Sunday, September 05, 2021

The Capitalinian: The First Geological Age of the Anthropocene

Fly-tipped tires in a disused chalk quarry in North Kent, England

Photo by an environmental scientist (crime) investigator of hundreds of fly-tipped tires in a disused chalk quarry in North Kent, England. By Cugerbrant - Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0.

John Bellamy Foster is the editor of Monthly Review and a professor of sociology at the University of Oregon. Brett Clark is associate editor of Monthly Review and a professor of sociology at the University of Utah.

The geologic time scale, dividing the 4.6 billion years of Earth history into nested eons, eras, periods, epochs, and ages, is one of the great scientific achievements of the last two centuries. Each division is directed at environmental change on an Earth System scale based on stratigraphic evidence, such as rocks or ice cores. At present, the earth is officially situated in the Phanerozoic Eon, Cenozoic Era, Quaternary Period, Holocene Epoch (beginning 11,700 years ago), and Meghalayan Age (the last of the Holocene ages beginning 4,200 years ago). The current argument that the planet has entered into a new geological epoch, the Anthropocene, is based on the recognition that Earth System change as represented in the stratigraphic record is now primarily due to anthropogenic forces. This understanding has now been widely accepted in science, but nevertheless has not yet been formally adopted by the International Commission on Stratigraphy of the International Union of Geological Sciences, which would mean its official adoption throughout science.

Under the assumption that the Anthropocene will soon be officially designated as the earth’s current epoch, there remains the question of the geological age with which the Anthropocene begins, following the last Holocene age, the Meghalayan. Adopting the standard nomenclature for the naming of geological ages, we propose, in our role as professional environmental sociologists, the term Capitalinian as the most appropriate name for the new geological age, based on the stratigraphic record, and conforming to the historical period that environmental historians see as commencing around 1950, in the wake of the Second World War, the rise of multinational corporations, and the unleashing of the process of decolonization and global development.1

In the Anthropocene Epoch, it is clear that any designation of ages, while necessarily finding traces in the stratigraphic record, has to be seen, in part, in terms of human socioeconomic organization, not purely geologically. The most widely accepted social-scientific designation for the predominant world economic system over the last few centuries is capitalism. The capitalist system has passed through various stages or phases, the most recent of which, arising after the Second World War under U.S. hegemony, is often characterized as global monopoly capitalism.2 Beginning with the first nuclear detonation in 1945, humanity emerged as a force capable of massively affecting the entire Earth System on a geological scale of millions (or perhaps tens of millions) of years. The 1950s are known for having ushered in “the synthetic age,” not only because of the advent of the nuclear age itself, but also due to the massive proliferation of plastics and other petrochemicals associated with the global growth and consolidation of monopoly capitalism.3

The designation of the first geological age of the Anthropocene as the Capitalinian is, we believe, crucial because it also raises the question of a possible second geological age of the Anthropocene Epoch. The Anthropocene stands for a period in which humanity, at a specific point in its history, namely the rise of advanced industrial capitalism following the Second World War, became the principal geological force affecting Earth System change (which is not to deny the importance of numerous other geological forces, which are not all affected by human action, such as plate tectonics, volcanism, erosion, and weathering of rocks, in shaping the Earth System’s future). If capitalism in the coming century were to create such a deep anthropogenic rift in the Earth System through the crossing of planetary boundaries that it led to the collapse of industrial civilization and a vast die-down of human species ensued—a distinct possibility under business as usual according to today’s science—then the Anthropocene Epoch and no doubt the entire Quaternary Period would come to an end, leading to a new epoch or period in geological history, with a drastically diminished human role.4 Barring such an end-Anthropocene and even end-Quaternary extinction event, the socioeconomic conditions defining the Capitalinian will have to give rise to a radically transformed set of socioeconomic relations, and indeed a new mode of sustainable human production, based on a more communal relation of human beings with each other and the earth.

Such an environmental climacteric would mean pulling back from the current crossing of planetary boundaries, rooted in capital’s creative destruction of conditions of life on the planet. This reversal of direction, reflecting the necessity of maintaining the earth as a safe home for humanity and for innumerable other species that live on it, is impossible under a system geared to the exponential accumulation of capital. Such a climatic shift would require simply for human survival the creation of a radically new material-environmental relation with Earth. We propose that this necessary (but not inevitable) future geological age to succeed the Capitalinian by means of ecological and social revolution be named the Communian, derived from communal, community, commons.

The Anthropocene versus Capitalocene Controversy

The word Anthropocene first appeared in the English language in 1973 in an article by Soviet geologist E. V. Shantser on “The Anthropogenic System (Period)” in The Great Soviet Encyclopedia. Here, Shantser referred to the Russian geologist A. P. Pavlov’s introduction in the 1920s of the notion of the “‘Anthropogenic system (period),’ or ‘Anthropocene.’”5 During the first half of the twentieth century, Soviet science played a leading role in numerous fields, including climatology, geology, and ecology, forcing scientific circles in the West to pay close attention to its findings. As a result, the Shantser article would have been fairly well known to specialists, having appeared in such a prominent source.6

Pavlov’s coining of Anthropocene was closely connected to Soviet geochemist Vladimir I. Vernadsky’s 1926 book Biosphere, which provided an early proto-Earth System outlook, revolutionizing how the relationship between humans and the planet was understood.7 Pavlov used the concept of the Anthropocene (or Anthropogene) to refer to a new geological period in which humanity was emerging as the main driver of planetary ecological change. In this way, Pavlov and subsequent Soviet geologists provided an alternative geochronology, one that substituted the Anthropocene (Anthropogenic) Period for the entire Quaternary. Most importantly, Pavlov and Vernadsky strongly emphasized that anthropogenic factors had come to dominate the biosphere in the late Holocene. As Vernadsky observed in 1945, “Proceeding from the notion of the geological role of man, the geologist A. P. Pavlov [1854–1929] in the last years of his life used to speak of the anthropogenic era, in which we now live.… He rightfully emphasized that man, under our very eyes, is becoming a mighty and ever-growing geological force.… In the 20th Century, man for the first time in the history of the Earth knew and embraced the whole biosphere, completed the geological map of the planet Earth, and colonized its whole surface. Mankind became a single totality in the life of the earth.”8

The current usage of Anthropocene, however, derives from atmospheric chemist Paul J. Crutzen’s recoining of the term in February 2000, during a meeting of the International Geosphere-Biosphere Program in Cuernavaca, Mexico, where he declared, “We’re not in the Holocene any more. We’re in the…Anthropocene!”9 Crutzen’s use of the term Anthropocene was not based on stratigraphic research but on a direct understanding of the changing Earth System rooted principally in perceptions of anthropogenic climate change and the anthropogenic thinning of the ozone layer (research for which he was awarded the Nobel Prize in chemistry in 1995). Crutzen’s designation of the Anthropocene as a new geological epoch thus reflected, from the beginning, a sense of crisis and transformation in the human relation to the earth.10 As Crutzen, geologist Will Steffen, and environmental historian John McNeill declared a few years later: “The term Anthropocene…suggests that the Earth has now left its natural geological epoch, the present interglacial state called the Holocene. Human activities have become so pervasive and profound that they rival the great forces of Nature and are pushing the Earth into planetary terra incognita. The Earth is rapidly moving into a less biologically diverse, less forested, much warmer, and probably wetter and stormier state.”11 Similar views on the effect of anthropogenic changes on the Earth System were presented by one of us in the early 1990s: “In the period after 1945 the world entered a new stage of planetary crisis in which human activities began to affect in entirely new ways the basic conditions of life on earth.… As the world economy continued to grow, the scale of human economic processes began to rival the ecological cycles of the planet, opening up as never before the possibility of planetary-wide ecological disaster. Today, few doubt that the [capitalist] system has crossed critical thresholds of sustainability.”12

Perhaps the best way of understanding the changes brought about by the Anthropocene Epoch, as depicted by science, is in terms of an “anthropogenic rift” in the history of the planet, such that the socioeconomic effects of human production—today largely in the form of capitalism—have created a series of rifts in the biogeochemical processes of the Earth System, crossing critical ecological thresholds and planetary boundaries, with the result that all of the earth’s existing ecosystems and industrial civilization itself are now imperiled.13 By pointing to the Anthropocene Epoch, natural scientists have underscored a new climacteric in Earth history and a planetary crisis that needs to be addressed to preserve the earth as a safe home for humanity.

It should be mentioned that the widespread notion that the Anthropocene Epoch stands for “the age of man,” frequently presented in the popular literature, is entirely opposed to the actual scientific analysis of the new geological epoch. Logically, to refer to anthropogenic causes of Earth System change does not thereby ignore social structures and inequality, nor does it imply that humanity has somehow triumphed over the earth. Rather, the Anthropocene Epoch, as conceptualized within science, not only incorporates social inequality as a crucial part of the problem, but also views the Anthropocene as standing, at present, for a planetary ecological crisis arising from the forces of production at a distinct phase of human historical development.14

Yet, despite the crucial importance of the designation of the Anthropocene Epoch in promoting an understanding not only of the current phase of the Earth System but also of the present ecological emergency, the notion of the Anthropocene has come under heavy attack within the social sciences and humanities. Many of those outside the natural sciences are not invested in or informed about the natural-scientific aspects of Earth System change. They therefore react to the designation of the Anthropocene within geochronology in purely cultural and literary terms divorced from the major scientific issues, reflecting the famous problem of the “two cultures,” dividing the humanities (and frequently the social sciences) off from natural science.15 In this view, the prefix anthro is often interpreted as simply having a human-biological dimension while lacking a socioeconomic and cultural one. As one posthumanist critic has charged, not only the notion of the Anthropocene, but even “the phrase anthropogenic climate change is a special brand of blaming the victims of exploitation, violence, and poverty.”16

Today, the most prominent alternative name offered for the Anthropocene is that of the Capitalocene, conceived as a substitute designation for the geochronological epoch of the Earth System following the Holocene. Leading environmental historian and historical-materialist ecological theorist Andreas Malm argues that the Anthropocene, as the name of a new epoch in the geologic time scale, is an “indefensible abstraction” since it does not directly address the social reality of fossil capital. Thus, he proposes substituting the Capitalocene for the Anthropocene, shifting the discussion from a geology of humankind to a geology of capital accumulation.17 In practical as well as scientific terms, however, this runs into several problems. The term Anthropocene is already deeply embedded in natural science, and it represents the recognition of a fundamental change in human and geological history that is critical to understanding our period of planetary ecological crisis.

More importantly, although it is true that the Anthropocene was generated by capitalism at a certain phase of its development, the substitution of the name Capitalocene for the Anthropocene would abandon an essential critical view embodied in the latter. The notion of the Anthropocene as demarcated in natural science stands for an irreversible change in humanity’s relation to the earth. There can be no conceivable industrial civilization on Earth from this time forward where humanity, if it is to continue to exist at all, is no longer the primary geological force conditioning the Earth System. This is the critical meaning of the Anthropocene. To substitute the term Capitalocene for Anthropocene would be to obliterate this fundamental scientific understanding. That is, even if capitalism is surmounted, through a “Great Climacteric,” representing the transition to a more sustainable world order, this fundamental boundary will remain.18 Humanity will continue to operate on a level in which the scale of human production rivals the biogeochemical cycles of the planet, and hence the choice is between unsustainable human development and sustainable human development. There is no going back (except through a civilizational crash and a massive die-down) to a time in which human history had little or no effect on the Earth System.

If a truly mass extinction and planetary civilizational collapse were to occur, this would be an end-Anthropocene or even end-Quaternary extinction event, not a continuation of the Anthropocene. As the great British zoologist E. Ray Lankester (Charles Darwin and Thomas Huxley’s protégé and Karl Marx’s close friend) remarked in 1911 in The Kingdom of Man, given its massive and growing disruption of the ecological conditions of human existence, humanity’s “only hope is to control…the sources of these dangers and disasters.”19

The enormous historical, geological, and environmental challenges now facing humanity demand, we believe, a shifting of the terrain of analysis to the question of ages rather than epochs in the geologic time scale. If the world entered the Anthropocene Epoch around 1950, we can also say that the Capitalinian Age began at the same time. The Capitalinian in this conception is not coterminous with historical capitalism, given that capitalism had its origins as a world system in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Rather, the Capitalinian Age was a product of global monopoly capitalism in the wake of the Second World War. In order to understand the historical and environmental significance of the emergence of the Capitalinian and to put it in the context of the geologic time scale, it is first necessary to address the question of the changeover from one geological age to another, stretching from the late Holocene Epoch to the early Anthropocene Epoch.

From the Meghalayan to the Capitalinian

The Holocene Epoch (Holocene means entirely recent) was first proposed as a division of geologic time by the French paleontologist Paul Gervais in 1867 and formally adopted by the International Geographic Congress in 1885. It dates back to the end of the last ice age and thus refers to the warmer, relatively mild Earth-environmental conditions extending from roughly 11,700 years ago to the present, covering the time during which glaciers receded and human civilizations arose.20 It was not until around a century and a half after it was first proposed that the Holocene Epoch was formally divided into geological ages. This occurred with the modification of the geologic time scale by the International Commission on Stratigraphy in June 2018, dividing the Holocene into three ages: (1) the Greenlandian, beginning 11,700 years ago, with the end of the Pleistocene Epoch and the beginning of the Holocene; (2) The Northgrippian, beginning 8,300 years ago; and (3) the Meghalayan, extending from 4,200 years ago to the present.

Dividing the Holocene into ages represented a more difficult problem than in other epochs of the Quaternary, given the relatively calm environmental-climatic character of the Holocene.21 The first division of the Holocene, the Greenlandian, posed no problems because it corresponded to the criteria giving rise to the Holocene Epoch itself. The Northgrippian came to be designated in terms of an outburst of freshwater from naturally dammed glacial lakes that poured into the North Atlantic, altering the conveyor belt of ocean currents, leading to global cooling. The demarcation of the third division was not as straightforward. There were archaeological reports beginning in the 1970s of a megadrought 4,200 years ago (circa 2200 BCE) lasting several centuries, which was thought to have led to the demise of some early civilizations in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and elsewhere.

In 2012, paleoclimatologists discovered a stalagmite in Mawmluh cave in the Meghalaya state in northeast India that pointed to a centuries-long drought. This was then taken as the geological exemplar or “golden spike” for the Meghalayan Age. In their original July 15, 2018, press release on the Meghalayan, entitled “Collapse of Civilizations Worldwide Defines Youngest Unit of the Geologic Time Scale,” the International Commission on Stratigraphy went so far as to declare that a civilizational collapse had occurred around 2200 BCE: “Agricultural-based societies that developed in several regions after the end of the last Ice Age were impacted severely by the 200-year climatic event that resulted in the collapse of civilizations and human migrations in Egypt, Greece, Syria, Palestine, Mesopotamia, the Indus Valley, and the Yangtze River Valley. Evidence of the 4.2 kiloyear climatic event has been found on all seven continents.”22

This resulted in sharp rebuttals by archaeologists, who argued that the evidence for the sudden collapse of civilizations due to climate change around 2200 BCE does not in actuality exist. Although civilizations did decline, it was most likely over longer periods of time, and there were reasons to believe that an array of social factors played a more significant role than the megadrought.23 As archaeologist Guy D. Middleton wrote in Science magazine: “Current evidence…casts doubt on the utility of 2200 BCE as a meaningful beginning to a new age in human terms, whether there was a megadrought or not.… Climate change never inevitably results in societal collapse, though it can pose serious challenges, as it does today. From an archaeological perspective, the new Late Holocene Meghalayan Age seems to have started with a whimper rather than a bang.”24

The Meghalayan controversy, whatever the final outcome, highlights a number of essential facts. First, as early as 4,200 years ago, geologic time became intertwined in complex ways with historical time. In the case of the Meghalayan, the geological demarcation drew much of its salience from a seeming correspondence to the historical-archaeological record. Second, although the International Stratigraphic Committee moved away from its original reference to the collapse of civilizations and sought instead to define the Meghalayan simply in terms of geologic-stratigraphic criteria, the question of social conditions associated with a geological age can no longer be avoided. Third, during the Holocene, from the earliest civilizations to the present, the issues of environmental change and civilizational collapse recur, on an evermore expanding global scale.

If the Meghalayan Age did in fact come into being in the context of a megadrought, the end-event signaling the passing of the Meghalayan (and the Holocene) happened around 1950, leading to the start of what the Anthropocene Working Group posits as the Anthropocene Epoch and what we are proposing as the accompanying Capitalinian Age.25 This transition in geologic time, which is deeply intertwined with distinct sociohistorical relations, is associated with the Great Acceleration of global monopoly capitalism in the 1950s, resulting in an age of planetary ecological crisis. This has involved a move away from an environmentally “highly stable epoch” to one “in which a number of key planetary boundary conditions, notably associated with the carbon, nitrogen and phosphorus cycles, are clearly outside the range of natural variability observed in the Holocene.”26 Here, megadroughts, megastorms, rising sea levels, out-of-control wildfires, deforestation, species extinction, and other planetary threats are emerging in fast order—not simply as external forces, but as the product of capitalism’s anthropogenic rift in the Earth System.

The Capitalinian Age

The “golden spike” in geologic time determining the end of the Holocene Epoch and the Meghalayan Age—as well as the corresponding emergence of the Anthropocene Epoch and what we are proposing as the Capitalinian Age—has not yet been determined, although a number of candidates are being pursued by the Anthropocene Working Group of the International Commission on Stratigraphy. The two most prominent of these are radionuclides, the result of nuclear testing, and plastics, the creation of the petrochemical industry—both of which are products of the synthetic age and represent the emergence of a qualitative transformation in the human relation to the earth.27 While the “Anthropocene strata may be commonly thin,” they “reflect a major Earth System perturbation” in the mid–twentieth century, “are laterally extensive, and can include rich stratigraphic detail,” in which distinct “signatures” of a new epoch and age are evident.28

Anthropogenically sourced radionuclides stem primarily from the fallout from numerous above-ground nuclear tests (and two atomic bombings in war) commencing with the U.S. Trinity detonation at 5:29 a.m. on July 16, 1945, at Alamogordo, New Mexico.29 The first thermonuclear detonation was the Ivy Mike test on Enewetak Atoll on November 1, 1952. This was followed by the disastrous Castle Bravo test at Bikini Atoll on March 1, 1954, the explosion of which was two and a half times what had been projected, raining down fallout on sailors in a Japanese fishing boat, the Lucky Dragon, and on residents of the Marshall Islands, who ended up with radiation sickness. The United States conducted over two hundred atmospheric and underwater tests (and others were carried out in the 1950s and ’60s by the Soviet Union, United Kingdom, France, and China), introducing radioactive fallout in the form of Iodine-131, Caesium-137, Carbon-14, and Strontium-90. This nuclear fallout, especially the gaseous and particulate forms, which entered the stratosphere, was dispersed throughout the biosphere, generating widespread global environmental concern, connecting the entire world’s population, to some extent, in a common environmental fate.30

Radionuclides primarily from nuclear weapons tests are thus the most obvious basis for demarcating the beginning of the Anthropocene Epoch and the Capitalinian Age. They have left a permanent record throughout the planet in sediments, soil, and glacial ice, serving as “robust independent stratigraphic markers” that will be detectable for millennia.31 The effects of nuclear weapons, beginning with the U.S. bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki at the end of the Second World War, stand for a qualitative change in the human relation to the earth, such that it is now possible to destroy life on such a scale that it would take perhaps as much as tens of millions years for it to recover.32 Indeed, the theory of nuclear winter developed by climatologists suggests that a massive global thermonuclear exchange, generating megafires in a hundred or more major cities, could lead to planetary climate change, more abruptly and in the opposite direction from global warming, through the injection of soot into the stratosphere, causing global or at least hemispheric temperatures to drop several degrees (or even “several tens of degrees”) Celsius in a matter of a month.33

The advent of nuclear weapons technology thus stands for the enormous change in the human relation to the earth around the 1950s, marking the Anthropocene, leaving a distinct signature in the stratigraphic record; it also serves as a moment when specific radioactive elements were introduced into the body composition of all life.34 Nuclear weapons technology is of course not entirely separable from nuclear energy use, which also presents dangers of global radioactive contamination as in the nuclear accidents at Three Mile Island, Chernobyl, and Fukushima.

Plastics, which emerged as a major element of the economy in the 1950s, were the result of developments in organic chemistry, associated with the Scientific and Technical Revolution and the Second World War. They are a product of the petrochemical industry, thus standing for the further development of fossil capital, which dates back to the Industrial Revolution.35 As of 2017, over “8,300 million metric tons…of virgin plastics have been produced,” exceeding that of almost all other human-made materials.36 Plastic waste is so pervasive that it is found dispersed throughout the entire world. In fact, “molten plastics…have fused basalt clasts and coral fragments…to form an assortment of novel beach lithologies,” and deep ocean mud deposits include microplastics.37 The majority of plastic, made from hydrocarbon-derived monomers, is not biodegradable, resulting in an “uncontrolled experiment on a global scale, in which billions of metric tons of material will accumulate across all major terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems on the planet.”38 Due to these conditions, plastic is seen as another potential stratigraphic indicator of the Anthropocene.39

The production of plastics and petrochemicals in general, like nuclear weapons testing, represents a qualitative shift in the human relationship with the earth. It has resulted in the spread of a host of mutagenic, carcinogenic, and teratogenic (birth-defect causing) chemicals, particularly harmful to life because they are not the product of evolutionary development over millions of years. Like radionuclides, many of these harmful chemicals are characterized by bioaccumulation (concentration in individual organisms) and biomagnification (concentration at higher levels in the food chain/food web) representing increasingly pervasive threats to life. Microplastics actively absorb carcinogenic persistent organic pollutants within the larger environment, making them more potent and toxic.40 Plastics are durable and resistant to degradation, properties that “make these materials difficult or impossible for nature to assimilate.”41 The omnipresent character of plastics in the Capitalinian is evident in the massive plastic gyres in the ocean and by the existence of microplastic particles in nearly all organic life.

Ecological scientists, such as Barry Commoner, Rachel Carson, Howard Odum, and others, singled out both radionuclides and plastics/petrochemicals/pesticides as embodying the synthetic age that emerged in the 1950s. They provided detailed accounts of the transformation in the relationship between humans and the earth, which today are reflected in contemporary charts on the Great Acceleration, presenting such Earth System trends as the dramatic increase in the atmospheric concentration of carbon dioxide, ocean acidification, marine fish capture, land use change, and loss of biodiversity. The epicenter for such global environmental disruption has been the United States as the hegemonic power of the capitalist world economy, dominating and characterizing this entire period. In our analysis, the economic and social system of the United States thus epitomizes the Capitalinian, as no other nation has played a bigger historical role in the promotion of the “poverty of power” represented by fossil capital.42

At the start of what we are calling the Capitalinian, global monopoly capital, rooted within the United States, entered a period of massive expansion, fueled by the rebuilding of Europe and Japan, the petrochemical revolution, the growth of the automobile complex, suburbanization, the creation of new household commodities, militarization and military technologies, the sales effort, and the growth of international trade. With the endless quest for profit spurring the accumulation of capital, production and the material throughputs to support the economic system’s operations have greatly expanded, placing more demands on ecosystems and generating more pollution.43

Since plastics and other synthetic materials associated with the expansion of the petrochemical industry were readily incorporated into industrial operations, agricultural production, and everyday commodities, new ecological problems inevitably emerged. As Commoner explained in The Closing Circle, “the artificial introduction of an organic compound that does not occur in nature, but is man-made and is nevertheless active in a living system, is very likely to be harmful.”44 Such materials do not readily decompose or break down in a meaningful human-historical time frame and thus end up accumulating, presenting an increasing threat to ecosystems and living beings. Pesticides and plastics that have these characteristics are therefore a violation of the informal laws of ecology.

Given the operations of monopoly capitalism and its technological apparatus, the largely uncontrolled development of synthetic materials results in a particularly dangerous situation, often referred to as “the risk society.”45 In the words of Peter Haff, a professor of environmental engineering at Duke University, a capitalist technostructure “has emerged possessing no global mechanism of metabolic regulation. Regulation of metabolism introduces the possibility of a new timescale into system dynamics—a lifetime—the time over which the system exists in a stable metabolic state. But without an intrinsic lifetime, i.e., lacking enforced setpoint values for energy use,” this system “acts only in the moment, without regard to the more distant future, necessarily biased towards increasing consumption of energy and materials,” racing ahead “without much concern for its own longevity,” much less the continuance of what is external to it.46

The uncontrollable, alienated social metabolism of global monopoly capitalism, coinciding with the introduction of radionuclides from nuclear testing, proliferation of plastics and petrochemicals, and carbon emissions from fossil capital—along with innumerable other ecological problems resulting from the crossing of critical thresholds—is manifested in the Capitalinian Age, associated with the present planetary crisis. Capitalism’s relentless drive to accumulate capital is its defining characteristic, ensuring anthropogenic rifts and ecological destruction as it systematically undermines the overall conditions of life.

Today the moment of truth looms large. We currently reside within a “Great Climacteric”—first identified in the 1980s by geographers Ian Burton and Robert Kates—a long period of crisis and transition in which human society will either generate a stable relation to the Earth System or will experience a civilizational collapse, as part of a great die-down of life on earth, or sixth extinction.47

The future of civilization, viewed in the widest sense, demands that humanity collectively engage in an ecological and social revolution, radically transforming productive relations, in order to forge a path toward sustainable human development. This entails regulating the social metabolism between humanity and the earth, ensuring that it operates within the planetary boundaries or the universal metabolism of nature. Viewed in these terms, there is an objective historical necessity for what we are calling the prospective second geological age of the Anthropocene: the Communian.

The Dawn of Another Age: The Communian

In a remarkable intellectual development in the closing decade of the Soviet Union, leading Soviet geologists, climatologists, geographers, philosophers, cultural theorists, and others came together to describe the global ecological crisis as a civilizational crisis requiring a whole new ecological civilization, rooted in historical-materialist principles.48 This viewpoint was immediately taken up by Chinese environmentalists and has been further developed and applied in China today.49 If historic humanity is to survive, today’s capitalist civilization devoted to the single-minded pursuit of profits as its own end, resulting in an anthropogenic rift in the Earth system, must necessarily give way to an ecological civilization rooted in communal use values. This is the real meaning of today’s widely referred to planetary “existential crisis.”50

In this Great Climacteric, it is not only essential to bring to an end the destructive trends that are ruining the earth as a safe home for humanity, but also, beyond that, it is vital to engineer an actual “reversal” of these trends.51 For example, carbon concentration in the atmosphere is nearing 420 parts per million (ppm), peaking in May 2021 at 419 ppm, and is headed rapidly toward 450 ppm, which would break the planetary carbon budget. Science tells us that it will be necessary, if global climate catastrophe is to be avoided, to return to 350 ppm and stabilize the atmospheric carbon dioxide at that level.52 This in itself can be seen as standing for the necessity of a new ecological civilization and the anthropogenic generation of a new Communian Age within the Anthropocene. This ecorevolutionary transition obviously cannot occur through the unbridled pursuit of acquisitive ends, based on the naive belief that this will automatically lead to the greater good—sometimes called “Adam’s Fallacy,” after the classical economist Adam Smith.53 Rather, the necessary reversal of existing trends and the stabilization of the human relation to the earth in accord with a path of sustainable human development can only occur through social, economic, and ecological planning, grounded in a new system of social metabolic reproduction.54

To create such an ecological civilization in the contemporary world would require a radical (in the sense of root) impetus emanating from the bottom of society—outside the realm of the vested interests.55 This overturning of the dominant social relations of production requires a long revolution emanating from the mass movement of humanity. Today’s realities are therefore giving rise to a nascent environmental proletariat, defined by its struggle against oppressive environmental as well as economic conditions, and leading to a revolutionary path of sustainable human development. Broad environmental-proletarian movements in this sense are already evident in our time—from the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) in Brazil, the international peasants’ movement La Vía Campesina, the Bolivarian communes in Venezuela, and the farmers’ movement in India, to the struggles for a People’s Green New Deal, environmental justice, and a just transition in the developed countries, to the Red Deal of the North American First Nations.56

The advent of the Communian, or the geological age of the Anthropocene to succeed the Capitalinian, barring an end-Anthropocene extinction event, necessitates an ecological, social, and cultural revolution; one aimed at the creation of collective relations within humanity as a whole as a basis for a wider community with the earth. It thus requires a society geared to both substantive equality and ecological sustainability. The conditions for this new relation to the earth were eloquently expressed by Marx, writing in the nineteenth century, in what is perhaps the most radical conception of sustainability ever developed: “From the standpoint of a higher socio-economic formation [socialism], the private property of particular individuals in the earth will appear just as absurd as the private property of one man in other men [slavery]. Even an entire society, a nation, or all simultaneously existing societies taken together, are not the owners of the earth. They are simply its possessors, its beneficiaries, and have to bequeath it in an improved state to succeeding generations, as boni patres familias [good heads of the household].”57 In the view of the ancient Greek materialist Epicurus, “the world is my friend.”58

The revolutionary reconstitution of the human relation to the earth envisioned here is not to be dismissed as a mere utopian conception, but rather is one of historical struggle arising out of objective (and subjective) necessity related to human survival. In the poetic words of Phil Ochs, the great radical protest singer and songwriter, in his song “Another Age”:

The soldiers have their sorrow

The wretched have their rage

Pray for the aged

It’s the dawn of another age.59

In the twenty-first century, it will be essential for the great mass of humanity, the “wretched of the earth,” to reaffirm, at a higher level, its communal relations with the earth: the dawn of another age.60

Notes

  1.  John R. McNeill and Peter Engelke, The Great Acceleration: The Environmental History of the Anthropocene Since 1945 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014); Ian Angus, Facing the Anthropocene: Fossil Capitalism and the Crisis of the Earth System (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2016), 38–47; Donald Worster, Nature’s Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
  2.  A classic work in this regard is Paul A. Baran and Paul M. Sweezy, Monopoly Capital: An Essay on the American Economic and Social Order (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1966).
  3.  Barry Commoner, The Closing Circle: Nature, Man, and Technology (New York: Bantam, 1972); John Bellamy Foster, The Vulnerable Planet: A Short Economic History of the Environment (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994), 112–18; Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1994); Murray Bookchin, Our Synthetic Environment (New York: Harper Colophon, 1974); Joel B. Hagen, An Entangled Bank (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 100–21; Robert Rudd, Pesticides and the Living Landscape (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1964).
  4.  Johan Rockström et al., “A Safe Operating Space for Humanity,” Nature 461, no. 24 (2009): 472–75; Will Steffen et al., “Planetary Boundaries,” Science 347, no. 6223 (2015): 736–46; John Bellamy Foster, Brett Clark, and Richard York, The Ecological Rift (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2010): 13–19; Giovanni Strona and Corey J. A. Bradshaw, “Co-extinctions Annihilate Planetary Life During Extreme Environmental Change,” Scientific Reports 8, no. 16274 (2018); James Hansen, Storms of My Grandchildren (New York: Bloomsbury, 2009), ix, 224–26.
  5.  V. Shantser, “Anthropogenic System (Period),” in Great Soviet Encyclopedia, vol. 2 (New York: Macmillan, 1973), 140; Alec Brookes and Elena Fratto, “Toward a Russian Literature of the Anthropocene,” Russian Literature 114–115 (2020): 8. See also Anonymous (likely written by E. V. Shantser), “Anthropogenic Factors of the Environment,” in Great Soviet Encyclopedia, vol. 2, 139.
  6.  John Bellamy Foster, “Late Soviet Ecology and the Planetary Crisis,” Monthly Review 67, no. 2 (June 2015): 1–20.
  7.  Vladimir I. Vernadsky, The Biosphere (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1998).
  8.  Vladimir I. Vernadsky, “Some Words About the Noösphere,” in 150 Years of Vernadsky, vol. 2, The Noösphere, ed. John Ross (Washington DC: 21st Century Science Associates, 2014), 82. (Vernadsky clearly meant period here, in geochronology, rather than era.) See also Jan Zalasiewicz, Colin N. Waters, Mark Williams, Colin P. Summerhayes, Martin J. Head, and Reinhold Leinfelder, “A General Introduction to the Anthropocene,” in The Anthropocene as a Geological Time Unit, ed. Jan Zalasiewicz, Colin N. Waters, Mark Williams, and Colin P. Summerhayes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 6.
  9.  Will Steffen, “Commentary,” in The Future of Nature: Documents of Global Change, ed. Libby Robin, Sverker Sörlin, and Paul Warde (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013), 486; Paul J. Crutzen, “The Geology of Mankind,” Nature 415 (2002): 23; Angus, Facing the Anthropocene, 27–28. Marine biologist Eugene Stoermer used the word Anthropocene a number of times in the 1980s to refer to the growing human impact on the earth in published articles. But unlike Pavlov in the early twentieth century (who impacted Vernadsky), as well as Crutzen in the early twenty-first century, who launched the current investigations into the Anthropocene, Stoermer’s use of the term at the time had no discernible impact on geological and Earth System discussions. See Andrew C. Revkin, “Confronting the Anthropocene,” New York Times, May 11, 2011; Angus, Facing the Anthropocene, 27.
  10.  Will Steffen et al., “Stratigraphic and Earth System Approaches to Defining the Anthropocene,” Earth’s Future 4 (2016): 324–45.
  11.  Will Steffen, Paul J. Crutzen, and John R. McNeill, “Are Humans Now Overwhelming the Great Forces of Nature?” Ambio 36, no. 8 (2007): 614; Angus, Facing the Anthropocene, 28–29.
  12.  Foster, The Vulnerable Planet, 108.
  13.  Clive Hamilton and Jacques Grinevald, “Was the Anthropocene Anticipated,” Anthropocene Review (2015): 6–7. The notion of an anthropogenic rift is closely related to the conception of a carbon rift, developed within environmental sociology, expanding on Karl Marx’s early conception of a metabolic rift in the human relation to the environment through production. See Foster, Clark, and York, The Ecological Rift, 121–50.
  14.  Ian Angus, A Redder Shade of Green: Intersections of Science and Socialism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2017), 70–71. As Angus explains, “Anthropocene names a planetary epoch that would not have begun in the absence of human activity, not one caused by every person on Earth.”
  15.  P. Snow, The Two Cultures (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
  16.  Jason W. Moore, “Who Is Responsible for the Climate Crisis?,” Maize, November 4, 2019. For a critique of such views, see Angus, A Redder Shade of Green, 67–85.
  17.  Andreas Malm, Fossil Capital: The Rise of Steam Power and the Roots of Global Warming (London: Verso, 2016), 391. Malm himself coined the term Capitalocene in 2009. See Jason W. Moore, “Anthropocene or Capitalocene?,” introduction to Anthropocene or Capitalocene?, ed. Jason W. Moore (Oakland: PM, 2016), 5.
  18.  Ian Burton and Robert W. Kates, “The Great Climacteric, 1798–2048: The Transition to a Just and Sustainable Human Environment,” in Geography, Resources and Environment, vol. 2, ed. Robert W. Kates and Ian Burton (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 393; John Bellamy Foster, “The Great Capitalist Climacteric,” Monthly Review 67, no. 6 (November 2015): 1–18.
  19.  Ray Lankester, The Kingdom of Man (New York: Henry Holt, 1911), 31–32.
  20.  Mike Walker et al., “Formal Ratification of the Subdivision of the Holocene Series/Epoch (Quaternary System/Period): Two New Global Boundary Stratotype Sections and Points (GSSPS) and Three New Stages/Subseries,” Episodes 41, no. 4 (2018): 213.
  21.  Walker et al., “Formal Ratification,” 214.
  22.  “Collapse of Civilizations Worldwide Defines Youngest Unit of the Geologic Time Scale,” International Commission on Stratigraphy, July 15, 2018.
  23.  Paul Voosen, “Massive Drought or Myth? Scientists Spar Over an Ancient Climate Event Behind Our New Geological Age,” Science, August 8, 2018.
  24.  Guy D. Middleton, “Bang or Whimper?: The Evidence for Collapse of Human Civilizations at the Start of the Recently Defined Meghalayan Age Is Equivocal,” Science 361, no. 6408 (2018): 1204–5.
  25.  Michael Walker, who chaired the geological working group that introduced the division of the Holocene into ages, insists that the designation of the Meghalayan Age in no way compromises the notion of an Anthropocene Epoch beginning in 1950. It would simply lop off seventy years from the end of the Meghalayan. “You’re Living in a New Geologic Age, the Meghalayan,” CBC News, July 23, 2018.
  26.  Jan Zalasiewicz et al., “Making the Case for a Formal Anthropocene Epoch,” Newsletters on Stratigraphy 50, no. 2 (2017): 210.
  27.  Colin N. Waters et al., “The Anthropocene Is Functionally and Stratigraphically Distinct from the Holocene,” Science 351, no. 6269 (2016): 137–47; Colin N. Waters, Irka Hajdas, Catherine Jeandel, and Jan Zalasiewicz, “Artificial Radionuclide Fallout Signals,” in The Anthropocene as a Geological Time Unit, 192–99; Reinhold Leinfelder and Juliana Assunção Ivar do Sul, “The Stratigraphy of Plastics and Their Preservation in Geological Records,” in The Anthropocene as a Geological Time Unit, 147–55. The most important thinker developing the analysis of the synthetic age was Barry Commoner. See Commoner, The Closing Circle; Barry Commoner, The Poverty of Power (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976); Barry Commoner, Making Peace with the Planet (New York: New Press, 1972); Foster, The Vulnerable Planet, 108–24.
  28.  Zalasiewicz et al., “Making the Case for a Formal Anthropocene Epoch,” 212–13.
  29.  On the significance of 1945 as a shift in the human relation to the earth, see Commoner, The Closing Circle, 49–50; Paul M. Sweezy and Harry Magdoff, “Capitalism and the Environment,” Monthly Review 41, no. 2 (June 1989): 3.
  30.  John Bellamy Foster, The Return of Nature (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2020), 502–3; Richard Hudson and Ben Shahn, Kuboyama and the Saga of the Lucky Dragon (New York: Yoseloff, 1965); Ralph E. Lapp, The Voyage of the Lucky Dragon (London: Penguin, 1957).
  31.  Zalasiewicz et al., “Making the Case for a Formal Anthropocene Epoch,” 211; Waters et al. “Artificial Radionuclide Fallout,” 192–99; Jan Zalasiewicz et al., “When Did the Anthropocene Begin?,” Quaternary International 383 (2014): 196–203; “A New Geological Epoch, the Anthropocene, Has Begun, Scientists Say,” CBC News, January 7, 2016.
  32.  Stephen Jay Gould, Eight Little Piggies (New York: W. W. Norton, 1993), 71; John Bellamy Foster, Ecology Against Capitalism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1992), 70–72.
  33.  Stephen Schneider, “Whatever Happened to Nuclear Winter?,” Climatic Change 12 (1988): 215; Richard P. Turco and Carl Sagan, A Path Where No Man Thought: Nuclear Winter and the End of the Arms Race (New York: Random House, 1990), 24–27; R. P. Turco and G. S. Golitsyn, “Global Effects of Nuclear War,” Environment 30, no. 5 (1988): 8–16. The nuclear winter concept led to wide discussions of the actual indirect effects of a global thermonuclear exchange, the scientific consensus that emerged, as Schneider indicated, was “that the environmental and societal ‘indirect’ effects of a nuclear war are…probably more threatening for the earth as a whole than the direct blasts or radioactivity in the target zones.” Schneider, “Whatever Happened to Nuclear Winter?,” 217.
  34.  Commoner, The Closing Circle, 45–53.
  35.  Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1998), 107–15; Angus, Facing the Anthropocene, 167–69; John Bellamy Foster and Brett Clark, The Robbery of Nature (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000), 247–58.
  36.  Roland Geyer, Jenna R. Jambeck, and Kara Lavender Law, “Production, Use, and Fate of All Plastics Ever Made,” Science Advances 3, no. 7 (2017).
  37.  Zalasiewicz et al., “Making the Case for a Formal Anthropocene Epoch,” 212–13.
  38.  Geyer, Jambeck, and Law, “Production, Use, and Fate of All Plastics Ever Made,” 1, 3.
  39.  Zalasiewicz, et al., “The Geological Cycle of Plastics and Their Use as a Stratigraphic Indicator of the Anthropocene,” Anthropocene 13 (2016): 4–17; Waters et al., “The Anthropocene Is Functionally and Stratigraphically Distinct from the Holocene”; Leinfelder and Ivar do Sul, “The Stratigraphy of Plastics and Their Preservation in Geological Records”; Juliana Assunção Ivar do Sul and Monica F. Costa, “The Present and Future of Microplastic Pollution in the Marine Environment,” Environmental Pollution 185 (2014): 352–64.
  40.  Tamara S. Galloway, Matthew Cole, and Ceri Lewis, “Interactions of Microplastic Debris throughout the Marine Ecosystem,” Nature Ecology & Evolution 1 (2017); Susan Casey, “Plastic Ocean,” in The Best American Science and Nature Writing 2007, ed. Mary Roach (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2007), 9–20.
  41.  Geyer, Jambeck, and Law, “Production, Use, and Fate of All Plastics Ever Made,” 3.
  42.  Carson, Silent Spring; Commoner, The Closing Circle; Commoner, The Poverty of Power; John Bellamy Foster and Brett Clark, “Rachel Carson’s Ecological Critique,” Monthly Review 59, no. 9 (2008): 1–17.
  43.  Baran and Sweezy, Monopoly Capital; Foster, Clark, and York, The Ecological Rift.
  44.  Commoner, The Closing Circle, 40.
  45.  Ulrich Beck, The Risk Society (London: Sage, 1992).
  46.  Peter Haff, “The Technosphere and Its Relation to the Anthropocene,” in The Anthropocene as a Geological Time Unit, 143.
  47.  Burton and Kates, “The Great Climacteric, 1798–2048,” in Geography, Resources and Environment, vol. 2, 393; Foster, “The Great Capitalist Climacteric”; Richard E. Leaky and Roger Lewin, The Sixth Extinction: Patterns of Life and the Future of Humankind (New York: Anchor, 1996).
  48.  See A. D. Ursul, ed., Philosophy and the Ecological Problems of Civilisation (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1983). Following the 1983 publication of Philosophy and the Ecological Problems of Civilisation, the vice president of the USSR Academy of Sciences, P. N. Fedoseev (also Fedoseyev), who had written the introductory essay on ecology and the problem of civilization in the above edited book, incorporated a treatment of “Ecological Civilization” into the second edition of his Scientific Communism. Chinese agriculturalist Ye Qianji used the term in an article he wrote for The Journal of Moscow University in 1984, which was translated in Chinese in 1985. See P. N. Fedoseyev (Fedoseev), Soviet Communism (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1986); Qingzhi Huan, “Socialist Eco-Civilization and Social-Ecological Transformation,” Capitalism Nature Socialism 27 no. 2 (2016): 52; Jiahua Pan, China’s Environmental Governing and Ecological Civilization (Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 2014), 35; Aran Gare, “Barbarity, Civilization, and Decadence: Meeting the Challenge of Creating an Ecological Civilization,” Chromatikon 5 (2009): 167.
  49.  On China and ecological civilization, see Pan, China’s Environmental Governing and Ecological Civilization; John B. Cobb Jr. (in conversation with Andre Vitchek), China and Ecological Civilization (Jakarta: Badak Merah, 2019); Xi Jinping, The Governance of China, vol. 3 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2020), 6, 20, 25, 417–24.
  50.  “Interview—Greta Thunberg Demands ‘Crisis’ Response to Climate Change,” Reuters, July 18, 2020.
  51.  Sweezy, “Capitalism and the Environment,” 6.
  52.  “Carbon Dioxide Peaks Near 40 Parts Per million at Mauna Loa Observatory,” NOAA Research News, July 7, 2021; James Hansen et al., “Target Atmospheric CO2: Where Should Humanity Aim?,” Open Atmospheric Science Journal 2 (2008): 217–31.
  53.  Duncan Foley, Adam’s Fallacy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006).
  54.  István Mészáros, Beyond Capital (London: Merlin, 1995); John Bellamy Foster, “The Earth-System Crisis and Ecological Civilization,” International Critical Thought 7, no. 4 (2017): 439–58; Foster, Clark, and York, The Ecological Rift, 401–22; Foster and Clark, The Robbery of Nature, 269–87; Fred Magdoff, “Ecological Civilization,” Monthly Review 62, no. 8 (2011): 1–25.
  55.  Mere technological change is insufficient to effect the necessary ecological and social transformation since technology is itself constrained by the underlying social relations. In his essay “Technological Determinism Revisited,” economist Robert Heilbroner indicated that modern economics ideology tends to focus on “the triadic connection of technological determinism, economic determinism, and capitalism.” However, this triadic connection insofar as it exists in reality, it can be argued, limits technological or productive rationality, while often pushing it in irrational directions, since capitalism as a system promotes accumulation “by ignoring all effects of the changed environment [and indeed all effects on the changing of the natural environment] except those that affect our maximizing possibilities” for profit. Robert Heilbroner, “Do Machines Make History?,” in Does Technology Drive History?, ed. Merritt Roe Smith and Leo Marx (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994), 72–73.
  56.  “Science for the People Statement on the People’s Green New Deal,” Science for the People, accessed July 23, 2021; Nick Estes, Our History Is the Future (London: Verso, 2019); Red Nation, The Red Deal (Brooklyn: Common Notions, 2021); Max Ajl, A People’s Green New Deal (London: Pluto, 2021).
  57.  Karl Max, Capital, vol. 3 (London: Penguin, 1981), 911.
  58.  Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 5 (New York: International Publishers, 1975), 141; Epicurus, The Epicurus Reader (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Co., 1994), 3–4.
  59.  Phil Ochs, “Another Age,” Rehearsals for Retirement, 1969.
  60.  Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove, 1963).

2021Volume 73, Number 4 (September 2021)
OPEN FOR BUSINESS...KIND OF
'Tough timing': Businesses caught off-guard by newest restrictions in Alberta



CTV News Edmonton Staff
Saturday, September 4, 2021

EDMONTON -- Industries hardest hit by the COVID-19 pandemic have been dealt another financial blow after new public health restrictions announced by Jason Kenney stop alcohol sales by 10 p.m.

The restrictions were announced Friday alongside a $100 vaccine incentive to drive the number of immunizations in Alberta higher.

Ahead of what was supposed to be a busy long weekend, several businesses told CTV News Edmonton they were caught off guard by the new measures.

“It was a bit of a surprise,” said Nathan Brass from Blowers and Grafton. “Didn’t know it was coming.”

“Tough timing. We were just getting our feet on the ground again,” said Cathal O’Byrne, director of O’Brynes.

The new policy is also a blow to those who make a living playing live music.

Musician and agent Cody Mack tweeted that he lost $2,200 this weekend alone, and believes the new restrictions punish the wrong people.

“With the 10 p.m. last call, it limits the amount of business that pubs, clubs, and social house can have after those hours, and most of that time is when live music shows its worth,” Mack told CTV News Edmonton in an interview.

“There’s a feeling of anger,” he added. “It seems unfair to those doing everything they can to go back.”

Venues across the city, like the Starlite Room, have been implementing their own proof of vaccination policy to help create a safe environment.

Mack believes this is a fair trade-off to the current legislation.

“We just want to save our industry,” Mack said. “There’s a lot of colleagues having a real hard time just getting through the day, working day jobs when they had a full-blown career doing what they loved, now doing something they don’t enjoy just to provide for their family.”

While the restrictions are now in force, some events say they've gotten an "exemption" from officials, including the Airdrie Pro Rodeo.

With files from CTV News Calgary's Michael Franklin and Timm Bruch
RELATED IMAGES



THIRD WORLD USA
Hurricane ida's death toll rises as victims trapped in illegal basement apartments

Issued on: 05/09/2021 - 
Homeowners check on their house and boat destroyed by Hurricane Ida, Septemer 5, 2021, in Lafitte, Louisiana. 
© John Locher, AP

Text by: NEWS WIRES

Hurricane Ida's death toll in the U.S. Northeast rose on Sunday to at least 50 people, with many holding out hope for the missing in the floodwaters and Pope Francis calling on those affected by the disaster to be strong.

New York had 17 confirmed deaths, four in Westchester County and the remainder in New York City, where nearly all the victims were trapped in illegal basement apartments that are among the last remaining affordable options for low-income residents in the area, a spokesperson for Governor Kathy Hochul said.

In New Jersey, there were 27 confirmed storm deaths and four people still missing, said a spokesperson for Governor Phil Murphy.

Among the missing were two college students last seen in Passaic, New Jersey, on Wednesday as Ida's historic deluge was reported to have swept them away in the floodwaters of the raging Passaic River.

A student mass was called on Sunday at Seton Hall University in South Orange for Nidhi Rana, a first-year commuter student from Passaic who was last seen with her friend Ayush Rana, a Montclair State University student, as the water rushed around his car.


"Join me in keeping Nidhi and Ayush in your prayers for their safe return," Seton Hall President Joseph Nyre said in a letter to students.

Neither the Passaic Police nor the Fire Department immediately responded to Reuters' requests for more information.

Pope Francis offers condolences

Other Northeast states where storm deaths were reported included Connecticut with at least one dead, Pennsylvania with at least four dead and Maryland with at least one dead.

Louisiana's governor on Saturday increased the number of storm deaths in his Gulf Coast state to 12 people killed after Ida made landfall there on Aug. 29 as a Category 4 hurricane, downing trees, power lines and debris with wind gusts that reached 172 miles per hour (276 kph).

Hundreds of thousands of people in the state remained in the dark.

The Grand Classica, a cruise ship that will house 1,500 workers trying to restore power, departed from the Port of Palm Beach on Saturday and is due to arrive in New Orleans on Tuesday under a charter agreement with Entergy Corp., the Bahamas Paradise Cruise Line said.

Pope Francis offered his condolences to Ida victims at his Sunday blessing in St. Peter's Square.

"May the Lord welcome the souls of the dead and give strength to those who are suffering from this calamity," the Pope said.

(REUTERS)
THIRD WORLD USA
In Covid-swamped Texas, patients die stranded in rural clinics

Issued on: 06/09/2021 
Carmella, 72, who had a heart attack and could not be transferred to a specialized facility, is seen waiting at Bellville Medical Center in Texas -- one of many rural clinics in the state overwhelmed with Covid patients -- on September 1, 2021 
Francois PICARD AFP/File

Houston (AFP)

Daniel Wilkinson survived two tours of duty in Afghanistan but died of gallstones, deteriorating slowly as his under-equipped doctors looked on helplessly.

Wilkinson, 46, lived only 90 minutes by car or 30 minutes by helicopter from Houston, renowned for its top-flight hospitals. The problem is the Texas health care system has been utterly overwhelmed by people suffering from the Delta variant of the coronavirus.

In this wealthy state, 14,700 people were hospitalized as of September 1, just below a record set in January as a winter Covid wave wreaked havoc across America.

"In the previous surges, we kept a little over 750 patients. Right now we’ve been running between 820 and 850 patients, so the hospitals are quite full," said Roberta Schwartz, executive vice president of Houston Methodist Hospital, which is actually a group of hospitals.

Things are so bad that a conference room at one of the facilities is being used to treat patients.

So rural health facilities are being forced to keep patients they are not equipped to care for -- like Wilkinson.

He was admitted August 21 to the only hospital in his county, a block from his home in the town of Bellville, population 4,000.

The clinic did not have the equipment to remove his gallstones, so it tried to organize a transfer by helicopter to another hospital.

"Our staff and our physician worked nonstop for over six hours trying to get him that transfer to a tertiary care center anywhere," said Daniel Bonk Fache, the CEO of Bellville Medical Center.

"Our emergency room doctor at that time actually went on Facebook trying to get him transferred," said Bonk Fache.

A doctor near the Texas capital Austin offered to take in Wilkinson, then called back five minutes later to say there was no room at his hospital.

- Find a bed, somehow -

"We get a few calls every day from rural hospital leaders that are just frantically trying to find a place to send these patients," said John Henderson, president of the Texas Organization of Rural and Community Hospitals. Sprawling Texas has 158 such facilities, more than any other US state.

Blood specimen tubes are seen in the laboratory of Bellville Medical Center in the state of Texas where hospitals are overwhelmed due to record Covid-19 hospitalizations Francois PICARD AFP

Henderson said Wilkinson's case was not an isolated one.

"I would say every day this week we’ve had a situation that didn’t end well and resulted in a patient’s death," said Johnson.

Hospital staff feel powerless and overwhelmed by the frantic search for hospital beds somewhere bigger and more equipped.

"We 'lose' a nurse essentially every day, because that nurse has to call all of the hospitals in the surrounding areas to prove that we are doing our due diligence to get them elsewhere," said Renee Poulter, who manages the nursing staff at the Bellville clinic.

"And that takes hours, hours if not the whole day spent phoning every hospital in the great state of Texas to see if anyone will accept your patient," she added.

The Bellville facility is not designed to have an intensive care unit but like many, out of necessity, it had to fashion one.

"We have a critical, ICU-level Covid-positive patient at our rural facility that we have been taking care of for 11 days because we cannot find him a higher level of care," said Poulter.

To help them, Texas is providing these uber-busy rural hospitals with respirators, oxygen and other means of stabilizing their patients. It is also bringing in nurses from other states.

Two such helpers showed up last week in Bellville, one coming from Pennsylvania and the other from Alabama, each working six shifts per week.

In one of the clinic's rooms, a 72-year-old local woman named Carmella finishes a meal while her husband keeps her company, a day after she suffered a heart attack.

"They did jump in and did as much as they possibly could, but they are just swamped. They tried to transfer me. I heard some of the phone calls. And nobody would take me," said Carmella, who did not give her last name.

"From what I understand, nobody’s leaving here," she said. "It’s a sad situation."

Carmella did eventually get better and was able to go home.

Others have not been as fortunate.
Israel mob killings bond grieving families but divide remains

Issued on: 06/09/2021 - 
Malek Hassuna, on the left, holds a picture of his son Mussa, who was shot dead by Jewish vigilantes. He sits with Effi Yehoshua, whose brother was also killed
 AHMAD GHARABLI AFP

Lod (Israel) (AFP)

Two Israeli men who lost close relatives in sectarian mob violence, one Jewish and one Arab, have bonded in grief -- but their contrasting pursuits of justice highlight a deep divide.

Both are mourning loved ones who were killed in the mixed city of Lod during the spasm of inter-communal unrest that tore through Israel during the latest Gaza war.

Malek Hassuna, who is Arab, said his 31-year-old son Mussa, a scrap metal trader, was shot dead by Jewish vigilantes on May 10, leaving behind a wife and three children.

Effi Yehoshua, who is Jewish, said his 56-year-old-brother Yigal, an electrician, was killed a day later when a rain of stones hit his car. He was survived by his wife and two children.


Seven Arab suspects have been indicted in Yigal's killing, police said.

Four Jewish suspects were arrested in Mussa's death, but then released, with no indictments filed.

"This is not justice," said Hassuna, 62, who recounted how he was mourning his son when he heard that Yigal, his work colleague, had died.

Cars were burned during the intra-communal violence between Arab and Jewish Israelis in the city of Lod near Tel Aviv 
GIL COHEN-MAGEN AFP/File

"Yigal was my friend," Hassuna told AFP.

He said he visited Yigal's grieving family and told them, "your pain is my pain".

The two bereaved men began exchanging messages and voice notes.

Months later, sitting on Hassuna's couch, Yehoshua, 58, told AFP: "Every time the wound opens, it hurts. It tries to heal and it opens again, and for Malek, the wound doesn't heal either."

- Finding the truth -


Both men say their loved ones moved easily between the Jewish and Arab communities of Lod, a working-class city of around 80,000 people.

About a third of residents are Arab citizens of Israel, the descendants of Palestinians who remained after Israel's 1948 founding.

Israelis stand in a home that was damaged by fire during the intra-communal violence in Lod 
GIL COHEN-MAGEN AFP/File

For years, Jews and Arabs shared Lod, though Arab residents complained of unequal treatment in housing and land.

The calm was shattered in May when unprecedented violence by Arab rioters and Jewish vigilantes left synagogues smouldering, Muslim gravestones smashed, and cars charred along the city's roads.

Tensions had flared nationwide after Israeli police stormed Jerusalem's Al-Aqsa Mosque in response to worshippers throwing rocks and explosives.

The fighting exploded when Gaza's Islamist rulers Hamas fired rockets and Israel pounded the blockaded enclave with intense airstrikes.

"Lod never had anything like this in 70 years," Yehoshua said.

The Arab suspects indicted over Yigal's death included two West Bank residents and five Israeli citizens, police said.

According to the charges, the defendants hurled rocks through Yigal's car windows, cracking his skull and causing fatal brain damage.

Effi Yehoshua said he attends every court hearing for his brother's alleged killers.

"I believe in the legal system, believe in the security forces, that they will arrest these people and give them what they deserve," he said.

In the case of Mussa's shooting, police questioned four Jewish suspects but later released them.

"Israel makes a distinction, that it's very normal for an Arab to die in cold blood," Hassuna said.

- Wave of violence -


Israeli police told AFP they arrested 154 people, including 120 Arabs, connected to "disturbances" in Lod.

Malek Hassuna, left, holds up his phone with a picture of his late son Mussa, and Effi Yehoshua shows a photo of his late brother Yigal 
AHMAD GHARABLI AFP

Police said officers investigate "every instance of violence and murder ... without any tie to the background of the suspect or victim in a crime".

However, Jafar Farah, director of the Mossawa Center rights group for Palestinian citizens of Israel, told AFP that "there is selective implementation of law enforcement when it comes to Arab citizens".

Farah's organisation said police had arrested more than 2,300 Arab citizens since May, compared to 180 Jewish citizens.

The justice ministry did not confirm the arrest figures, but said it issued 515 indictments for various offences, with Jewish defendants comprising about 13 percent.

Among those arrested, in June, was Mussa's brother Ayoub, 29, who remains in prison on what his father argues are bogus charges.

In July, Hassuna spoke in Israel's parliament and begged for justice for Mussa.

He blamed Lod's unrest on its mayor, Yair Revivo, who had called on Jewish Israelis to come with weapons "to defend us".

"If there wasn't Yair Revivo, all would be quiet," Hassuna told lawmakers.

On his way home, Hassuna received a call from Revivo threatening to sue him and seize his property.

"Watch out for me," Revivo warned, in a taped call AFP obtained.

- 'My heart calms' -

Effi Yehoshua said he spent six days at Yigal's bedside in hospital.

His family donated Yigal's organs; a Palestinian woman from east Jerusalem received a kidney.

Israeli mourners attend the funeral of Yigal Yehoshua in the city of Modiin on May 18 ahmad gharabli AFP/File

Since then, Yehoshua has returned to his office job at a water company. He said a commercial TV channel was making a documentary about his brother.

Malek Hassuna said he is raising Mussa's children, along with six others from two sons in jail. His work as a tractor operator does not cover his expenses.

"Nobody is helping me," he said. "I'm 62, I have heart disease, diabetes, high blood pressure. I worry I will collapse and my family will have a problem."

Amid the crisis, Hassuna said he found solace in his new friend.

"When I see Effi I remember Yigal and I feel secure. My heart calms," Hassuna said.

Effi Yehoshua said he, too, was enriched by the relationship.

"I've become a better man since we met," Yehoshua said of Hassuna.

"If I can be with him and all his pain and I don't let go, it's a good message for all -- not to hate."

© 2021 AFP
How will legal cannabis firms navigate Mexico’s business risks?

The Mexican senate is expected to take up cannabis legalisation this month and big international firms are eager to profit from the country’s market. But will corruption and extortion be part of the cost of doing business?

Mexico's proposal to legalise cannabis - shown growing here at a Cannativa AC research lab in Mexico City - has hit a snag in the country's senate, where a revised version of the bill is under consideration 
[File: Maurio Palos/Bloomberg]

By Ann Deslandes
3 Sep 2021

Mexico City, Mexico – Legal cannabis is coming to Mexico, and many foreign investors are chomping at the bit.

Mexico has been inching closer and closer to full legalisation ever since its Supreme Court of Justice ruled in 2018 that banning the drug was unconstitutional. In January, the country’s health ministry laid out regulations for its use for medical purposes.
KEEP READINGMexico court rules gov’t should legalise recreational cannabisThe US cannabis industry’s one big problem: Too much cashNot ‘very nice’: Borat actor sues US cannabis firm over billboardMexico moves to create world’s largest legal cannabis market

Now, a bill to legalise recreational use by people over the age of 18 is in the hands of the country’s Senate of the Republic, which is expected to vote on it this month.

There is plenty of money to be made: the size of the medical cannabis market alone in Mexico is expected to reach $249.6m by 2025, according to an analysis by United States-based consultancy Grand View Research.

Major global cannabis firms such as Canopy Growth, Biomedican and Aurora Cannabis have been keeping a close eye on the legislative developments in Mexico with a view to profit from a countrywide market once the legalisation bill passes.

Supporters of legalisation rallied in Mexico City on July 3, urging the senate to approve the measure 
[File: Ginnette Riquelme/AP Photo]

For Andres Fajardo, president of multinational cannabis company Clever Leaves, legal cannabis is set to have a nothing less than “transformative” effect on Mexico, “generating proper paying jobs or generating formal employment” along with providing new pharmaceutical options for people in need of medical care, he told Al Jazeera.

Advocates for legalisation have also claimed that sanctioning the drug will reduce the violence that comes with narcotrafficking.

Cannabis has long been an important product for Mexico’s drug cartels and the hope has been that legalisation will deprive organised criminal groups of income and reduce battles over territory for growing the plant.

But whether legalising cannabis will solve the country’s violence problem remains to be seen, as does legal cannabis firms’ ability to navigate an industry whose illicit nature has historically made it rife with corruption and extortion.

“The legal cannabis industry is likely to face security challenges, given that cannabis production and subsequent trafficking still represents a large percentage of the revenues of many organised criminal groups,” Eduardo Arcos, a senior analyst with risk management consultancy Control Risks, told Al Jazeera.
Risks of violence and extortion

There’s no denying that doing business in Mexico comes with risks of violence, theft and corruption. The country ranks 124 out of 180 worldwide on Transparency International’s 2020 Corruption Perceptions Index.

In recent years, foreign mining corporations, food distribution companies and a Coca-Cola distribution plant have all shuttered operations in Mexico due to security concerns.

A 2018 survey by the American Chamber of Commerce of Mexico polled 415 executives and directors in departments related to business security and found that 42.1 percent of respondents said their companies had suffered attacks to supply-chain transport in the previous 12 months.

The organisation’s report (PDF)
found that “virtual extortion, robbery and threats to employees, facilities trespassing, protests and blockades stand as recurrent security problems.”

Cannabis plants grow at a Cannativa AC research lab in Mexico City, Mexico, where proponents of the drug are hoping the country’s senate will pass a legalisation bill this month 
[File: Maurio Palos/Bloomberg]

Arcos said extortion is of particular concern to companies doing business in Mexico.

“Perpetrators target businesses based on their perceived chances of success in coercing businesses to cede to their demands, which typically involve one-off or regular payments,” he told Al Jazeera.

Coercion sometimes involves the threat or act of armed violence, kidnappings, and theft or robbery of machinery in order to exact payment from the victim for “protection” from the perpetrator.

“At the heart of extortion is protection, not necessarily violence,” Maria Teresa Martinez Trujillo, a professor and researcher at Monterrey Technological College, told Al Jazeera. “In the workplace, someone is offering you protection from a threat they represent themselves. So the source of protection and threat is the same.”

The most recent data from the Mexican national statistics agency’s annual survey of 33,866 business victims of crime shows the scope of the extortion problem. Some 688 of every 10,000 business entities reported being victims of extortion, making it the third most common crime businesses face after employee theft and the theft or damage to merchandise, money, goods or other business inputs.

Arcos noted that “businesses operating in remote locations with little presence of law enforcement, such as mining, energy and construction companies, are frequent targets of extortion by organised criminal groups”.

Remote cannabis farms could fit that bill, which could make them vulnerable to criminal groups that “wield wide-ranging control over economic activities in a given region and have the capability to significantly disrupt their operations,” he said.

Arcos added that the burgeoning legal cannabis industry in Mexico should therefore be cautious.

“Security threats for the legal cannabis industry will likely include threats of violence from organised crime, extorted concessions in exchange for permission to operate in criminally controlled areas and the threat of kidnapping of personnel,” he said.

 “Additional security threats are likely along the product supply chain, including distribution channels.”

Mitigating risk

So how might business ventures associated with a new legal cannabis industry confront violence and extortion?

Clever Leaves is hoping that its experience with Mexico’s southern neighbour, Colombia, will help. Colombia legalised medical cannabis in 2016 and has its own history of problems with drug trafficking and organised criminal groups.

Fajardo, Clever Leaves’ CEO and co-founder, said he believes choosing the right place to grow legal cannabis is essential

.
Entrepreneurs like the co-founders of Cannativa AC are hoping to cash in on legalisation as soon as it is allowed in Mexico 
[File: Maurio Palos/Bloomberg]

“We picked our locations within Colombia in regions that not only have the right agro-industrial characteristics to it in terms of weather, the humidity, the sun, exposure to the sunlight, et cetera — we also looked at the social-political factors,” he explained.

Fajardo said the firm chose to grow its crop in parts of Colombia where recent years have seen minimal violence, hiring a private investigation firm to obtain information regarding land ownership to ensure there was no conflict.

“In the region where we operate a cultivation facility, there have been zero deaths [by homicide] per 100,000 inhabitants for the last 15 years,” he said.

The facility is in the central Colombian department of Boyaca — where, Fajardo also pointed out, a Colombian army base is located close by.
Local partners

Fajardo also said strong local partnerships are essential to setting up a viable legal business.

Clever Leaves has recently entered the Mexican market as a partner of local business CBD Life, supplying the wellness company with pharmaceutical cannabis for its consumer products such as lotions and drinks infused with cannabidiol (CBD, a chemical compound found in cannabis and shown in studies to reduce pain and address the symptoms of mood disorders).

In Mexico as in anywhere, Fajardo said, the firm feels it needs a local person “who knows the market, who better understands the regulator, who can better navigate the market”.

Luis Armendariz, a cross-border business attorney specialising in Mexico’s cannabis industry, said this is precisely what he advises his clients.

Armendariz said “it’s a reality and undeniable fact that there are criminal threats or even extortion or corruption” in doing business of any kind in Mexico.

“But you can find, for example, good local partners that can guide you and represent you and bridge the gap between the government and the way that Mexican culture works.”


“These local partners can be anyone from employees or managers to joint venture partners,” he added. “If you find a good local partner, I think that’s a way to mitigate the risk.”

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA
China created more billionaires than the U.S. Now it is cracking down.

"This is an opportunity to portray itself as a forward-thinking government that cares about its citizens," Austin Strange of University of Hong Kong said.



Sept. 5, 2021, 
By Alexander Smith and Robbie Hu

Communist China has relentlessly pursued economic growth for decades, creating more billionaires than the United States, lifting 800 million people out of poverty, but leaving another 600 million to live on $150 a month.

Now, President Xi Jinping is planning what some experts say would be a dramatic about-face, trying to restructure Chinese society by cracking down on the country's newly minted super-rich and redistributing wealth more evenly among its population of 1.4 billion.

The drive involves plans to "regulate excessively high incomes" and "encourage high-income people and enterprises to return more to society," according to a readout of Xi’s comments at a meeting of the Chinese Communist Party by the state-run news agency Xinhua.

While his slogan of "common prosperity" was hardly new among Chinese leaders, Xi's speech last month was the starkest example of his apparent plan for a reshaped society.

Some experts believe that, for the party, there is a self-preservation rationale behind the goal of better income equality. For years the Communist Party has staked its legitimacy on growth that has outpaced that of any other major economy; now that that is slowing, it may feel it has to offer a new promise: equality.

Women look at bags at Louis Vuitton's flagship store Shanghai.
China Photos / Getty Images file

"China's government is aware that both domestic and international audiences are watching," said Austin Strange, an assistant professor of politics at the University of Hong Kong. "This is an opportunity to portray itself as a forward-thinking government that cares about its citizens, including those near the bottom of the wealth distribution."

As part of the Communist Party’s sweeping vision for the future, the government has enforced a regulatory crackdown against Chinese tech giants that sent Western financial markets into a spin.

But the efforts extend beyond the economy, including everything from limiting video gaming hours for minors, to trying to stamp out a fan culture that sees teenagers "blindly idolize celebrities," as the hawkish, party-controlled newspaper Global Times put it last week.

This message resonates with Cao Xinyin, 19, a college student in Beijing whose demographic — university-educated urbanite — the Communist Party is keen to keep on its side.

"Common prosperity means that everybody can live a high-quality life," she said. "People will live a healthier life, be better behaved, have a happier mood and will be more likely to pursue and realize their dreams."

Others aren't convinced, however.


Shaun Jiang, 28, the former owner of an education company in the southwestern city of Chengdu that recently closed, said common prosperity was little more than a political slogan, lacking “a clear roadmap and feasibility."

Either way, Xi’s attempts to control the market are unprecedented, according to Bill Bikales, a New York-based economist who spent years in China working on economic policy at various United Nations agencies.

"It's quite an extraordinary situation," he said. "What's surprising is the extent to which Xi thinks that the role of the market can be restricted, and restricted and restricted again."

Political legitimacy at stake


Xi’s latest effort at state intervention might seem unsurprising for a one-party communist state. But since the 1970s, China has turned away from the Marxist zeal of former Chairman Mao Zedong and embraced reforms that opened up its economy and helped transform it into the global powerhouse of today.
An apartment building in Chongqing, the largest municipality in southwest China
.Zhou Zhiyong / AP file

More than 800 million people have been lifted out of extreme poverty since 1978, according to the World Bank, and more than half the population is now considered middle class. As of last year, there were 1,058 billionaires living in China compared with 696 in the U.S., according to the Hurun Report, a Shanghai-based organization that tracks China's wealthy population.


But although forecasts predict China's economy could overtake the U.S. in size as early as 2028, the country also has one of the highest levels of income inequality of any major world economy.

Some 600 million people — almost twice the U.S. population — are still living on the equivalent of about $150 a month, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang said last year.


"The wealth disparity has been quite serious in China," said Jiangnan Zhu, an associate professor of politics at the University of Hong Kong.

China was the only major economy that expanded last year, having largely eliminated the coronavirus after it was first detected there in late 2019. But in recent years there has been an overall slowdown in the country's stratospheric economic growth, which had been a "crucial pillar of the Chinese Communist Party’s political legitimacy," according to Strange at the University of Hong Kong.

Now that "the era of breakneck economic development is over," said Ryan Hass, a senior fellow at the Washington think tank Brookings Institution, "the Chinese leadership is shifting its focus toward improving quality-of-life issues as a new source of performance legitimacy."

Meanwhile, Beijing is under growing criticism from abroad over a wide range of issues, including its increasing military activity around Taiwan, tightening grip on Hong Kong and treatment of Uyghur Muslims, which the U.S. and others have described as genocide.

A child eats a snack in her temporary 290 square-foot studio apartment in Hong Kong. Squeezed into the tiny temporary apartment, her family struggles to make ends meet in the notoriously unequal city.
Anthony Wallace / AFP via Getty Images

Some tech giants have responded to the government's regulatory crackdown by promising cash for philanthropic social programs. One of China's largest companies, Tencent Holdings Ltd., has pledged some $15 billion for a raft of initiatives, covering everything from the environment to education and rural reform to providing technological assistance for senior citizens.

Tencent said the move was a direct response to "China's wealth redistribution campaign."

Alibaba Group Holding Ltd., another Chinese tech giant, pledged a similar amount on Thursday.

Along with a revamped taxation and welfare system, Xi may be planning to use these types of large charitable donations as a central driver for his reforms, said Vivian Zhan, an associate professor of politics at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.

The Communist Party has "many policy tools to regulate big companies and mobilize resources from them for redistribution and other policy goals," she said.

But the common prosperity drive still faces other challenges such as corruption, the eradication of which has been the focus of a yearslong campaign by Xi. More than 60 percent of Chinese people still believe corruption is a big problem, according to Transparency International, a nonprofit organization based in Berlin.

"Common prosperity is a good idea, nice to hear but difficult to realize," said Qin Guiying, 52, who used to work as a farmer in Sichuan province but now works at a car wash in Beijing.

"The main problem is corruption of local officials," she added. "I think the rich people will remain rich, while the poor will remain poor because of corruption."