers a tank made in 1985 their newest piece of equipment. That means things are much worse than we thought,” the show’s host, Vladimir Slivyak, told to The Daily Beast.

He expressed concern that many other Russian factories are also storing diesel fuel in even older tanks: “Such accidents might take place any time.”

Read more at The Daily Beast.
UPDATES
Khabarovsk A Russian city IN SIBERIA 
another anti-Kremlin protest over detained governor

LONG LIVE THE BOURGEOIS DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION FOR DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM

Reuters•August 8, 2020


MOSCOW (Reuters) - About 3,000 people joined another march in the Russian far eastern city of Khabarovsk on Saturday in protest over President Vladimir Putin's handling of a local political crisis.

Residents of Khabarovsk, around 3,800 miles (6,110 km) and seven time zones east of Moscow, are protesting for a fifth consecutive weekend against the detention of Sergei Furgal, the wider region's popular governor.

Furgal was arrested on July 9 in connection with murder charges he denies.

His supporters say the detention is politically motivated. It has triggered weeks of street protests, creating a headache for the Kremlin facing a sharp drop in real incomes as a result of the coronavirus outbreak and trying to keep a lid on unrest as the economy stutters.


Regional authorities estimated around 2,800 people took part in the latest march, a smaller turnout than previous weeks.

Reuters images showed people marching with posters reading, "Give us back Furgal" and, "Away with the repressions".




Reporting by Maria Kiselyova; Editing by Mike Harrison)

 Khabarovsk. is the largest city and the administrative center of Khabarovsk Krai, Russia, located 30 kilometers (19 mi) from the Chinese border, at the confluence of the Amur and Ussuri Rivers, about 800 kilometers (500 mi) north of Vladivostok. 

https://russiatrek.org/khabarovsk-city

ARGUMENT


Normal Is Over for Russia’s Hinterland


The ongoing protests in Russia’s far east aren’t a one-off—they’re a preview of the future of the country’s periphery.





A woman carries a small Russian flag with the lettering reading "Freedom for Sergei Furgal", during an unauthorised rally in support of Sergei Furgal in the Russian far eastern city of Khabarovsk on Aug. 1.
A woman carries a small Russian flag with the lettering reading "Freedom for Sergei Furgal", during an unauthorised rally in support of Sergei Furgal in the Russian far eastern city of Khabarovsk on Aug. 1. ALEKSANDR YANYSHEV/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES

The Far Eastern Russian city of Khabarovsk, located just 19 miles from the Chinese border, was not incorporated into the Russian Empire until the mid-19th century. Imperial Russia’s control over its easternmost regions was always shaky: It’s hard to keep tabs on a place that lies thousands of miles away from the capital, across ancient forests and frozen rivers. Today, eastern Russia is poor and sparsely populated, a booming China is eager to exploit Russian lumber and other resources in the area, and the locals are restive, as evidenced by a series of major protests in Khabarovsk and neighboring cities over the past month.
Throughout Russia’s years under President Vladimir Putin, hot spots of resentment and anger have flared up now and then across the country. Protests in the provinces have tended to center on economic questions such as pensions, tariffs, and tolls, while more glamorous pro-democracy protests—the ones most likely to attract international attention—have been concentrated in Moscow. But bread-and-butter issues may have greater potential to unify a sprawling country, and more than one empire has fallen thanks to unrest in its hinterlands.
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The Khabarovsk demonstrations began after the July 9 arrest of the region’s governor, Sergei Furgal, who is accused of ordering four murders in 2004 and 2005. The people of Khabarovsk were furious at the arrest, which they viewed, quite reasonably, as a Kremlin plot against democracy. Pro-Furgal memes circulated online, a petition garnered more than 30,000 signatures, and in a city of just 600,000 people, tens of thousands came out to protest. There have been daily rallies, with major demonstrations every Saturday. Chants have included slogans such as “Our vote, our Furgal” and “Putin, resign.”
Furgal didn’t set out to become an opposition hero. Before going into politics in 2005, he ran businesses that managed lumber and scrap metal, two hypercompetitive industries in the Far East that are often connected to organized crime. (Local voters are willing to excuse a checkered past.) He was elected in 2018 in a surprise victory over the United Russia incumbent, Vyacheslav Shport. Then a long-serving member of the State Duma, Furgal didn’t even bother to think up a campaign slogan for his gubernatorial run. His billboards showed only his face and name, without even stating which position he was running for. But United Russia, Putin’s party, had so angered voters with its attempts to raise the retirement age that many voted for Furgal simply because he was the candidate of the Liberal Democratic Party, which opposed the change. Furgal virtually tied with Shport in the first round. Despite reported pressure from the Kremlin to drop out, Furgal remained in the race—though he did leave town during the runoff to avoid unduly influencing the results. He won 70 percent of votes in that second round. The Kremlin punished him by changing the Far Eastern Federal District’s capital from Khabarovsk to Vladivostok, and by opening an investigation against a former governor who had supported Furgal’s campaign.
This retaliation made Furgal a “symbol of popular resistance,” according to Meduza’s Andrey Pertsev. Furgal experimented with a new identity, joining protesters and criticizing United Russia officials. The Liberal Democratic Party swept the 2019 Khabarovsk elections, though Furgal again declined to campaign. Putin’s ratings in Khabarovsk fell, provoking further federal wrath. The authorities raided a firm linked to Furgal and arrested his ex-business partner on murder charges; the ex-partner then testified against him on murder charges from his scrap-metal career. Furgal’s days of freedom were numbered.
Wild though the Khabarovsk scrap-metal scene may have been, it seems that the charges against Furgal are bogus.
Wild though the Khabarovsk scrap-metal scene may have been, it seems that the charges against Furgal are bogus.
 An investigation by the independent paper Novaya Gazeta suggested that two of the murders of which Furgal is accused were not his doing, but were the result of a mafia conflict involving a man called “the Crab” and a food-cart business. A third charge doesn’t hold up to scrutiny, and the fourth murder, which was committed by Furgal’s driver, occurred spontaneously after a spat over a scrap-metal delivery.
So far, federal authorities have responded to the Khabarovsk protests with a mixture of soothing promises and mild punishment. Given the harsh treatment of protesters in Moscow—for instance, widespread arbitrary arrests during last summer’s protests over unfair city elections—the relatively gentle treatment of Khabarovsk marchers suggests that Moscow may find it harder or less desirable to bully citizens in far-flung places. Mikhail Degtiarev, the Liberal Democratic Party member of the State Duma who was appointed acting governor on July 20, told residents that Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin had pledged 1.3 trillion rubles ($17.9 million) in funding for Khabarovsk. (Degtiarev has never lived in Khabarovsk and keeps leaving town during the weekend protests, to the disgust of the demonstrators.) Degtiarev also promised to create a “People’s Council” that could communicate popular demands to the governor.
Degtiarev posted on Instagram about armed and dangerous protesters and has made suggestions about foreign incitement, but he has avoided decisive action against the movement. So far, two protesters have been arrested and sentenced to weeklong jail terms for organizing unsanctioned rallies, two have been fined, and a few more have been detained before protests or attacked by unidentified men. But for the most part, the Khabarovsk police have let the marches continue unhindered. The most recent Saturday march, on Aug. 1, was the smallest so far, perhaps because of heavy rain that day. But “small” is relative: There were about 10,000 people marching.
The highest-profile protests of the Putin era thus far have been the demonstrations from 2011 to 2013 against election fraud, which centered in Moscow and included famous writers and many members of Moscow’s cosmopolitan, well-educated creative class. In response to this movement, which threatened to become a Russian version of a Ukrainian-style “color revolution,” Putin and his administration attempted to pit the Moscow and St. Petersburg creative class against the supposed silent majority of the Russian provinces. The Pussy Riot show trial, for example, was part of an effort to portray Moscow protesters as blasphemous European-style hipsters who spat on the faith of ordinary Orthodox Russians. It was easy to stimulate resentment against Moscow privilege: After all, the government had been concentrating power and wealth there since the 1990s, making the city into a top-tier glittering international capital even as the provinces languished.
But the provinces haven’t been as silent as the Russian government might like. Over the past two decades, there have been a number of significant protests outside Moscow and St. Petersburg. These have often been linked to straightforward economic grievances—in particular to falling living standards and efforts to dismantle the Soviet-style social safety net, which many Russians still consider to be a basic right. In 2005, an attempt to switch from in-kind social benefits to cash payments prompted protests in a dozen Russian cities. Demonstrators blocked highways and railways and took over government buildings. In 2008, the riot police broke up a demonstration in Vladivostok against new tariffs on imported cars; from 2009 to 2010, Kaliningrad residents demonstrated against new vehicle tariffs, and eventually against their United Russia governor and Putin. Beginning in 2015, truckers organized a strike against a new toll road system, and from 2017 to 2018 there were anti-corruption protests across the country, led by anti-corruption activist and opposition leader Alexei Navalny. Anger against the 2018 proposal to raise the retirement age was not limited to Khabarovsk; it provoked protests in most of Russia’s major cities, and contributed to several significant losses for United Russia in the 2018 elections.



Polish police detain 48 people after LGBT protest

Reuters•August 8, 2020

Polish police detain 48 people after LGBT protest
LGBT supporters protest in Warsaw

WARSAW (Reuters) - Polish police said they detained 48 people after protesters tried to stop them arresting an LGBT activist accused of hanging rainbow flags over statues in Warsaw and damaging a pro-life campaigner's van.

Crowds of protesters shouting "Shame, disgrace!" surrounded a police vehicle in the centre of the capital on Friday to try and stop it driving away with the activist inside. A court ordered the activist detained for two months.

Members of the anti-homophobia group "Stop Bzdurom" have said they hung flags on statues of Jesus and other figures last week as part of a fight for LGBT rights, an issue thrust into the heart of public debate in Poland during last month's presidential election.

The ruling nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) party says LGBT rights are part of what it calls an invasive foreign ideology that undermines Polish values and the traditional family.


Condemning Friday's protest, Justice Minister Zbigniew Ziobro said Polish authorities had to act or face "even more violent" attacks by activists.

"Tomorrow this knife that was used to cut the car and tyres (of the pro-life campaigner) will be used to stab people just because we don't like their opinions," Ziobro told a news conference on Saturday.

The commissioner for human rights at the Council of Europe, a rights watchdog, called for the immediate release of the activist.

"Order to detain her for 2 months sends very chilling signal for freedom of speech and LGBT rights in Poland," Commissioner Dunja Mijatovic tweeted.

Stop Bzdurom and other groups have called for a protest in Warsaw on Saturday in solidarity with LGBT people.


Polish police detain 48 protesting LGBT activist's arrest

JANEK SKARZYNSKI,
AFP•August 8, 2020



P
olice said some of those arrested had tried to block a police car transporting detained gay rights activist Margo

Polish police said Saturday they detained about 50 demonstrators who tried to prevent the arrest of a gay rights activist in the capital Warsaw, which sparked criticism from rights groups.

The activist, who was referred to officially in court as Michal Sz. but who identifies as a woman named Margot, is suspected of causing damage to a van plastered with homophobic slogans in Warsaw in June.

A court order mandated two months of pre-trial detention for the activist, who is also accused of pushing a volunteer from the Pro-Right to Life Foundation which owned the van.

Margot was detained on Friday at the offices of Campaign Against Homophobia but dozens of protesters then blocked the police car, prompting a stand-off before officers cleared the way to allow it to pass.


Warsaw police said on Twitter that 48 people were arrested in connection with "insults directed at police as well as damage to a police car."

"As soon as the man was arrested and taken into the police car, a group of people leapt toward the police car and started to jump on it," Warsaw police spokesman Sylwester Marczak said.

"We took steps to ensure both the safety of the police, the detainee and the safety of" a church which was the "target" of some of the protesters, he said.

Margot called pre-trial detention, which is normally used to prevent another crime being committed, a "repressive" measures, in comments to the PAP news agency before her arrest.

Her arrest prompted outrage from opposition politicians and rights groups.

The Council of Europe's Human Rights Commissioner Dunja Mijatovic quickly called for Margot's release.

Mijatovic tweeted that the activist was detained "for blocking an anti-LGBT hate van and putting rainbow flags on Warsaw monuments," adding that an order for Margot's two-month detention sends a "very chilling signal" for freedom of speech and LGBT rights in Poland.

Margot belongs to a campaign group called Stop The Nonsense, which is also suspected of draping several Warsaw monuments, including a statue of Jesus Christ, with LGBT flags last week.

Prosecutors have charged three people in that case for desecrating monuments and hurting religious feelings.

Hanna-Gill Piatek, a leftist lawmaker, was at the scene of Margot's arrest.

"I wish serious criminals were prosecuted as diligently as activists," she said.

The van from the Pro-Right to Life Foundation is a common sight in the centre of Warsaw, blasting homophobic slogans and plastered with posters linking homosexuality to paedophilia.

bo/rle/wdb/dl
All Bets Are Off in Belarus
Sunday’s election results are predictable, but no one knows what comes next.

BY AMY MACKINNON | AUGUST 7, 2020, 7:48 PM
A woman holds a poster depicting the icons of the Belarusian opposition politician Svetlana Tikhanovskaya's presidential campaign at an unofficial rally in the capital of Minsk on Aug. 6. CELESTINO ARCE/NURPHOTO

Elections are a predictable affair in the country often called Europe’s last dictatorship: There will be few surprises when Aleksandr Lukashenko is reelected to his sixth consecutive term as president of Belarus on Sunday.

But the real political upset has taken place on the campaign trail, as the president has faced an unprecedented challenge from the teacher-turned-opposition leader Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, who has drawn big crowds in smaller towns and cities across the country that were once thought to be Lukashenko’s base.

Increasingly defiant political opposition, and the crumbling of the social contract that guaranteed moderate prosperity in exchange for authoritarian rule, has apparently undermined what popular support Lukashenko still had.

“The level of dissatisfaction among the population has been growing all the time,” said Tadeusz Giczan, a Belarusian-born Ph.D. researcher at University College London who studies the country’s political economy. “It’s clear for everyone that Lukashenko’s time is over.”

The closely watched election comes after several weeks of cascading incidents. Tensions with Russia have spiked after Belarus arrested 33 operatives from Russia’s quasi-private military contractor the Wagner Group in Minsk, claiming they were part of a Russian operation to destabilize the country. Dmitry Medvedev, the deputy head of Russia’s Security Council, described the arrests as “offensive” this week and warned that they could have “sad consequences.”

On Monday, Moscow said 3,000 men would take part in war games near the border with Belarus. The next day, Minsk announced that it was going to conduct military training for reservists near the border with Russia.

But tensions, defiance, and intimidation have also marked the final stretch of the campaign. Last week, some 63,000 people attended a rally in Minsk—thought to be the largest since the 1990s—in support of Tikhanovskaya, whose two campaign promises are to free political prisoners and hold new elections. Another scheduled rally in the capital on Thursday was canceled after Tikhanovskaya’s campaign chief, Maryya Maroz, was briefly detained and warned about the potential consequences of holding “unsanctioned” rallies. Other members of the campaign team were detained across the country.

Between May 6 and July 20, some 1,140 people were detained for taking part in protests, rallies, and other election-related activities, while almost 200 people have been sentenced to 15 days’ imprisonment, with some receiving multiple sentences, according to human rights groups in the country. The crackdown widened this week and at times took a turn for the absurd.

After Tikhanovskaya’s rally in the capital was canceled, the candidate and her team announced that they would instead attend a pro-government rally as “ordinary Belarusian citizens.” It’s unclear if the opposition leader actually attended the rally, but as her supporters arrived, two DJs at the event began to play the song “I Want Changes!” by the Soviet rock group Kino, a well-known protest anthem in the former Soviet Union. They were later detained and charged with minor hooliganism and disobedience, according to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

Several popular Russian singers and the American rappers Tyga and Saint Jhn, who were invited to perform in Minsk and other cities on the eve of the election, thought to be a bid to overshadow opposition protests, canceled their concerts. Tyga canceled his participation in the event after receiving a letter from the Human Rights Foundation imploring him to pull out.

READ MORE


Europe Must Stand Up for Belarus



The crisis has come at the worst possible time, but red lines must be set.
ARGUMENT | BENJAMIN HADDAD, BEN JUDAH


What Were Russian Mercenaries Doing in Belarus?



The arrest of more than 30 fighters from Russia’s Wagner Group in Minsk raised government speculation about Russian interference ahead of next month’s election.
ANALYSIS | AMY MACKINNON


Belarus Is Having an Anti-‘Cockroach’ Revolution

For three decades, Alexandr Lukashenko has successfully crushed all organized opposition to his rule—but the pandemic has changed everything. 
ARGUMENT | VITALI SHKLIAROV

Meanwhile the Belarusian Football Federation has postponed all soccer matches in the capital this weekend after fans began chanting “Long live Belarus” at a match Thursday, perceived as an anti-Lukashenko chant.

As if that weren’t enough, in late July Belarus got into a diplomatic tiff with the United States, detaining Vitali Shkliarov, a Belarusian-born U.S. citizen who worked on the campaigns of Barack Obama and Bernie Sanders, in his hometown of Gomel. Shkliarov told BuzzFeed News that he was in town to visit his mother, who has cancer. On Friday, he was charged with organizing an unsanctioned political rally for the opposition and could face up to three years’ imprisonment.

Shkliarov is married to a U.S. diplomat and travels on a diplomatic passport. A spokesperson for the State Department told Foreign Policy that the department was aware that a U.S. citizen had been detained in Belarus and called for Shkliarov to have his right to consular notification honored. State declined to provide further comment due to privacy considerations.

Tikanovskaya launched her presidential campaign when her husband, the popular video blogger Sergei Tikhanovsky, was arrested after trying to mount his own bid for the presidency. He remains in prison on charges of violating public order and election laws, and the couple have sent their two children to live abroad after receiving threats. Female activists in Belarus are often threatened with having their children removed from their care and placed in state custody, according to a recent Amnesty International report.

The very fact that Tikhanovskaya is a woman may explain why she was unexpectedly allowed to register her candidacy last month after two previous candidates were jailed—Tikhanovsky and the former banker Viktor Babariko—and a third, former Belarusian Ambassador to the United States Valery Tsepkalo, was prevented from registering.

Lukashenko has previously said the country was not ready for a female president and that the stresses of the job would cause her to “collapse, poor thing.”

What seems to be collapsing—though it’s hard to measure—is Lukashenko’s true support.

In the early 2000s, Belarus enjoyed strong economic growth, with GDP growth topping 11 percent a year at one point, tamping down any embers of unrest at the country’s authoritarian bent. But the economy never recovered after the global financial crash just over a decade ago. The World Bank has predicted that the Belarusian economy will contract by 4 percent this year, the largest decline in 25 years.

Lukashenko’s response to the pandemic, like that of other authoritarian leaders, proved to be a turning point for many Belarusians. “The virus attacks the weak,” Lukashenko said amid the outbreak, refusing to implement lockdown measures and instead recommending that people drink vodka and visit the sauna to ward off the virus. He revealed last month that he had contracted and recovered from the virus.

The country’s last remaining independent pollster shuttered in 2016, facing increased pressure from the authorities, so it’s hard to know just how far his support may have fallen.

A wily political operative who has successfully played Russia and the West against each other, Lukashenko increasingly looks to have painted himself into a corner as his popularity plunges at home and tensions flare with his longtime backer Russia.

In a fiery state-of-the-nation address on Tuesday, Lukashenko accused Russia of lying about the arrested Wagner mercenaries, which Moscow had claimed were using Minsk as a transit point before traveling to a third country.

“So far there is no open warfare, no shooting, the trigger has not yet been pulled, but an attempt to organize a massacre in the center of Minsk is already obvious,” Lukashenko said. He also claimed, without evidence, that a second group of fighters had been deployed to the south of the country.

In a phone call on Wednesday, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky asked for the extradition of a number of the Wagner mercenaries to Ukraine, where several of them are reported to have fought alongside separatists in the Donbass. Moscow, which has long sought to obfuscate its role in stoking the conflict in eastern Ukraine and in the shooting down of Malaysian Airlines flight MH17, will likely be nervous about what the men could reveal if they are handed over to Kyiv.

“I am not confident anymore that it [extradition] was just an empty threat, though I believe it is still quite unlikely,” said Andrei Yeliseyeu, the research director of the Warsaw-based Eurasian States in Transition Research Center. “In case they are extradited, one cannot rule out that the Kremlin will seriously think of betting against Lukashenko and creating a controlled chaos in Belarus to bring another person to power favorable to the Kremlin.”

Amy Mackinnon is a staff writer at Foreign Policy. Twitter: @ak_mack

Ceasefire offers opportunity for eastern Ukraine peace push, says president

Ukraine wants to build on a lull in fighting in the eastern Donbass region to push for a lasting peace settlement at a new round of four-way talks with Russia, France and Germany, 

President Volodymyr Zelenskiy told Reuters. Dressed in a T-shirt and khaki trousers, Zelenskiy was speaking on a visit to the area on the 12th day of what Kyiv hopes will be a permanent ceasefire agreed with Russian-backed forces on July 27.

Reuters
Updated: 08-08-2020


|Ukraine wants to build on a lull in fighting in the eastern Donbass region to push for a lasting peace settlement at a new round of four-way talks with Russia, France and Germany, President Volodymyr Zelenskiy told Reuters.

Dressed in a T-shirt and khaki trousers, Zelenskiy was speaking on a visit to the area on the 12th day of what Kyiv hopes will be a permanent ceasefire agreed with Russian-backed forces on July 27. Zelenskiy, 42, was a comic actor when he won a landslide election last year promising to end the conflict that has killed more than 13,000 people and brought Western sanctions on Russia.

Once a political novice, he has since secured prisoner exchanges with Russia and phased troop withdrawals at selected hotspots. "This is an opportunity to save our guys and continue the diplomatic dialogue," he said on Friday during a whistle-stop tour along more than 100 km (62 miles) of the frontline.

If the ceasefire holds, "the first big step has been taken, it is necessary to meet in the Normandy Format," he said, referring to the four-way talks named after the French region where they were first held. HOLDING FIRE

Zelenskiy inherited the conflict that began after Russia annexed Ukraine's Crimea peninsula six years ago. Ukraine says Russia then engineered quasi-separatist uprisings across a belt of eastern Ukraine that escalated into a full-scale war. Moscow denies the claim. A ceasefire agreed under Zelenskiy's predecessor in Belarus in 2015 stopped the worst of the fighting, but soldiers and civilians were still regularly killed in flare-ups.

The July 27 truce broke down within hours. But Kyiv says the shooting has been sporadic and on Thursday international monitors for the first time recorded no ceasefire violations within a daily reporting period. The next round of peace talks is due in Berlin but there is no date fixed. Kyiv wants to press for Red Cross access to its prisoners and a timeline for Russian-backed forces to withdraw.

Zelenskiy said Ukraine was willing to show flexibility on a key sticking point – giving legal special status to the Donbass region after holding local elections there, providing this stopped short of federalisation. But local elections could only take place once Russian-backed forces withdraw.

"I think this issue is very important: first security, then elections," he said. The first year of Zelenskiy's presidency was overshadowed by Ukraine's unwitting involvement in events that led to the impeachment trial of U.S. President Donald Trump.

Trump had pressed Ukraine to launch an investigation into his Democratic rival for the 2020 presidential race, former Vice President Joe Biden. Zelenskiy said bilateral support for Ukraine would remain strong regardless of who won the upcoming election.

"They are our partners indeed," he said. "I believe that their strategic course does not change, regardless of who is the president." (Writing by Matthias Williams; Editing by Mike Harrison)

'US doesn't recognise Chinese Communist Party as legitimate system of governance' 

A senior US diplomat has said the Donald Trump administration does not consider the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as a "legitimate system" of governance.
ANI
Washington DC
Created: 08-08-2020
Image Credit: ANI

A senior US diplomat has said the Donald Trump administration does not consider the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as a "legitimate system" of governance. "The Chinese Communist Party is saying they have a legitimate system for the rest of the world to emulate. And we are saying they do not," Ambassador Sam Brownback, the State Department's special representative for international religious freedom, told the Washington Examiner. BROWNBACK DESTROYED THE ECONOMY OF KANSAS AS ITS TEA PARTY AUSTERITY REPUBLICAN GOVENOR 
The ambassador is one of the several State Department officials who are criticising China's human rights abuses on its minorities, especially Uyghur Muslims, who are imprisoned in the so-called 're-education camps' in Xinjiang province, situated in the western part of the country. Brownback's comments assume significance in the backdrop of worsening ties between the US and China, which are at loggerheads over several issues including Beijing's human rights violations on its own people and handling of the COVID-19 pandemic.

"It's a basic human right. It's foundational to the United States' founding and it's being obliterated in China. It is a central piece of the dispute," he said. However, Chinese officials have denounced US' criticism of China's treatment of Uyghurs, asserting they are taking steps necessary to mitigate terror threats in Xinjiang. 

COLD WAR PROPAGANDA
Uyghur officials have accused the CCP of initiating a so-called 'Pair Up and Become Family' programme that places ethnic Chinese men in homes of Uyghur women -- which amounts to "mass rape" as a tool of genocide. Camp survivors have reported that guard thrashes inmates while mocking their religious beliefs, according to Washington Examiner. 
RIGHT WING PRO TRUMP PAPER"You have a Communist Party that continues the communist way of being at war with faith. We don't have a problem with the Chinese people. It's the Communist Party and the atheistic control that they seek," Brownback was quoted as saying. US officials have tried to "put a face on the crime" taking place in China by slapping sanctions on Chen Quanguo, the party's top official for Xinjiang and a member of the CCP's ruling Politburo.

Brownback stopped short of denouncing the CCP that it should give up the central tenets of its ideology, saying that Chinese people enjoyed greater religious freedom before Xi Jinping assumed power in 2013. "The Communist Party looks at people of faith as having another allegiance than the Communist Party, and they are going to stomp that out. Governments have tried to do this for millennia and they have never been successful. The Chinese Communist Party will not be successful (in) stomping out faith," the ambassador said. (ANI)
Voters weary as Puerto Rico prepares for historic primaries

The main opposition Popular Democratic Party, which supports Puerto Rico's current political status as a US territory, is holding a primary for the first time in its 82-year history. It has three people competing for its gubernatorial nomination — San Juan Mayor Carmen Yulín Cruz, known for her public spats with US President Donald Trump following the devastation of Hurricane Maria; Puerto Rico Sen. Eduardo Bhatia; and Carlos Delgado, mayor of the northwest coastal town of Isabela.

PTI Sanjuan Updated: 08-08-2020 

Two candidates who both served as replacement governors in the wake of a Puerto Rican political crisis are competing against each other for a chance to win the job in their own right as the disaster-struck US territory holds primary elections. Governor Wanda Vázquez of the pro-statehood New Progressive Party is seeking the party's nomination in a Sunday contest with seasoned politician Pedro Pierluisi, who represented Puerto Rico in Congress from 2009 to 2017.

Pierluisi was sworn in as governor last August when Governor Ricardo Rosselló resigned following widespread street protests over a profanity-laced chat that was leaked and government corruption. But he served less than a week as Puerto Rico's Supreme Court ruled that Vázquez, then the justice secretary, was constitutionally next in line because there was no secretary of state.

Whoever emerges as the party's nominee will be among six gubernatorial candidates in November's general election. The main opposition Popular Democratic Party, which supports Puerto Rico's current political status as a US territory, is holding a primary for the first time in its 82-year history.

It has three people competing for its gubernatorial nomination — San Juan Mayor Carmen Yulín Cruz, known for her public spats with US President Donald Trump following the devastation of Hurricane Maria; Puerto Rico Sen. Eduardo Bhatia; and Carlos Delgado, mayor of the northwest coastal town of Isabela. 

Despite the “firsts” in the primaries, Puerto Rico's consistently high voter turnout of nearly 70 per cent could dip as the US territory struggles with a spike in coronavirus cases and growing disillusion and anger over the island government's response to hurricanes, recent earthquakes and the pandemic.

“I'm not interested, and I don't even want to know about politics,” said 51-year-old Yayi Borrero, who has voted regularly since age 18 but struggled to obtain help from the government after losing her job at a hardware store in the southwest town of Guánica after a magnitude 6.4 earthquake destroyed it in January. 

The primaries come at a critical time. Along with facing the pandemic, Puerto Rico has yet to recover from hurricanes Irma and Maria in 2017 and a string of recent strong earthquakes that began in late December, the government is struggling to emerge from bankruptcy, the island is in the 13th year of a recession, and power outages are frequent.

STATEHOOD OR INDEPENDENCE!

“We're at a crossroads. ... The people are suffering,” political analyst Domingo Emanuelli said. Emanuelli said he expects voters choosing between Pierluisi and Vázquez will pick the candidate they think has the best chance of securing statehood for Puerto Rico, noting that a nonbinding referendum on that issue is scheduled for November.

Since becoming governor, Vázquez has had a turbulent year as earthquakes and the pandemic rattled Puerto Rico. While she was praised for implementing a lockdown in mid-March to fight the coronavirus, many people have since criticized her for a rushed reopening months later.

In addition, she and other officials are facing a formal corruption probe for the alleged mismanagement of supplies slated for those affected by the earthquakes, marking the first time in recent history that a special prosecutor's panel has investigated a sitting governor. 

Emanuelli expects a tight governor's race in the Popular Democratic Party, whose future as an advocate of remaining a US territory is uncertain as the island's troubles highlight what many people see as a disparity in Washington's treatment of Puerto Rico.

In addition to gubernatorial races, the pro-statehood New Progressive Party is holding 33 primaries for mayoral nominations, while the Popular Democratic Party will have 17 mayoral primaries. Because of the pandemic, the opposition party for the first time offered drive-through voting at a handful of sites in recent days, while Puerto Rico's electoral commission has said those who have tested positive for the coronavirus will be able to vote by phone.

The island of 3.2 million people has reported more than 7,800 confirmed cases, with at least 258 deaths..

Data (FACTS)shows Kansas counties with mask mandates have seen a decrease (EMPIRICAL FACT) in COVID-19 cases


Catherine Garcia,
The Week•August 6, 2020


Counties in Kansas that adopted a mask mandate have seen a drop in COVID-19 cases, Kansas Department of Health and Environment Secretary Dr. Lee Norman said.

In late June, Gov. Laura Kelly (D) issued a statewide mask guidance, but because the Kansas legislature limited her emergency powers, each county was able to decide whether or not to enforce the order, KSHB reports. During a press conference on Wednesday, Norman said 15 counties went along with the order, while 90 decided to make wearing a mask a recommendation only.

"What we've seen through this is that in the counties with no mask mandate, there's no decrease in the number of cases per capita," Norman said. "All the improvement in the case development comes from those counties wearing masks."

The Kansas Department of Health and Environment has been interviewing people who have recovered from the virus, and Norman finds it worrisome how some can't seem to shake the symptoms, saying, "This serves to me as humbling, in many regards, and a reminder that we still know very little about this disease and its impact on the body."