Sunday, July 31, 2022

Thousands pay their respects at funeral of veteran Sri Lankan Trotskyist Wije Dias

On Saturday, nearly one thousand family members, comrades and supporters gathered at the Borella Cemetery in Colombo from all parts of the country to pay their last respects to the late comrade Wije Dias, chairman of the Socialist Equality Party (SEP), the Sri Lankan section of the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI).

Pall bearers carry Comrade Wije Dias' coffin [Photo: WSWS]

The casket with Wije’s remains was taken to the cemetery in a solemn procession of 500, including SEP members and sympathisers, marching the two kilometres from the funeral parlor. The Internationale was played throughout the march.

Wije Dias died on the morning of July 27 from a massive heart attack, just one month before his 81st birthday. His remains were kept at the Jayaratne Respect Home in Borella, Colombo from Thursday morning for those who wished to pay their last respects.

He was a founding member of the Revolutionary Communist League (RCL), the predecessor of the SEP. After the untimely demise of Keerthi Balasuriya, the founding General Secretary of the RCL, in December 1987, Wije took up the responsibility of general secretary until last May when he was elected to the new position of party chairman.

Over three days, nearly 2,000 people from all parts of the island came to pay their respects, including SEP members, supporters, family members, artists, intellectuals, workers and students. Groups from the North and South and the Central plantation districts traveled to the funeral despite serious transport disruptions caused by acute fuel shortages.
A section of the funeral procession [Photo: WSWS]

Comrade Wije’s death and his funeral was reported with photos on several private as well as state television channels in their prime-time news together with brief comments on Wije’s political role. The major newspapers in Sinhala, Tamil and English also published prominent reports which all referred to Dias as an intransigent fighter who dedicated his adult life to Trotskyism, and noted the SEP and its relationship to the ICFI.

The Daily Mirror, a widely circulated English-language newspaper, headlined its report “Legendary Trotskyist Wije Dias no more.” The Sri Lanka Mirror declared: “Sri Lankan Trotskyist icon passes away.”

The funeral procession led by party members dressed in red attracted the attention of many on the roadsides. A banner at the front of the procession featured his photo with the inscription “Our Revolutionary Salute to Comrade Wije Dias, Chairman of the SEP, the Sri Lankan Section of ICFI.” Members of the health, education and plantation action committees carried banners bearing messages of condolence.

The entire funeral was broadcast live on the SEP Facebook page which had an audience of nearly 1,000, including from the US, Europe, Australia, India, the Middle East and several other countries. So far, over 3,000 people have watched the video and nearly 450 people have shared it. Many people, including members of the SEP’s sister parties, commented, adding their messages of condolence and revolutionary salute.

K. Ratnayake, a long-time SEP member, Sri Lankan WSWS national editor and a very close comrade of Dias, chaired the meeting. In opening, he referred to the RCL’s founding in 1968 in the wake of the betrayal by the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) of the principles of socialist internationalism when it entered the bourgeois coalition government of Prime Minister Sirima Bandaranaike in 1964.

“When we look back at the period around 1968, it was not a very easy time politically. The wave of bankrupt, reactionary coalition politics—of socialism via parliamentary road—was spreading. At that time, Maoism, Castroism, Guevarism and the armed struggle were the political fashion internationally. Marxism and the revolutionary role of the working class were rejected. These ideologies were echoed in Sri Lanka. Keerthi, Wije and other comrades who founded the RCL in 1968 rejected these anti-Marxist theories and based the party on Trotskyism, the continuation of Marxism, which was defended only by the International Committee.”

Ratnayake said that Wije’s death was a great loss for Sri Lankan section as well as the ICFI, adding: “But we pledge to honor him by fighting relentlessly for the Trotskyist perspective to which he devoted his entire life.” He explained that Wije saw the struggles of the workers, youth and oppressed in Sri Lanka over the last three months very optimistically and was committed to the last minute of his life to arm and lead the SEP politically amid those developments.
K. Ratnayake, Sri Lankan WSWS national editor [Photo: WSWS]

David North, chairman of the US SEP and the WSWS International Editorial Board, addressed the gathering via the internet. He began his remarks by expressing his regret at not being able to be in Colombo as comrade Wije was being laid to rest. All those who are gathered at Dias’s funeral, North said, “are aware that they are in the presence of history.” He continued: “It can be declared unequivocally that Wije Dias played a monumental role, spanning sixty years, in the struggle to build the Trotskyist movement.”

North said that Wije and a remarkable cadre of young Trotskyists, led by Keerthi Balasuriya, had to “swim against the stream” in founding the RCL. But Wije, Keerthi, and their comrades, North said, “did so with unwavering confidence in the power of historical truth, the correctness of the perspective and program of the Fourth International, and the revolutionary role of the working class in Sri Lanka and throughout the world.”

The full text of David North’s tribute is published here.

SEP Political Committee member, Vilani Peiris, described the crucial role played by Dias in the formation of the RCL. She explained that Dias alongside with Keerthi Balasuriya drew brilliantly on the political guidance and decisive intervention made by the ICFI, which explained that the root of the great betrayal by the LSSP lay not nationally, but internationally in Pabloite revisionism.

Saman Gunadasa, SEP Assistant Secretary, explained that Comrade Wije worked very enthusiastically to prepare the party for the current class struggle developing in Sri Lanka. He paid tribute to Wije’s untiring efforts in his last days—his active involvement in the Third National Congress of the SEP in Sri Lanka and his close collaboration with the ICFI in producing the SEP’s decisive latest statement entitled “For a Democratic & Socialist Congress Workers and Rural Masses.” Saman concluded his speech pledging that the party would take forward the struggle for the Fourth International, as Wije had done and would have wished.

Speaking in Tamil, SEP Political Committee member M. Thevarajah said: “I met Wije in Jaffna in 1976, just two months after I joined the party. He came there to take theoretical classes on Lenin’s book What Is to Be Done. He insisted that the working class was the only revolutionary class and the socialist consciousness could be provided only by a revolutionary party. He insisted on the role of the Marxist Party for the victory of socialist revolution. After 45 years we can see how much that was been vindicated…
M. Thevarajah

“Amid the numerous nationalist tendencies, comrade Wije, with the RCL’s determined young comrades led by Keerthi, firmly fought for the internationalist policies based on the understanding that the working class is the international revolutionary class. We should learn from the life of comrade Wije and dedicate ourselves to bringing the working class to power.”

Janarthi, Wije’s nine-year-old granddaughter, addressed the assembly on behalf of his family. She said that grandfather was an amazing person who constantly cared about her and that what everyone else had said about him inspired her to be as determined as he was. “Throughout his efforts to make a workers’ revolution, he still made time for his family and made time for me,” she said. On behalf of the family, she thanked all who participated in the occasion.

Kapila Fernando, an SEP Political Committee member and convener of the International Youth and Students for Social Equality, said: “It should be mentioned in particular that all comrades in the youth movement received immense guidance from comrade Wije in organising public meetings and in writing articles for the WSWS about the attacks on public education, youth unemployment and other cultural issues.” In some cases, he wrote the necessary analysis himself to develop the youth movement, drawing on his vast knowledge and political sharpness.

Kapila recalled that Wije was arrested in 1986, when he was addressing a meeting in Chilaw defending free education. He was kept in jail for six weeks, along with two other party members, by the police as part of the repression unleashed by the then United National Party (UNP) regime.

“All of us in the youth movement considered it a great privilege to work with him,” he said.
SEP General Secretary Deepal Jayasekara [Photo: WSWS]

Deepal Jayasekara, SEP general secretary, delivered the concluding remarks. He said starting with the fight against the betrayal of the LSSP, comrade Wije’s commitment to the principles of Trotskyist socialist internationalism remained unbroken throughout his entire political life. “In the midst of all the difficulties that our party faced as the RCL from 1968 to 1996, and since then as the SEP in Sri Lanka and globally due to the malign nature of capitalist class rule, he fought for those principles without hesitation and with indomitable courage.”

Explaining the decisiveness of Wije’s leadership in advancing the SEP struggle to build the unity of the Sinhala-Tamil working class, Jayasekara said: “Comrade Wije committed himself very firmly to the struggle to unify the working class against the Sinhala chauvinism of the Colombo government, as well as the Tamil separatism of the LTTE…

“Comrade Wije will be given the respect he deserves by building the SEP as the mass revolutionary party in Sri Lanka and the ICFI internationally and advancing the socialist internationalism to which he devoted his entire adult life.”

The funeral gathering ended with singing of the Internationale.

Comrades sing the Internationale at the end of the funeral gathering. [Photo: WSWS]


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‘The world will change’: England’s soccer team sweeps to Women’s Euro 2022 title

England takes home its first major tournament win in 56

years for either men or women in front of record crowd at

London’s Wembley Stadium

England after winning the Women's Euro 2022 final soccer match between England and Germany at Wembley stadium in London, July 31, 2022. England won 2-1. (AP Photo/Alessandra Tarantino)
England after winning the Women's Euro 2022 final soccer match between England and Germany at Wembley 
stadium in London, July 31, 2022. England won 2-1. (AP Photo/Alessandra Tarantino)

AFP — England manager Sarina Wiegman said “the world will change” for her players after the Lionesses, the national women’s soccer team, won Euro 2022 with a 2-1 extra-time victory over Germany at sold out London’s Wembley Stadium on Sunday.

In front of a crowd of 87,192, a record for any match in the history of the European Championships, Chloe Kelly scored the winning goal in the 110th minute to deliver the English women their first ever major tournament win.

“The world will change, we know that,” said Wiegman, whose post-match press conference was interrupted by the England squad singing “football’s coming home!”

“We change society and that’s what we want, that’s so much more than football,” she said. “Winning is what we are here for, our job is to do as good as possible, but through football you can make changes in society and that’s what we are here for.”

Kelly only just made Wiegman’s squad after fighting back from an anterior cruciate ligament tear to be fit in time for the tournament and made herself a national hero by being in the right place to pounce when Germany failed to clear a corner.

The Manchester City winger tore off her shirt in celebration in scenes reminiscent of Brandi Chastain’s famous reaction to scoring the winning penalty at the 1999 World Cup for the USA.

England’s Chloe Kelly celebrates after scoring her side’s second goal during the Women’s Euro 2022 final soccer match between England and Germany at Wembley stadium in London, July 31, 2022. (AP Photo/Alessandra Tarantino)

Dream comes true

“This is what dreams are made of, as a young girl watching women’s football,” said Kelly, who broke off a post-match interview to join in a chorus of “Sweet Caroline” with the crowd and her teammates.

“Thank you for everyone who played a part in my rehab. I always believed I’d be here, but to be here and score the winner, wow. These girls are amazing,” she said.


England looked set for victory in the 90 minutes when substitute Ella Toone’s sublime chip over Merle Frohms put the hosts in front.

Germany showed remarkable resilience to bounce back as Lina Magull leveled 11 minutes from time.

But 56 years on from England’s last major tournament win in either the men’s or women’s game, they were not to be denied a major tournament success.

Queen Elizabeth II led the tributes to the Lionesses, calling them “an inspiration for girls and women today, and for future generations.”

Germany’s Lina Magull and her teammates react at the end of the Women’s Euro 2022 final soccer match between England and Germany at Wembley stadium in London, July 31, 2022. England won 2-1. (AP Photo/Alessandra Tarantino)

Germany’s misfortune

Fortune did not favor Germany, who lost captain and top goalscorer Alexandra Popp to a muscle injury in the warm-up.

German manager Martina Voss-Tecklenburg was also furious that a penalty was not awarded in the first half for a handball by England captain Leah Williamson.

But England felt their time for some luck was due 12 months on from the Three Lions’ defeat on penalties to Italy in the Euro 2020 men’s final.

“I can’t stop crying. We talk and we talk and we’ve finally done it,” said Williamson. “It’s the proudest moment of my life. I’m taking in every single second because I’ll want to relive this for a long time.”

Under Wiegman, England are unbeaten in 20 games but were pushed to the limit by the eight-time winners Germany despite missing the massive presence of Popp, who had scored six goals in five games en route to the final.

Strength in depth has been one of the key features of England’s success under Wiegman and the Dutch coach turned to Alessia Russo and Toone to change the game as they did in the quarter-final win over Spain.

Germany’s Svenja Huth, left, challenges for the ball with England’s Alex Greenwood during the Women’s Euro 2022 final soccer match between England and Germany at Wembley stadium in London, July 31, 2022. (AP Photo/Leila Coker)

The changes worked to perfection once more as Toone timed her run through the heart of the German defense to latch onto Keira Walsh’s through ball, showing great composure to coolly lift the ball over Frohms.

Lesser sides than the eight-time champions would have been broken, but Germany immediately pushed forward in search of an equalizer.

The excellent Magull smashed a shot off the post and Popp’s replacement Lea Schueller should have converted the rebound rather than rolling the ball into the arms of the grateful Mary Earps.


Voss-Tecklenburg’s side was not to be denied, though, and fittingly it was Magull who sent the game to extra-time as the Bayern Munich midfielder slotted Tabea Wassmuth’s cross into the roof of the net.

Both sides felt the pace of a physical encounter in the extra 30 minutes.

England just had enough left in the tank to finally get the job done as Germany failed to deal with the second ball from a corner and Kelly’s flicked the ball home.

After decades of disappointment, a major tournament trophy has come home for England fans.

GOP IS A THEOCRATIC PARTY 
Opinion | I’m a GOP Insider Who Has Had an Abortion. It Should Be OK to Say That.

We pretend my story is rare among conservatives. It's not, and Republicans should stop acting like it.



Sam Zaleski had an abortion in the last few weeks of her senior year at a Catholic school in southeast Michigan. "It took my own pregnancy for me to accept that I was in a controlling relationship," she writes. | Allison Shelley


Opinion by SAM ZALESKI
07/31/2022 
POLITICO
Magazine
WOMEN AND POLITICS

Sam Zaleski has a decade of experience working in political campaigns and advocacy with expertise in media, research, and analytics. In 2018, she was named a rising star by Campaigns & Elections magazine.

In the last few weeks of the school year during my senior year at a respected Catholic school in southeast Michigan, our religion teacher had our class watch “Juno.” In my Catholic community, “Juno” was seen as a pro-life story: The main character learns she is pregnant at 16 and ultimately chooses adoption.

It was during that class, watching “Juno,” that I first experienced the nausea. In the next few weeks, that nausea turned into vomiting, and then into dehydration. I was hospitalized, and soon learned the reason for these vomiting spells. I was pregnant.


I ultimately had an abortion, and I don’t regret the decision. It made me a firm believer in the importance of abortion rights — for economic mobility, for autonomy, for mental health. I did choose life when I chose to have an abortion — my own life.

That decision ended up setting me on a path where I’d spend the better part of my career committed to helping Republicans win elections as a pollster, data analyst and strategist. As a result, I know numbers, and I know politics. And I know that statistically, I can’t be that rare; many women who have supported Republicans have had abortions. Many women who agree with various conservative policies, too, have had abortions. There are men and women in the party, too, who might not have personal experience with abortion, but still have complicated feelings about the procedure.


“Unlike Juno, I did not have a loving, nerdy best friend as the father, and unlike her, I did not want to go through parenting or a long adoption process with him.”

Still, though, Republican-dominated legislatures continue to pass abortion bans with very few exceptions, and Republican politicians either ignore the issue or articulate extreme and alienating views.

The party’s lack of compassion on the topic is harmful. There is a growing mismatch between the party’s stance on abortion and the complex beliefs voters in this country have on abortion. And while we’re deep into the midterms, there is still an opportunity to pull back the rhetoric and support empathetic, commonsense ways to provide pregnant women with the care they deserve.

My own abortion is a big reason why I have complicated views on the topic, and a big reason I find myself at odds with typical Republican policies and messaging on the subject.


A quote from Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg is painted on the wall in the waiting room of a women's health clinic in Indiana which provides reproductive healthcare for women including providing abortions
. | Scott Olson/Getty Images


Despite probably realizing it on some subconscious level, it took my own pregnancy for me to accept that I was in a controlling and unhealthy relationship. My boyfriend had broken down so much of my self-worth and confidence that I didn’t have the courage to tell myself the truth about the relationship. But that pregnancy forced me to face it all. Having a child links you to their father for the rest of your life, and this link gives him control over that child in ways you can’t predict or stop. For days after leaving the hospital, all I could see were the red flags I had been ignoring, including one harrowing incident I was so ashamed of I kept it hidden. Unlike Juno, I did not have a loving, nerdy best friend as the father, and unlike her, I did not want to go through parenting or a long adoption process with him.

I had an abortion despite the shame I felt about my circumstances. I had an abortion despite a high school friend writing “baby killer” on my Facebook wall. I had an abortion despite feeling so conflicted due to my Catholic education and confused about how this choice could turn me into a bad person. I had an abortion without a supportive partner or community. I wasn’t Juno: I had an abortion.

At the time, I was scared and alone and confused. I certainly didn’t recognize the privilege I had. The clinic was two miles away from my childhood home. The procedure was affordable. The staff was kind and professional. The abortion was legal and safe and regulated. And I left for my four-year college three months later.

My abortion story, and everything that happened afterward, is the kind of story that makes political strategists’ jobs very difficult. As an expert in political data, my job is to put people in boxes. Are you a young person with an electric vehicle that you drive around an urban area? You’re likely a Democrat, and I bet you care about climate change. Are you white, male and the owner of a pickup truck that bumps down country roads? Then you probably have a Donald Trump bumper sticker on that truck, and you probably aren’t happy about rising gas prices. We can even use the most sophisticated data to find unique cross-sections of voters, those hard-to-reach boxes, such as Republicans who are pro-gun control, or Democrats who don’t believe in defunding the police. This is how my world works.

“Republicans talk as if abortion is something only Democrats seek and undergo. Not in my home. Not in my church. Not in my community.”

The problem with these boxes is that most people are actually far more complex than they appear in even the data. Abortions polls are notoriously inconsistent and vary wildly depending on how questions are asked. Most people hold a complex set of beliefs and ideologies across a spectrum, and I fear that we can’t own this complexity out loud in general, but especially on abortion, because of how the abortion debate has become increasingly partisan in recent years. If you’re a Republican, you show up in the surveys as being anti-abortion and in favor of fewer exceptions to abortion bans than Democrats. If you’re a Democrat, you’re probably in favor of abortion rights and more exceptions to abortion bans. If you, like many Americans, fall into the very wide gray space, we might see you show up across some of the more nuanced surveys, but we likely don’t have much more specific knowledge about your views.

ELIMINATE THE HYDE AMENDMENT; BARBARA BUSH

















Republicans talk as if abortion is something only Democrats seek and undergo. Not in my home. Not in my church. Not in my community. The data tell us that at least 600,000 people get abortions annually. Statistics vary and only account for legal abortions. But some of the reddest states in the country — states that struggle to even elect Democrats to public office — still see significant numbers of abortions, even with very few clinics operating in these states. In 2019, here were some of the numbers of abortions coming out of the reddest states in America: 2,922 in Utah, just over 1,100 in North Dakota, 2,963 in Arkansas and 6,009 in Alabama. The faces and stories behind these abortions would likely surprise us. They shouldn’t.

Beyond the statistics on who gets abortions, there is also some agreement across the two parties on who should have access to abortion. According to Pew, 61 percent of voters believe abortion should be legal in some or all cases. Only 8 percent of voters believe abortion should be illegal in all cases. Given these numbers, it should seem that Democrats and Republicans in red states and blue states alike should get to work on deciding what the restrictions and exceptions should be; a law that bans nearly all abortions is unlikely to align with popular opinion, no matter how red the state.

In the community I’ve been a part of, I don’t see people coming forward to share their personal stories with abortion. And why would they? It’s clearly not safe to have had an abortion — and it’s particularly not safe to say it out loud.

If we don’t allow people access to this context about their lives and nuanced feelings on abortion, if we don’t see people step outside of these boxes in a real way, then how can Republicans meaningfully engage on the issue of abortion access? If we can’t even talk about it, how can we legislate on it? If you don’t truly think you know someone who has had an abortion, how can you empathize?

In the years since my abortion, I haven’t felt safe to tell this story. Frankly, I still don’t. I know there are many, many more people with stories like mine who don’t have the privilege to speak out. I hope we make it safe for them to do so because yes, this is happening in your home. Yes, this is happening in your church. Yes, this is happening in your community.

Perhaps you’ll find empathy for me as I step outside of this box. Perhaps you’ll even consider whether your own box is serving you and the people around you. I’m a married, white woman, who lives in the suburbs, has worked for many Republicans, and I believe in access to safe, legal abortion.

YET