Saturday, September 03, 2022

Opinion: Banning cosmetic pesticides is about public health, not politics

Rod Olstad , Robert Wilde - 

The recent committee discussion on a city cosmetic pesticide ban was dumbfounding. Besides Councillors Michael Janz and Jo-Anne Wright, few councillors seemed to understand or even care about the issue.

Workers spray the weeds along Fox Drive in Edmonton, June 4, 2021.
© Provided by Edmonton Journal

Anyone with an interest in public health or the climate crisis should care. Pesticides are linked to serious diseases, from cancer to endocrine disorders to Parkinson’s disease. As the scientific research shows, their risk is particularly acute for children. Pesticides also negatively impact pollinators and other insects, birds, and soil organisms needed for carbon sequestration.

Pesticide regulation in Canada is full of gaps. Audits of the Pesticide Management Regulatory Agency (PMRA) have turned up serious flaws. A 2016 audit, for example, found PMRA-approved chemicals that Health Canada said posed an unacceptable risk to human and environmental health.

Likewise, a recent audit found that Alberta Environment “did not have adequate processes to minimize the risk of inappropriate pesticide use in Alberta.” Because of such gaps, more than 180 cities across Canada — including Vancouver, Montreal, Toronto, and Halifax — have implemented cosmetic (non-essential) pesticide bans on public and private property. Many of these bans have been in place for two decades. A cosmetic pesticide ban is not extreme; it is the basic standard to protect people and nature.

In 2015, the city instituted a partial pesticide ban on a small percentage of public land. The idea was the city would model pesticide reduction and educate citizens on alternatives as a step toward a full ban. City administration promised to consult with the Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment and the Children’s Paediatric Environmental Health Unit to revamp their policies.

None of this occurred. City administration never reached out to CAPE or CPEHU. City reports show that the use of many pesticides has increased. Edmonton was the last city in Canada to still use chlorpyrifos, a neurotoxin now banned by Health Canada. The city was taken to court and fined $165,000 for using an illegal herbicide. A city audit found many problems with the city’s pesticide policies. And rather than public education, misinformation has been consistently spread, including in the recent committee meeting, when administration stated that cities cannot ban pesticide sales — a statement since repeated by Coun. Tim Cartmell — when Montreal has done just that.


Part of the problem is the pesticide industry’s powerful lobby. The city’s pest management advisory committee was, until recently, chaired by a retired employee of Crop Life, the trade association for the global pesticide industry, and many other members have industry ties.


In April 2022, city council voted 12-1 for a report on steps to outline a cosmetic pesticide ban in 2023. It seemed Edmonton was finally on the right path. However, the pesticide industry lobby then ramped up with a half-page newspaper ad and postcards dropped off in mailboxes. Meanwhile, city administration’s subsequent report listed a nearly half-million-dollar price tag for research on the subject that has already been done — both by the over 180 Canadian cities with cosmetic pesticide bans in place, and in the case of surveys, by our city itself. A 2019 survey indicated that Edmontonians overwhelmingly care about the threat of pesticides to pollinators, people, and aquatic environments.

Rather than returning the report to administration, as Janz and Wright recommended, most other councillors buckled and repeated industry arguments. The discussion focused on the ridiculous suggestion that city boulevards look terrible because they are not sprayed with pesticides. Vancouver, Montreal, Toronto, and Halifax are all beautiful and they banned pesticides years ago.

This is not a political issue; it is about public health. Most Canadians are protected from pesticide drift; we in Edmonton have been deprived of this right. As our children walk to school, they are subjected to toxic chemicals from sticky, smelly, pesticide-drenched lawns. As we recreate in the river valley, we, and the wildlife who live there, inhale pesticides from golf courses. As we work in backyard and community gardens, we and the bees who pollinate the gardens are exposed to drift from neighbours who douse their yards in Roundup.

Until more councillors listen to the science, our city remains decades behind the rest of the country.

Rod Olstad is with the Council of Canadians Edmonton Chapter.

Robert Wilde is with Pesticide Free Edmonton.
Trevor Herriot, Al Birchard: The Sask. government is fanning unfounded fears over water testing

During World Water Week, Stockholm, Sweden hosted an international conference around the belief that “understanding, valuing and caring for water in all its forms will be essential for humankind’s survival.”


A drying slough south of Dalum, Ab., on Saturday, August 13, 2022.
 Mike Drew/Postmedia© Provided by Leader Post

Meanwhile, in Stockholm, Saskatchewan and elsewhere in the province, people were getting different messages from our provincial government: stand your ground and keep a sharp eye out for “federal agents” who might be sneaking onto private land to test your water for nitrates.

While other governments and Indigenous water protectors take steps to defend the element that makes life possible, the Saskatchewan government issues an emergency amendment to its trespass law to make it harder for federal water samplers to do their job. For the Saskatchewan Party it was a perfect one-two punch, appealing to both separatist rhetoric and castle-doctrine property defenders. 


With this latest change to the trespass law, this government has demonstrated that it puts private property rights ahead of human rights, public interest, health and scientific necessity. In this case, the alleged trespass hit about every libertarian nerve in the province’s body politic: federal over-reach, property rights, environmental regulation, and the spectre of public demands to protect water, soil, and biodiversity, and to take meaningful climate action.

In the real world where the laws of physics still pertain, trespass legislation has no effect on the movement of water. Its passage through the atmosphere, the land and all living things reminds us that the lines we inscribe on the earth to mark private and public space are convenient constructs that have little to do with the ecological realities of land, water and air.

Despite persistent efforts to enclose and privatize it, water is still something that we try to govern by balancing private rights and the public interest. It is part of what is sometimes called “the commons,” the shared cultural and natural resources on which all members of society, and all economic activities, ultimately depend.

Related



If we are to retain even a modicum of respect for our common heritage, Saskatchewan will need effective water governance, and wetlands policy that will keep our farmland and waterways healthy and diverse, and the federal government will need to continue carrying out its responsibilities to protect water quality across the country.

Lacking both good water governance and policy to protect its wetlands, our provincial government seems now to be questioning the very value of scientific water monitoring, and lawful rights of access to conduct it — vital tools for striking that balance between private and public interest.

In agricultural landscapes where pesticides and fertilizers (including manure) are applied, damaging events like blue-green algae blooms can occur. Meanwhile, rainfall carries atmospheric pollutants from agriculture and from far away industries that affect millions of acres of private land. We all benefit from adequate testing of water quality to protect our health, food and ecosystems. How else will we know the difference between practices that pollute water and those that keep it clean and healthy?

Under the Canada Water Act, Section IV, paragraph 26, federal employees have the legal authority to go onto private land to test the water—with or without permission — just as provincial food inspectors, agricultural inspectors, animal health officers and fisheries officers can lawfully access private land to perform their duties.

Premier Moe and his ministers know all of this, and they know that this kind of water testing has been going on for decades. They also know what the provincial auditor’s report said specifically, that they are the ones failing to protect the property rights of those farmers and landowners downstream when they don’t monitor and regulate illegal drainage, or follow their own legislation. As others have pointed out, it appears they simply could not pass up another opportunity to divert attention from more serious issues, while twisting the truth enough to take advantage of any private property fears in farm country.

Premier Moe’s government will undoubtedly continue to feed half-baked dreams of nationhood by coming up with grievances of perceived federal over-reach. Their Saturday afternoon amendment to the trespass act to stop federal employees from doing their jobs suggests they are testing the waters to see how much provincial over-reach the public will put up with, while fanning unfounded fears based on misinformation about the federal government’s plans to help farmers voluntarily adopt more efficient fertilizer practices. By lighting up social media to spread the lie that the federal officials were testing for nitrates, they knowingly created a situation that will hamper farmers’ efforts to fight climate change by reducing nitrogen emissions from agriculture.

Trevor Herriot is a Regina-based writer, naturalist and grassland advocate. Al Birchard is an Assiniboia-area grain farmer and National Farmers Union board member.

 

The Patrushev Family lays heavy hand on Arctic energy

The youngest son in the powerful FSB family is gaining control over key assets on the Russian Arctic shelf.

August 04, 2022

Patrushev has long been a key figure in Russian Arctic development. The 42-year old son of Russia’s top national security chief Nikolai Patrushev has served in the country’s biggest oil and gas companies, and until recently headed the offshore Arctic branch of Gazprom Neft.

Now, the youngest of the two Patrushev sons eyes a bigger stake in Russia’s vast offshore Arctic hydrocarbon resources.

In 2019, Patrushev quit his job Gazprom Neft and took on the lead of Avrora, a company that since has quickly expanded in Russia’s far northern oil and gas industry.

Over the last year, companies affiliated with Avrora have acquired a controlling stake in Invest Geoservice (IGS), a company that owns more than 30 drilling rigs and provides services to several of Russia’s biggest energy companies, among them Novatek.

The acquisitions come after the Federal Anti-Monopoly Service in August 2021 approved Avrora’s requested takeover, Kommersant reported. In addition, Patrushev gained control over a 37,7 percent stake in the Marine Arctic Geo Exploration Expedition (MAGE), the key shelf exploration company based in Murmansk.

Then, in 2022, Avrora suddenly changed name to Gazprom Shelf Project. And the name notwithstanding, the company is not a subsidiary unit of Gazprom, but remains a private company controlled by Andrei Patrushev, Kommersant reports.

Gazprom Shelf Project will take over the management of the vessels and drilling rigs that until recently were controlled by Gazprom Flot. The fleet includes Russia’s most powerful and advanced rigs, among them the ArkticheskayaPolyarnaya Zvezda and Severnoye Siyaniye.

 
Drilling rig “Severnoye Siyanie” might soon be managed by Andrei Patrushev. Photo: Gazprom Flot

The latter on the 17th of July set out from Murmansk with course for one of Gazprom’s remote Arctic license areas in the Kara Sea.

Andrei Patrushev now looks set to become the main contractor on shelf exploration for both Gazprom and Novatek. One of the two heirs of the Patrushev family is about to become a major player in the Russian oil and gas service industry. And he is likely to succeed.

The youngest of the Patrushev brothers has what is needed; a close relationship with the FSB and a father who manages the Russian Security Council and is one of Vladimir Putin’s closest allies.

Patrushev Junior is born into the FSB. He studied at the security service Academy and reportedly worked three years as Deputy Head of the FSB’s Department “P” that is in charge of industry counterintelligence. He later worked closely with Igor Sechin in Rosneft before he in 2013 joined Gazprom, a survey compiled by Novaya Gazeta shows.

Meanwhile, his four year older brother Dmitry chose the same career path in the FSB and today serves as Russian Minister of Agriculture.

The Patrushev Family is headed by Nikolai Patrushev, the man who has devoted his life to the KGB and later FSB. Before becoming Secretary of the Russian Security Council in 2008, he headed the FSB for almost ten years.

Nikolai Patrushev is the man who took over the reigns of the security service from Vladimir Putin, when the latter was appointed Prime Minister in 1999, and he has since been considered as one of Putin’s closest partners.

Nikolai Patrushev is father of Andrei and Dmitry Patrushev and a close friend of Vladimir Putin. Photo: Kremlin

Patrushev Senior is himself a man with strong interests in the Arctic.

Under his auspices, the Security Council has organized a number of Arctic meetings with high-ranking international guests in places like Sabetta, as well as onboard nuclear-powered icebreaker “50 Let Pobedy.”

In 2020, on a decree signed by President Putin, the Security Council established a special commission that was to promote Russian national interests in the far northern region.

The establishment of the new commission came less than a year ahead of Russia’s takeover of the rotating chair of the Arctic Council.


Andrei Patrushev, the youngest son in the powerful FSB family, is about to become one of the most powerful men in Russian Arctic energy. Photo: duma.gov.ru

THEY WHO PAY THE PIPER CALLS THE TUNE

Rosneft-sponsored study says Soviet-era eco-impact at Franz Josef Land is ‘insignificant’

A three-year study on the impact of the Soviet Union’s oil usage on Franz Josef Land led scientists to conclude that the USSR’s environmental impacts on the archipelago are insignificant.
August 25, 2022
Illustration photo: Thomas Nilsen

A three-year long study, that commenced in 2019 and analyzed the effects of oil-contamination caused by the economic activities of the Soviet Union, has just wrapped up on the Franz Josef Land archipelago.

The study’s data had been analyzed by scientists from the Federal Research Center of Biotechnology from the Russian Academy of Sciences and their findings have just been presented by the Russian Arctic national park alongside Rosneft, Russia’s largest oil company.

Rosneft was both sponsor and active participant throughout the project period. 

One of the study’s main goals was to measure and assess the extent of pollution produced at the archipelago throughout the Soviet reign and its potential continued impact in the region. The study was a continuation of a longer-term data collection plan where the first data sets were retrieved between 2012 and 2017. 

Throughout the study’s duration, the spread of pollution in and around the archipelago was identified utilizing special and temporal dynamics. The results found that in some areas of the archipelago, the soil’s oil concentration had in fact decreased more than 20 times from 2012 to 2021 and 2021. Whereas in 2012 the oil concentration was estimated to be 24,000 milligrams per kilogram of soil, some samples from 2020 and 2021 indicated that there were only approximately 1,120 milligrams of oil per kilogram of soil. It is suggested that the explanation behind the immense decrease in oil pollution is thawing ice from the Arctic filtering the soil for pollutants.

Apart from the irony of Rosneft being a key player in this environmentally conscious study, the explanation outlined above seems like a convenient catch-22 argument promulgated by the oil giant; the main downside of oil usage, climate change, helps thaw Arctic ice that ‘washes away’ and combats the second major con of oil use: pollutant oil particles ledged within Arctic soil.

Simultaneously, it was mentioned that the migration of oil products through thawed ice have increased oil particles’ concentration in other areas of the island. The maximum increase in the concentration of oil products was reported as an increase from 1,780 to 15,300 milligrams of oil per kilogram of soil from 2012 to 2020 and 2021.

 

Scientists taking soil samples at a Soviet outpost at Franz Josef Land. Photo courtesy of Russia Arctic National Park

 

It was concluded that the soil’s low self-purification and filtration rate alongside the natural slope of the archipelago’s land enabled thawed water from surrounding ice structures to seep through the soil particles, carry oil particles to the coastal zone, and deposit them into the sea.

As the study solely focused on pollution in Frans Josef Land, it does not extensively explore pollution rates of the surrounding sea, which remains a mystery variable.

Hence, the scientists concluded that the environmental impacts of USSR’s oil usage to the Arctic ecosystems on the Franz Josef Land archipelago can be assessed as insignificant.

Additionally, during the analyses of the various soil samples from the archipelago, a special type of bacteria was discovered. This bacterium creates biological products which could be used to filter oil particles out of soil. With this biological process only being possible at the low temperatures of 2-6 ° C, the bacterium seems like a perfect fit for the Arctic climate.

This reactor will power the world’s largest icebreaker

Two milestones for Russia’s first icebreaker of the giant Leader-class are reached in August: The first reactor pressure vessel is ready and contract for metal to the bow is signed.


The pressure vessel for Russia's first RITM-400 reactor is now made 
ready at the plant south of Moscow. Photo: ZiO-Podolsk

By Thomas Nilsen
August 30, 2022

Predictions for the future of Arctic shipping are different and official forecasts of cargo are disputed. Meanwhile, the construction of the largest ever nuclear-powered icebreaker is back on track.

Rosatom’s machine-building plant ZiO-Podolsk on August 29 released the first photo of the pressure vessel for the RITM-400 reactor, to be used onboard the Leader icebreaker (Project 10510).

The reactor will be the most powerful ever built for civilian shipping. Only US Naval reactors powering the Nimitz-, and Gerald R. Ford classes of aircraft carriers are larger.

RITM-400 is a scaled-up version of the RITM-200 reactor design that is powering the latest Project 22220 icebreakers of which the “Arktika” and “Sibir” are delivered, while the “Ural”, “Yakutia” and “Chukotka” are under construction.

Compared with RITM-200 the new version is 1,8 times more powerful, and the onboard nuclear plant will deliver 315 MW of thermal power.

Two RITM-400 reactors will be installed onboard the Leader-class icebreaker to be built at Zvezda Shipyard in Primorsky Krai on Russia’s Pacific coast. The first icebreaker of the class will be “Rossiya”, scheduled for commissioning in 2027. Two more are planned, but contracts remain to be signed with the government.

Like Russia’s other nuclear-powered icebreakers, the new “Rossiya” will be based in Murmansk, but mainly operate along the Northern Sea Route. Rosatomflot has previously said the plan is to engage the most powerful icebreakers to crush through the East Siberia Sea and Chukchi Sea where the ice is thickest.

With capabilities to break the ice mid-winter, Russia hopes to boost LNG shipping from the Yamal region to markets in Asia.

Leader-class icebreakers can open a channel up to 50 meters wide even when ice is up to 4,3 meters thick. That would make it possible to sail the largest LNG-tankers between Yamal and the Bering Strait.

At 2 meter thick ice, the vessel will be able to sail up to 12 knots.
Steel contract

Earlier in August, steel-maker Severstal won the tender to supply the extra strong metal for the outer hull of the bow to the “Rossiya”. In total, for the bow and the hull, Severstal will provide 15,000 tons of steel and bimetallic steel.

The Leader-class icebreaker. Illustration by Rosatom

Strategies for the Northern Sea Route outline target scenarios of cargo reaching a volume of 80 million tons by 2024, 150 million tons in 2030 and 220 million tons by 2035, the Vedomosti newspaper reported with reference to the newly published roadmap for Arctic shipping.

A leading expert on Arctic shipping, Mikhail Grigoriev, last week said he was skeptical about such amounts of cargo.

“I know well the basic federal objectives for goods traffic, and I do not see these kinds of volumes,” he said.

Questions are also raised on how Moscow can afford to finance its gigantic Arctic plans as the country’s economy six months into the war on Ukraine sees the greatest fall since the 1990s.
WORLD WAR Z

With a "Z" on his jacket, Gazprom chief Miller says Murmansk will get gas

As he halts exports to the EU, leader of the powerful state monopoly puts on a button with Russia's war symbol and meets with Murmansk Governor Andrei Chibis.

During his meeting with Andrei Chibis, Gazprom chief Aleksei Miller
 wore a button with a "Z."


By Atle Staalesen
August 31, 2022

Russia is at war, and the country’s biggest natural gas company is actively used as weapon against Ukraine and its European allies. This week, Gazprom announced that it would halt exports through the North Stream 1 pipeline, reportedly for maintenance reasons.

The measure adds pressure on the EU that from before is experiencing an energy crisis triggered by reduced Russian supplies.

In a speech delivered on Wednesday, Miller put the full blame for the energy crisis on the Union itself. Europe’s high priority on renewable energy is the problem, he argued.

According to Miller, EU countries have made “wrong decisions” following heavy pressure from “proponents of so-called accelerated decarbonisation.”

“Our traditional partners started to abandon traditional energy and the system of long-term gas market contracts, which was a blow to the reliability and stability of gas supplies,” the Gazprom chief said.

He did not tell how Russia over a long time has used gas supplies as a political pressure tool against European buyers and how gas exports since late July have been cut to only 20 percent of capacity.

Aleksei Miller also did not say a word about the war in his address. But the onslaught on Ukraine was clearly highlighted by the company leader the day before. When Miller on Tuesday this week met with Murmansk Governor Andrei Chibis he carried a button with a “Z”, the Nazi-inspired symbol of the war.

The button is clearly visible in a photo shared by Governor Chibis.

For Chibis and his far northern region the meeting with Miller appears as a success.

The region has for decades tried to convince Gazprom about the need for a gas pipeline that would allow it to reduce dependance of expensive and dirty fuel oil (mazut). So far, to no avail.

But judging from Governor Chibis, things are starting to change. According to the Governor, Gazprom is now willing to start a process on gasification.

“Gazprom is starting project developments,” Chibis said after his meeting with Miller.

The regional leader argues that the meeting with Miller was a breakthrough.

However, many locals remain skeptical. Over many years, they have repeatedly been told that gasification is on the way.

“This is nothing but fantasies,” a man says in a comment posted on the Governor’s VK page.

“Will they manage to do it in the course of this century?” another person ironically asks.
Project seeks to assess respect for Indigenous rights in Sapmi

A project established to gather statistics and assess the respect of Indigenous rights in Sapmi is an important step towards better understanding the situation for Saami in northern Europe, says the lawyer that worked on the project for the Saami Council.

“We wanted a tool to estimate and monitor the level of implementation of Indigenous rights in the countries,” said Oula-Antti Labba, the lawyer that worked on the statistic project for the Saami Council.Photo: Kristoffer Hætta/ Saami Council


By Eilís Quinn

“We knew that there was no reliable and appropriate statistics about Saami because the national governments do not keep statistics based on ethnicity,” Oula-Antti Labba told Eye on the Arctic in a phone interview.

In Finland, although the country keeps data on nationality, language and country of birth, they do not keep statistics on ethnicity and Norway also does not include ethnicity in their census, the Saami Council says.

“And there is of course, good reasons to protect ethnic groups from these kinds of ethnic registers,” Labba said. “But it’s also the reason it’s difficult to talk about statistics in terms of Saami and ethnic groups such as Indigenous people.”

The Saami are an Arctic Indigenous people whose traditional homeland spans the Arctic regions of Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Kola Peninsula in Russia’s western Arctic, an area they refer to collectively as Sapmi.

Labba said one of the most important metrics they wanted to qualify was the state of respect for legal rights in Norway, Sweden and Finland.

“We wanted a tool to estimate and monitor the level of implementation of Indigenous rights in the countries,” he said.

International tool used


The tool used was Indigenous Navigator, something established by the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), a human rights organization.

The Navigator includes some 170 questions in its survey that covers a range of topics from self-determination, human rights and land rights, to education, media and health care.

The tool has previously been used in countries like Brazil.

To do the Sapmi survey the Saami Council partnered with IWGIA, who coordinated the project, and Sámi allaskuvla – Sámi University of Applied Sciences, who helped fund the project and give input into the survey.

Funding also came from Nordic Arctic Co-operation Programme of the Nordic Council of Ministers.

A mountain in Finnmark, Norway. Respect for land rights was one 
of the focuses of the Indigenous Navigator survey. 
Photo: Thomas Nilsen

The Saami Council headed the research for the surveys and talking to Saami organizations and groups about the project.

“The idea is to monitor how the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is recognized and monitored,” Labba said.

National surveys for Norway and Finland got underway in 2021 and have now been published here.

Funding and resources is not yet obtained for Sweden, but Labba says he hopes that can soon go ahead as well.

Filling statistical knowledge gaps going ahead

Labba says the survey results should be able to fill in the gaps in knowledge about Saami.

Going on, he says conversations need to continue on the pros and cons of national governments collecting ethnic data, and how it can be ensured that Indigenous peoples stay the owners of their information.

“It’s an ongoing discussion,” Labba said. “I’m just hoping there’s a good solution in the future where we have a safe and reliable way for collection these statistics about Saami.

“In my opinion, the administrators and ownership of the statistics should the Saami people themselves and they should have the same right to collect this data as other nation states. But of course it’s also a resource issue, but that could be built with a statistic program or perhaps a centre. But yes, I think it could happen in future if we find a safe and reliable way of collecting data and securing Saami collective rights.”

This story is posted on the Barents Observer as part of Eye on the Arctic, a collaborative partnership between public and private circumpolar media organizations.

30 years of Arctic oil cooperation is over

The Kharyaga field in Nenets Autonomous Okrug. Photo: Sven Are Enes / Equinor

Norwegian Equinor on Friday confirmed it has exited all joint ventures in Russia, including the onshore oil-field Kharyaga on the tundra in Nenets Autonomous Okrug.
SEPT 2,2022

The exit is a direct consequence of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine.

“As part of the exit from Kharyaga, Equinor has in compliance with applicable sanctions covered decommissioning liabilities accrued and owed by Equinor over the years,” the Norwegian oil major said in the announcement.

The field on the Nenets tundra, where the Norwegians had been a partner since 1999, was the last in the portfolio of assets in Russia now exited.

The Kharyaga field is one of very few projects in Russia operated on a so-called production sharing agreement. It was Total that in 1995 reached agreement with Russian authorities over the project, and in 1999 Norwegian company Norsk Hydro got engaged with a 40 percent stake.

Norsk Hydro later merged with Statoil, that later changed its name to Equinor.

With its 50 percent ownership, the French became operator of the field that had about 160 million tons of oil reserves. The local Nenets Oil Company had 10 percent of the project.

Few years later, the Norwegian stake was taken over by Statoil, the state company that today carries the name Equinor.


Statoil was a well-known brand on the Kola Peninsula where it was first to establish Western-standard filling stations.

The fuel and retail business was sold to BP in 2014, and from 2015 the branding Statoil was phased out and replaced by Circle K.

 

Norwegian Statoil fuel and retail had seven gas filling stations in the Murmansk region. Photo: Thomas Nilsen

 

Equinor has been in Russia for over 30 years. Since 2012, a lion’s share of the company’s operations in the country has been in cooperation with Rosneft, the company that now is subjected to sanctions by both the EU and USA.

Rosneft and Equinor had a strategic plan for future cooperation offshore in the northern part of the Barents Sea.

Now, the final chapter in the book of cooperation is closed.

 

Construction of second Arctic floating nuclear power plant is underway

Three years after “Akademik Lomonosov” started to produce electricity for the remote Siberian community of Pevek, the first of four in a new generation of up-scaled floating nuclear power plants for the Arctic is now officially under construction at a yard in China.

August 30, 2022


The hull to the first two new floating NPPs will be built in China. This is unlike the “Akademik Lomonosov” whose hull was built in Severodvinsk by the White Sea before being towed to St. Petersburg where reactors and other gear were built.

Atomenergomash, a sub-company of Russia’s Rosatom state nuclear corporation, took part in the keel laying ceremony via a video-link from Moscow to the yard in Nantong in the southeastern Jiangsu province.

The barge will be 140 meters long and 30 meters wide and will have a weight of nearly 10,000 tons, Atomenergomash informs.

By the end of 2023, the barge will be towed to Russia where installation of the reactors, auxiliary equipment, control room and accommodation area will take place.

The company doesn’t say which shipyard in Russia will do the job; the Baltiskiy Yard in St. Petersburg or the Zvezda Yard in Bolshoy Kamen in the Far East of the country. Severodvinsk in the northwest is likely too busy with building military nuclear submarines.

By the end of 2022, a decision will be taken on where to build the hulls for the third and fourth floating NPP.

As previously reported by the Barents Observer, the contract to supply four floating nuclear power plants to Chukotka Autonomous Okrug was signed with Rosatom last year.

Each of the plants will have an installed electric capacity of 106 MW.

While the “Akademik Lomonosov” has two KLT-40 reactors similar to those powering the former Arktika-class of nuclear-powered icebreakers, the new generation now being built will get an upgraded version of the RITM-200 reactors producing more steam to the generators.

 

The «Akademik Lomonosov» was towed to Siberia from Murmansk in august 2019. Photo: Anna Kireeva

 

RITM-200 is the reactor type being used onboard the new icebreakers of Project 22220, of which “Arktika” and “Sibir” are already sailing northern waters, while three more currently are under construction in St. Petersburg.

Russia hopes the floating NPPs in the Arctic will trigger interest from other countries.

Atomenergomash Director, Andrey Nikipelov, said this new family of NPPs can have different power and purposes; for the Arctic or the tropics.

“Atomenergomash is ready to offer it to the market,” he said underlining that floating NPPs have a “serious potential for exports.”


Keel laying ceremony for the first of Russia’s new generation floating nuclear power plants took place at China’s Wison Heavy Industries Co yard in Nantong on August 30. Photo: Rosatom

Solar power project proposed for Nunavut’s Coral Harbor

The $10 million project could provide 31 percent of the community’s energy needs.


Kivalliq Alternative Energy Ltd. is proposing a solar energy project in Coral Harbor. Construction is planned for 2024. (Nunatsiaq News)

A significant amount of renewable energy could potentially come to Coral Harbor in the future.

Kivalliq Alternative Energy Ltd. gave a revised proposal on Aug. 12 for Coral Harbor to be the location for a solar energy generation and storage project. The proposal has been posted to the Nunavut Impact Review Board’s project registry.

The project includes a nearly one-megawatt power system with a one-megawatt-hour battery. Combined, this solar energy system could provide up to 31 per cent of the Coral Harbor’s energy needs, according to Kivalliq Alternative Energy.

It would divert an estimated 360,000 liters of diesel from the community annually, and more than 10 million liters of diesel over the 30-year lifetime of the project.

The solar energy would be part of a micro-grid that remotely connects with the hamlet’s utility, Qulliq Energy Corporation.

To date, feasibility work has been done, including selecting a project site, surveying the site, developing a solar project design and creating a budget. The project site is approximately 10 kilometers northwest of Coral Harbor.

The company plans to spend the next two years getting a land lease, technical assessment of the site, procuring supplies and studying how to connect the project with the utility.

Kivalliq Alternative Energy says it is also awaiting the release of QEC’s independent power producer policy, which is required for a non-utility owned energy project to be constructed.

Construction is expected to start by 2024. Project manager Dana May said it is estimated to cost between $10 million and $12 million.

This project was created in partnership with the Coral Harbor Community Energy Plan, with the goal of reducing carbon emissions in the community.

Kivalliq Alternative Energy has received funding for the development stage, up until 2024, but is still seeking funding for construction.

The opportunity to comment on the project through the Nunavut Impact Review Board closes on Sept. 19.