Benin's famed Voodoo festival draws back Afro-descendants


Issued on: 10/01/2023 

Some of the rituals of Benin's Voodoo followers took place at the Dah-Gbo Zonon convent in Ouidah

 © Yanick Folly / AFP

Ouidah (Benin) (AFP) – Every year in Benin, locals celebrate a festival in tribute to the deities of Voodoo, the indigenous religion worshipping natural spirits and revering their ancestors.

Increasingly, the festival is drawing people of African descent from America, Brazil and the Caribbean seeking to discover the religion and land of their ancestors enslaved and shipped away from the beaches of west Africa.

Voodoo, known locally as Vodoun, originated in the Dahomey kingdom -- present-day Benin and Togo -- and is still widely practised sometimes alongside Christianity in coastal towns like Ouidah, once a trading hub where memorials to the slave trade are dotted around the small beach settlement.

"We come here first to search for our origins and reconnect with Mother Earth," said Louis Pierre Ramassamy, 45, from Guadaloupe who was in Benin for the first time and visiting Ouidah.

He came to discover the Vodoun festival, but his stay goes beyond that.

He said he wants to follow the footsteps of his ancestors, who were taken from Ouidah centuries ago and to rediscover the divinity practised by his maternal grandmother.

Consultations and sacrifices were made for him in a Vodoun convent in Ouidah to help him reconnect, he said.

"If luck does not smile on me this time, I will come back another time. I need this reconnection for my personal development," the tourist told AFP, his camera focused on the movement of voodoo practitioners on Ouidah's imposing Atlantic Ocean beach.

Dozens of followers dressed in white cloth face the ocean each festival to pay hommage in Ouidah to Mami Wata, a goddess of the sea.

The festival included the traditional leader of the Vodoun, majesty Daagbo Hounon Houna II 

(C) © Yanick Folly / AFP

Accompanied by drums and dancing, followers dressed in colourful traditional robes and gowns watched "Zangbeto" rituals -- whirling dancers dressed as guardians of the night.

Nearby is an arch, the "Door of No Return", in memory of those jammed onto slave ships from Ouidah's beach bound for the New World.

"Our ancestors foresaw this return of Afro-descendants. They are eagerly awaited by the ghosts of our ancestors," said Hounnongan Viyeye Noumaze Gbetoton, one of the Vodoun dignitaries in Ouidah.

"When they return, it is to take blessings and recharge their batteries to move forward."

Brazilian Anaica Durand said she had passed this stage.

She managed to reconnect with her family of origin, the family of Almeida from Benin and is delighted with it.

January 10 has now become a moment of great festivity for her to revel in the songs, dances and celebrations around Vodoun.

'True identity'

Like her, Alexandra Bajeux is on her second stay in Ouidah. This year, she came to pay hommage to the Snake deity Dan.

"All the consultations revealed that it was the cult of my ancestors," she smiles, white loincloth tied at the waist.

Ouidah was once a slave trading hub and now a centre for the Voudon religion 

© Yanick Folly / AFP

The 29-year-old Haitian plans to settle in Ouidah to devote herself full-time to this religion.

"Dan is happiness and he is a source of wealth," said the young woman who swears "to have finally found the happiness that she lacked".

"Our major objective is that the indigenous culture never fades away... Sooner or later, all Afro-descendants will return to the fold. This is what our ancestors say," said Hounnongan Viyeye Noumaze Gbetoton.

Francis Ahouissoussi, a Benin sociologist specialising in religious issues, explains this attachment of descendants of African slaves as "a natural need that they must fill".

According to him, many Afro-descendants feel they "are in a permanent quest for their true identity", part of which is addressed for some by the role of Vodoun.

For Brazilian Ana Beatriz Akpedje Almeida it felt like she was connecting the deities she knew from Brazil and others and to her ancestors.

"I think most people from the diaspora can connect with this kind of knowledge," she said. "Voodoo is a perspective about humanity."

US visitor Chastyl told AFP it was also her first time in Benin.

"I have seen so many divinities and a lot of dancing," she said. "I don't have any family here, they are all in the United States, but obviously somewhere, we are from here."

© 2023 AFP


In Pictures

Photos: Benin’s famed Voodoo festival draws back Afro-descendants

The festival is drawing people of African descent to discover the religion and land of their enslaved ancestors.

Voodoo followers attend the festival in Ouidah, Benin. 

[Yanick Folly/AFP]

Published On 12 Jan 2023

Every year in Benin, locals celebrate a festival in tribute to the deities of Voodoo, the Indigenous religion that worships natural spirits and reveres ancestors.

Increasingly, the festival is drawing people of African descent from the US, Brazil and the Caribbean seeking to discover the religion and land of their ancestors who were enslaved and shipped away from the beaches of west Africa.

Voodoo, known locally as Vodoun, originated in the Dahomey kingdom – present-day Benin and Togo – and is still widely practised sometimes alongside Christianity in coastal towns like Ouidah, once a trading hub where memorials to the slave trade are dotted around the small beach settlement.

“We come here first to search for our origins and reconnect with Mother Earth,” said Louis Pierre Ramassamy, 45, from Guadaloupe who was in Benin for the first time and visiting Ouidah.

He came to discover the Vodoun festival, but his stay goes beyond that.

He said he wants to follow in the footsteps of his ancestors taken from Ouidah centuries ago and to rediscover the divinity practised by his maternal grandmother.

Consultations and sacrifices were made for him in a Vodoun convent in Ouidah to help him reconnect, he said.

“If luck does not smile on me this time, I will come back another time. I need this reconnection for my personal development,” said Ramassamy.

Dozens of followers dressed in white face the ocean in Ouidah each festival to pay homage to Mami Wata, a goddess of the sea.

Accompanied by drums and dancing, followers dressed in colourful traditional robes and gowns watched “Zangbeto” rituals – whirling dancers dressed as guardians of the night.

Nearby is an arch, the “Door of No Return”, in memory of those jammed onto slave ships from Ouidah’s beach bound for the New World.

“Our ancestors foresaw this return of Afro-descendants. They are eagerly awaited by the ghosts of our ancestors,” said Hounnongan Viyeye Noumaze Gbetoton, one of the Vodoun dignitaries in Ouidah.

“When they return, it is to take blessings and recharge their batteries to move forward.”

Anaica Durand, a Brazilian national, said she had managed to reconnect with her family of origin, the Almeidas from Benin, and is delighted.

January 10 has now become a moment of great festivity for her to revel in the songs, dances and celebrations around Vodoun.

The traditional leader of the Voodoo cult, His majesty Daagbo Hounon Houna II, left, greets the crowd during the festival. [Yanick Folly/AFP]

Every year in Benin, locals celebrate a festival in tribute to the deities of Voodoo, the Indigenous religion that worships natural spirits and reveres ancestors. [Yanick Folly/AFP]

Voodoo, known locally as Vodoun, originated in the Dahomey kingdom - present-day Benin and Togo. [Yanick Folly/AFP]

Voodoo is still widely practised, sometimes alongside Christianity, in coastal towns like Ouidah, once a trading hub where memorials to the slave trade are dotted around the small beach settlement. [Yanick Folly/AFP]

Voodoo followers pose for a portrait during the festival. [Yanick Folly/AFP]

The festival is drawing people of African descent from the US, Brazil and the Caribbean to discover the religion and land of their enslaved ancestors. [Yanick Folly/AFP]
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People drive on a motorcycle past the entrance to the city of Ouidah. [Yanick Folly/AFP]

Why Live & Let Die's Samedi Is James Bond's Only Supernatural Villain

BY PADRAIG COTTER

PUBLISHED FEB 23, 2021

The James Bond series' only real flirtation with the horror genre came with Live And Let Die's Baron Samedi, who is the spy's only supernatural foe.

Live And Let Die's Baron Samedi is James Bond's only supernatural foe - to date, at least. Despite James Bond author Ian Fleming favoring movie stars like David Niven for the role, a relatively unknown Scottish actor named Sean Connery landed the role of the suave spy in 1962's Dr. No. The success of the movie would lead to the creation of one of the longest-running franchises in movie history.

Since Sean Connery departed the role following 1967's You Only Live Twice - though he later returned for two further Bond outings - five other actors have inherited the role. While certain Bond movies are better than others, the series has the uncanny ability to adapt to each new generation and constantly reinvent itself. From the tongue-in-cheek fun of the Roger Moore era to the (relatively) grounded action of Daniel Craig's Bond, the franchise always manages to keep itself fresh.

Daniel Craig is set to exit the series with the upcoming No Time To Die, which will mark his fifth outing. The longest-serving actor in the James Bond role is still Roger Moore, who started with 1973's Live And Let Die and ended his run with 1985's A View To A Kill, his seventh time in the role. Moore's Bond went through a lot, from tossing Blofeld down a chimley to being shot into space, but he also faced the spy's only real supernatural foe in Geoffrey Holder's Baron Samedi in Live And Let Die.

Samedi is the Loa of the Dead and giver of life in Haitian Vodou religion, and in Live And Let Die the character is introduced dancing for tourists at a resort. This Baron is soon revealed to be something of a henchman for Yaphet Kotto's villain though, there's still something a little off about him - and it's not just his eerie laugh. His real nature is revealed in the finale, where Bond has to rescue Jane Seymour's Solitaire from being sacrificed at a voodoo ceremony.

Baron Samedi is seen rising from a grave, and James Bond later shoots him in the head with a magnum. His eyes are looking at the gaping wound in his own skull, and when Bond shoots again he crumbles like a clay figure. Another Samedi soon rises from another grave, and after a fight, Bond tosses him into a coffin loaded with snakes. That seems to be the end for Samedi in Live And Let Die, though he appears in the final shot of the movie - alive and well - sitting on the front of a train Bond and Solitaire are riding on.

While the James Bond franchise has dabbled with everything from space travel to invisible cars, it's very rarely touched on the supernatural or horror in general. Live And Let Die's Baron Samedi is a singular character in the franchise in this case, as the evidence seems to point to him being an otherworldly figure. He's literally introduced as "The man who cannot die," and the finale bears this out. It could be argued he's still a flesh and blood man - maybe Bond really did shoot a very lifelike Baron Samedi figure, or that snakes in the coffin weren't poisonous after all. The franchise never returned to the character so there's no definitive answer, though it's more fun to think he is the literal incarnation of the Voodoo God of Death.

Tourists surge back to Jordan's desert marvel Petra

Issued on: 15/01/2023 - 

Famous for its stunning structures hewn out of the rose-pink cliff faces, Petra is a United Nations World Heritage site © Khalil MAZRAAWI / AFP

Petra (Jordan) (AFP) – Tending to his camels in Petra, Jordan's spectacular archaeological marvel hidden deep in a desert canyon, Hussein Bdoul is all smiles: the tourists are back.

After years in which the Covid pandemic turned the storied "Rose City" into a ghost town, the father of seven is back at work, offering visitors rides on his decorated animals.

"Tourism has returned and the numbers are even greater," said Bdoul, 35, wearing Bedouin garb with a red keffiyeh scarf over his long black hair, reflecting on a resurgence last year.

"At the time of the coronavirus pandemic, we did not see anyone in Petra," said Bdoul -- a disaster for the town where, he said, "90 percent of people work in tourism".

"We hope from God Almighty that people will stay well."

Jordan tourism authorities confirm that Petra is back in business and drew 900,000 visitors last year, close to the record of one million set in 2019.

Jordan as a whole received 4.6 million visitors in 2022 -- almost four times the level from 2020 -- earning the country $5.3 billion.

Jordan tourism authorities confirm that Petra is back in business and drew 900,000 visitors last year © Khalil MAZRAAWI / AFP

Top draw Petra, famous for its stunning temples hewn out of the rose-pink cliff faces, is a United Nations World Heritage site and was chosen as one of the New Seven Wonders of the World in a 2007 online poll.

It was built in 312 BC as the capital of the ancient Arab kingdom of the Nabateans, which fell to the Romans in 106 BC.

The ancient city remained unknown in the West until a Swiss traveller visited it in 1812.
'Sigh of relief'

"This place and the colours are incredible," marvelled French student Alia, 16, taking a break from exploring with her mother to check out a souvenir stand.

Around 1,700 people make a living from Petra as tour guides, trinket sellers or by taking visitors through the site on donkeys, horses, camels or electric buggies.

'Tourism has returned and the numbers are even greater,' says Bdoul, 35, reflecting on a resurgence last year © Khalil MAZRAAWI / AFP

"We breathed a sigh of relief when we saw the return of tourists," said Muhammad Samahin, 16, selling drinks while sitting on woven rugs inside the Moon Cave near the famed Treasury site.

Suleiman Farajat, head of the Petra Development and Tourism Regional Authority, said the post-pandemic tourism comeback had exceeded all expectations.

At the height of the pandemic, "there were days when there were no tourists" in Petra, located 230 kilometres (140 miles) south of the capital Amman.

The recovery was helped by official promotional campaigns in new overseas markets, low-cost airline flights and new hotel rooms, said Farajat.

Petra now has 4,000 rooms, and permits have been granted for three new five-star hotels, so capacity will soon almost double from 2019, he said.

Jordan as a whole received 4.6 million visitors in 2022 © Khalil MAZRAAWI / AFP

"If things continue this way, we may reach, during the next three to four years, the threshold of two million tourists in Petra" every year.

© 2023 AFP

Brazil riots may have strengthened Lula's hand: analysts

Published on January 15, 2023 
AFP

By ransacking government buildings in their fervent opposition to leftist Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Brazil's January 8 rioters may have strengthened his hand, at least temporarily, analysts say

Many even among the backers of defeated far-right ex-president Jair Bolsonaro were shocked by the pillaging of national heritage buildings and artefacts.

Immediately after the storming of the presidency, Congress and Supreme Court, Lula gathered leaders of the three institutions -- many of them from the political right --- for a unanimous condemnation of the events.

Presenting a united front, they affirmed publicly that democracy would not be allowed to falter just three decades after the fall of Brazil's military dictatorship.

"The events (of January 8) had the opposite effect" of what was intended, said Mayra Goulart, professor of political science at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ).

"Lula will no doubt emerge stronger. These assaults have created a climate of national unity for the defense of democracy," she told AFP.

The riots happened exactly one week after Lula's inauguration went off with much pomp and ceremony, but in the absence of Bolsonaro who left the country two days earlier and dodged the traditional duty of handing over the presidential sash.

Thousands forced their way into the seats of power, smashing windows and furniture, destroying priceless works of art, and leaving behind graffiti messages calling for a military coup.

The military did not rise to the call.

More than 2,000 alleged rioters were detained, and the authorities are tracking those suspected of having masterminded and financed the revolt that shocked Brazil and the world.

An investigation has been opened into a possible role played by Bolsonaro, whose justice minister was arrested Saturday for possible collusion with the vandals.

Condemnation from abroad was unanimous.

Washington, Moscow, Beijing, the European Union, Paris and Latin American capitals expressed their full support for the new president of Brazil -- a country that was isolated from the global stage under Bolsonaro.

"The international uproar will reinforce the position of Lula, who will be perceived as an important leader who can contribute to strengthening multilateral forums," said Goulart.Â

- 'Balanced attitude' -

Leandro Gabiati of consulting firm Dominium said Lula's image has been "strengthened" by his perceived firm but fair handling of the mop-up operation.

Bolsonaro's in turn, has been harmed.

Lula "was challenged and he did quite well," said Gabiati, citing "a balanced attitude that somehow restored normalcy" without an air of retribution.

Lula’s government has been firm: "fascists" found guilty of involvement in the riots will face sentences of up to 30 years for "terrorism."

As the net also tightened around suspected organizers of the uprising, the government announced a reshuffling of the police and security forces.

Security at the presidential palace, it announced, will be cleansed of any remaining Bolsonaro sympathizers left over from the previous administration.

Lula will have to "take exemplary sanctions in order to avoid a repeat of this type of demonstrations," said Gabiati.

And even as he needs to deal urgently with pressing problems such as poverty and hunger, Lula will be forced to "expend energy in the investigations... of the putschists," added Goulart.

Meanwhile, government work continued this week, with ceremonies held in official buildings still littered with shattered glass and broken furniture to swear in Lula's new ministers.

- 'A huge shock' -

Lula will face a difficult task in trying to heal a country marked by deep divisions worsened by a vitriolic election campaign filled with disinformation and fear-mongering.

A leftist icon for many, he won the vote by razor-thin margin of 60 million votes to 58 million for Bolsonaro.

Lula's most radical opponents -- fueled by anti-"communist" rhetoric and mistrust of the election outcome -- are unlikely to give up.

"I think what happened on January 8 was a huge shock. And I think many of the people who voted for Bolsonaro did not expect or welcome what happened," said Michael Shifter, a senior fellow at the Inter-American Dialogue think tank.

Even among those who supported the riots, many were left disappointed by the failure of the military to intervene on their behalf, the analyst told AFP.

"I think what we're seeing is (the anti-Lula movement) a little bit fractured for the moment and I think the country has understandably, predictably rallied around Lula for the moment," said Shifter.

"But I think that at the same time this movement is still around and ... we probably could expect some sort of more low intensity kind of upheavals and protests and some violence," he added.

"I don't think that is going to disappear."

pt-lg/mlr/caw

Brasilia riots: What we know

Issued on: 14/01/2023 

The rioters caused untold damage to cultural heritage in Brasilia © Sergio Lima / AFP/File


Brasília (AFP) – Thousands of opponents of leftist new President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva stormed the seats of power in Brazil's capital on January 8, fired up by anti-"communist" rhetoric and allegations of election fraud.

Here's what we know.

Rioters arrested

In all, the Federal Police detained 1,843 people after the riots in Brasilia.

Most of them were taken from an encampment outside the army headquarters in the capital, where they had been protesting for two months, clamoring for the military to prevent Lula's inauguration, which went ahead on January 1.

According to the latest update by the Federal Police, 1,159 remained under arrest Wednesday after 684 -- many of them old or ill, parents of young children and homeless people -- were released to await trial in freedom.

Police from the district of Brasilia arrested another 209 on the day of the uprising.

Charges against the rioters include terrorism, criminal association, involvement in an attack against the democratic state, participation in an attempted coup d'etat and incitement to crime.

Countering claims of mistreatment, the police said hundreds of detainees received three meals and a snack every day, and had access to medical care.

More than 430 were seen by doctors and 33 taken to health facilities.

Justice Minister Flavio Dino said on Friday that court appearances have started, without providing details.

- Top dogs -

A Supreme Court judge on Friday gave the green light for far-right ex-president Jair Bolsonaro, beaten narrowly by Lula at the ballot box in October, to be included in an investigation into the instigators of the riots.

The Federal Police on Saturday arrested Brasilia security chief Anderson Torres, a former Bolsonaro justice minister, for alleged "collusion" with the rioters.

Also in custody is Fabio Augusto, who led the military police in Brasilia and, like Torres, was fired after the uprising.

The Supreme Court has also ordered an inquiry into the conduct of Brasilia governor Ibaneis Rocha and his interim public security secretary Fernando de Sousa Oliveira.

Rocha was relieved of his duties for 90 days.

Lula and Dino have said the violence could not have happened without collusion from members of the security forces. An investigation is under way.

Financiers

The attorney general's office has identified 52 individuals and seven companies suspected of having helped pay for the uprising.

According to national broadcaster TV Globo, the suspects included leaders in the pro-Bolsonaro agro-business sector.

They are thought to have paid for the food and transport of rioters who arrived in Brasilia from several regions of the country on about 100 passenger buses.

Investigations are ongoing to track down other masterminds and financiers.

Damage

The extent of the damage has yet to be determined in monetary terms, but many of the items trashed when rioters broke into the presidency, Congress and Supreme Court are irreplaceable parts of Brazil's cultural heritage.

The buildings, all designed by famed architect Oscar Niemeyer, had their windows smashed, furniture broken, floors and walls burnt and scratched, and facades scarred by anti-Lula graffiti.

The capital is inscribed on UNESCO's World Heritage list.

In an initial report of damage, Brazil's Iphan heritage institute documented a seemingly never-ending trail of destruction.

Most of the building damage was reversible, it said, but individual items may not be salvageable.

Among the most iconic items damaged were the modernist canvas "As Mulatas" painted by Emiliano Di Cavalcanti, and the sculpture "A Justica" by Alfredo Ceschiatti.

Numberous canvases, busts, statues, ceramic vases and pieces of antique furniture were defaced.

UNESCO has offered its help in restoring damaged artworks.

Driving force

Bolsonaro had done his best on the campaign trail to raise the specter of "communism" under leftist Lula, who had already served two previous presidential terms from 2003 to 2010.

He also hammered repeatedly on Lula's graft conviction, which has been overturned.

Long before the election, Bolsonaro sought to cast doubt, without showing any evidence, on the credibility of Brazil's internationally-hailed electoral system.

When he did lose, millions were left fearful of Lula and the left, and distrustful of his victory.

"All we want is freedom," one arrested rioter told AFP.

Experts say disinformation, much of it spread by Bolsonaro himself, was in large part responsible for the radicalization of the anti-Lula faction in Brazil.

Former Bolsonaro minister arrested over Brazil riot

Issued on: 14/01/2023 - 

Brasília (AFP) – A former minister under defeated Brazilian ex-president Jair Bolsonaro was arrested early Saturday, local media reported, in connection with last week's sacking of government buildings.

Anderson Torres, Bolsonaro's last justice minister, was arrested when he arrived in the capital Brasilia from the United States, where both he and his former boss were at the time of the riot.

Thousands of "bolsonaristas" invaded the seats of government in the capital on Sunday, breaking windows and furniture, destroying priceless works of art, and leaving graffiti messages calling for a military coup.

More than 2,000 rioters were detained after the events, for which the full extent of the damage is still being calculated.

A Supreme Court judge announced Friday that Bolsonaro will be included in an investigation into the origins of the sacking, which was sparked by anger at the far-right leader's election defeat to President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

Torres was wanted under a Supreme Court warrant for alleged "collusion" with the rioters, and stands accused of "omission" in his most recent job as security chief for the capital.

The new justice minister Flavio Dino said Friday that authorities would give his predecessor until Monday to return to Brazil, or face extradition.

Dino also confirmed the discovery at Torres' home of a draft decree proposing emergency steps for the possible "correction" of the October election, which Lula won by a razor-thin margin.

The undated and unsigned draft bears Bolsonaro's name at the bottom, but Dino said the authorship was unknown.

Torres said on Twitter the document was "likely" part of a pile of papers that were destined to be destroyed.

He said the contents of the draft had been taken "out of context" to "feed false narratives" against him.

Bolsonaro came under investigation Friday at the request of the office of the prosecutor general (PGR), which cited a video Bolsonaro had posted "questioning the regularity of the 2022 presidential elections."

By doing so, "Bolsonaro would have publicly incited the commission of a crime," the PGR said in a statement.

The Bolsonaro video was posted online two days after the violent storming of the presidency, Congress and Supreme Court but later deleted.

The PGR explained that even though the video came after the uprising, it may serve as "a probative connection" that justified "a global investigation of the acts performed before and after January 8, 2023 by the defendant."

In a note seen by AFP Friday, Bolsonaro's defense denied any involvement by the ex-president.

Bolsonaro "never had any relationship or participation in these movements," the note said, blaming the violence on "infiltrators."

Bolsonaro had for years sought to cast doubt on the reliability of Brazil's internationally praised election system, and had suggested he would not accept a defeat.

He never publicly acknowledged Lula's victory, and left for the United States -- where he remains -- two days before the inauguration.

Brazilian democracy will emerge stronger from this day of infamy

Lula and his government must take a hard line against the Bolsonaristas’ coup plotters and their financial backers

Francesc Badia I Dalmases
9 January 2023,

Bolsonaro supporters stage a coup in Brasilia |
Foto Arena LTDA/Alamy Live News

Yesterday’s violent assault on Brazil’s government headquarters by thousands of Jair Bolsonaro supporters will go down in the country’s history as a day of infamy.

The attack, called by groups of radical Bolsonaristas (backers of the ousted president) via Telegram and other social networks, reveals a shocking failure in the state’s intelligence system.

This week, the government will face more challenges. Many of the participants in the assault returned to their long-standing protest camp in front of the Brazilian army’s headquarters, where soldiers prevented the police from intervening. Elsewhere in the country, roadblocks have reappeared, and some groups on social media have called for fuel refineries to be blockaded too. Powerful outside political forces are also agitating on behalf of the mob.

“Lula has stolen the elections... Brazilians know it....,” wrote Steve Bannon on the social network Gettr on Sunday, expressing his satisfaction at the success of the Trumpist strategy of delegitimising the election results to the point of provoking a violent insurrection.

Dozens of buses from different parts of the country convened in the Brazilian capital on Sunday morning. They gathered at the camp that has been set up for two months in front of the army’s HQ, then marched to Three Powers Square, where Congress, the Supreme Court and the Palácio do Planalto, the presidential offices, are all located. The eight-kilometre march would not have been possible without the acquiescence of the security forces of the Federal District (DF) of Brasilia.

Thousands of assailants, some displaying banners demanding that the army intervene to remove the recently inaugurated President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, stormed the headquarters of the three branches of power. Their reception by security forces was timid. Clearly under-strength, they were completely overwhelmed; some security personnel were also seen talking to and taking pictures with the rioters.

Secretary of public security Fernando de Sousa Oliveira and DF governor Ibaneis Rocha, both recognised Bolsonaristas, have already been singled out allegedly as accomplices to the events.

The similarities with the invasion of the US Capitol by Trump supporters two years ago are clear – although on this occasion there was no president cheering on the rioters, nor, since it was a Sunday, were there any public representatives in session or working in the buildings.

‘Lula has stolen the elections... Brazilians know it,’ wrote Steve Bannon on social media on Sunday

Ex-president Bolsonaro (who is currently out of the country, in Florida), made a statement on Twitter only when it was evident that the assailants had not got the army support they claimed. Bolsonaro said it is legitimate to demonstrate but not to vandalise public buildings. He did not condemn his supporters’ actions.

By then, President Lula (who was not in the capital but on an official trip to Sao Paulo state) had decreed that the federal authorities will take over security of Brasilia until the end of January. He declared that the assailants – whom he described as “fascists” – and their financiers would be identified, arrested and brought to justice.

He also said that Bolsonaro, who, following Trump's example, has not yet acknowledged his defeat at the polls, is ultimately responsible for Sunday’s events.

Finally, late in the afternoon, the Bolsonaristas were evicted by federal security forces, who detained more than 400 activists and re-established control of the buildings. President Lula returned to the capital and inspected the damage to the national heritage caused by the vandalism, described by many as terrorist acts.
Rallies after election result

Indignation among political and public opinion is widespread, and many are asking how such a disaster could have occurred. Bolsonaro supporters have been very active since the close election results were announced at the end of October, first with aggressive blockades of highways across the country, followed by rallies and encampments beside army barracks across the country and demands for military intervention.

Apparent dissension within Lula’s new government – a plurality of forces and sensibilities brought together by their rejection of the far-right authoritarianism of Bolsonaro – on how to respond to such actions led to inaction. No one dared to forcibly dissolve the protests.

The main justification was that these are peaceful rallies, protected by the right to protest and freedom of expression. Bolsonaro himself used this argument in his first public appearance two days after his electoral defeat. Others point out that the demonstrators are openly calling for a coup d'état – which is illegal and intolerable under the Brazilian constitution. Following Sunday’s events, this critical situation has now become untenable.

Tense days, and problems, ahead

The outrage provoked by the resounding security failure will probably result in the hard line of Minister of Justice Flávio Dino prevailing. The police will be ordered to disband these groups, and to do so in agreement with the army. The next few days in Brazil are likely to be very tense.

A successful resolution depends greatly on the answers that can be given to the multiple unknowns that still surround the events of Three Powers Square.

The first will be to determine the responsibilities of the DF authorities. The second will be to identify the failures of intelligence, both military and civilian, which meant that they were apparently unable to alert the government to what was being planned. The third is to determine an effective strategy for breaking up the persistent rallies and preventing new ones from forming.

This grotesque attempt at a Trumpist-style coup calls into question Lula's narrative of promoting conciliation and unity

The fourth – and most difficult – problem will be how to effectively combat these radical Bolsonarista groups, which are very numerous, without provoking a violent reaction that would destabilise the country and jeopardise the viability of the new government.

On the one hand, it is possible that Sunday’s execrable spectacle will make many sympathisers of radical Bolsonarismo realise its true violent and neo-fascist nature, and its consequences – and they will moderate or withdraw support for these groups. Some prominent far-right activists have already tried to pre-empt this by accusing infiltrated leftist elements of having provoked the assault to discredit the movement.

On the other hand, this grotesque attempt at a Trumpist-style coup calls into question Lula's initial narrative of promoting conciliation and unity, in order to move the country forward and overcome the existing extreme polarisation. This must be the moment to end tolerance towards any coup supporters, who are both very active and well-financed by powerful businessmen and evangelist pastors. It will be necessary to pursue them judicially, with all that the rule of law allows – even demanding Bolsonaro's extradition from the US, if necessary.

The difficulty of governing Brazil, inherited from his predecessor Bolsonaro, a highly toxic political extremist, depends to a large extent on the success of Lula and his team in managing this new reality. The enormous illusion of change, restoration and a return to social and climate justice and democratic normality, which was visualised barely more than a week ago at Lula's inauguration, is now at stake in the resolution of this profound crisis.

As the infamous events of Sunday show, Lula's commitment to achieving national reconciliation will be a titanic task, but Brazilian democracy will undoubtedly (though not without enormous difficulties) emerge strengthened from this day of infamy. The vast majority of the Brazilian people, and the bulk of the international community, are on the new president’s side.

An Assault on Brazil’s Government Raises Hemispheric Alarm Bells

Amid growing concerns, what can be done to prevent a resurgence of political violence in Latin America?

Thursday, January 12, 2023 / BY: Patrick Duddy; John Feeley; Keith Mines; P. Michael McKinley; Anya Prusa

PUBLICATION TYPE: Analysis and Commentary

On January 8, hundreds of protesters fueled by rage over election results invaded federal buildings in Brazil’s capital city Brasília while tens of thousands gathered outside military installations across the country, openly calling for a coup.

Police inspecting the damage at the Supreme Court in Brasilia, Brazil, Jan. 10, 2023. (Victor Moriyama/The New York Times)

Political violence in Latin America largely subsided with the end of the Cold War and military rule in the 1990s, even as criminal violence surged.

The events in Brazil — alongside recent unrest in Chile, Bolivia and Peru — have sparked concerns that violence has once again returned to the political sphere, potentially threatening the region’s vulnerable democracies. Patrick Duddy, John Feeley, P. Michael McKinley, Anya Prusa and USIP’s Keith Mines discuss how polarization has fueled violent protests throughout the hemisphere and examine how to inoculate elected governments from political extremism.

What is the political context for the assault on Brazil’s newly elected government? Is the newly inaugurated Lula’s presidency in danger?

P. Michael McKinley: Brazil, like other countries in the hemisphere, is polarized politically. The second round of presidential elections saw Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva win by a narrow margin (less than 2 percent of the more than 120 million votes cast).

Notwithstanding, Lula was elected peacefully, with no meaningful challenge to the results from high-ranking officials or the general public. When former President Bolsonaro sought to question the outcome, his allies in the Brazilian Congress, in military leadership, on the Supreme Court, among state governors and even his own vice president shut debate down within 48 hours by acknowledging Lula’s victory. Lula’s inauguration on January 1 was without incident and was attended by hundreds of thousands of people. Brazil’s political leaders rallied to condemn the violence after January 8 and to hold those responsible accountable.

It is early days yet, and information may come to light indicating broader political organization and intent. The warrants for the arrest of senior Brasília security officials suggest as much.

In the meantime, the violence in Brasília is a dangerous reflection of the reality of right-wing extremism in Brazil. The protesters reportedly organized for weeks and appear to have had financial support. Additionally, it seems many were fueled by vitriolic social media campaigns focused on election denialism and largely came from outside the capital.

Brazil, like other polarized democracies, faces the challenge of containing the potential for violence, and the untruths that lead to such extremism. The response must start at the top. The coming weeks and months will demonstrate whether Brazil’s leadership — especially the politically powerful right — can work together to continue to safeguard Brazil’s democracy.

Patrick Duddy: The rioting in Brasília, which culminated in the storming of the presidential palace, was a by-product of two prevailing realities.

First, Brazil is a deeply divided society characterized by dramatic economic inequality, racial disparities, stark regional differences and a history of government corruption. The poorest of the poor have historically had little faith in the traditional political parties, particularly those associated with the center and center-right. Many in the struggling middle and working classes have also felt frustrated and disappointed by traditional political parties in recent decades.

Second, former President Jair Bolsonaro capitalized on widespread dissatisfaction to win the presidential election in 2018. But his abrasive rhetoric, criticism of political institutions and nostalgia for military government only served to exacerbate the country’s divisions.

Current President Lula’s victory over Bolsonaro this fall left the former president’s followers feeling both enraged and disenfranchised, though Bolsonaristas obtained seats in the national legislature and won several key governorships. Since second-round election results became official, Bolsonaro’s followers have been organizing demonstrations around the country. The riot of January 8 was a part of that movement.

In the aftermath, it is important to remember that the Brazilian military did not support the rioters and there is no evidence that senior military leaders would tolerate any effort to interfere with Brazil’s democracy. The riot seems likely to have strengthened President Lula, with leaders around the region and the world expressing their solidarity and support for the country’s democratic future.

Although disruptions by Bolsonaro’s disgruntled supporters may not dissipate immediately, it seems likely their campaign will lose momentum, given the federal police response to the January 8 riots, which included hundreds of arrests. But Bolsonaro’s supporters clearly plan to make governing as difficult as they can for President Lula and his Workers Party.

What role did disinformation play in fueling the protests?

John Feeley: The sacking of Brazil's democratic seat of government on January 8 did not occur in a vacuum. The international rise in nationalistic and nativist movements was influential during the Bolsonaro presidency and in the aftermath of the close 2022 election.

Purposeful disinformation campaigns, spread virally on Telegram, WhatsApp, Facebook and other closed networks motivated — and will continue to motivate — the Bolsonaro supporters that stormed government buildings in Brasília.

Much of the post-election messaging in these disinformation campaigns has focused on claiming the election was "stolen" or "fraudulent," in some cases even before the ballots were counted.

Additionally, disinformation campaigns often weave in contentious cultural issues to portray President Lula and his supporters as extremists seeking to undermine traditional tenets of Brazilian society — only further inflaming social and political tensions in the country.

Unfortunately, these disinformation campaigns aren't going away. Despite the apparent failure of the Bolsonaro protesters, the country remains terribly polarized. Disinformation and conspiracy theories, character assassination and "fake news" reports degrading Lula and his progressive supporters will, sadly, continue to be a facet of Brazil's national discourse for some time to come.
Is the Brazil situation sui generis or is it part of a broader trend toward political violence in the region?

Keith Mines: It might not matter much to victims whether violence is politically or criminally motivated, but it does matter to those trying to find solutions to violence and to curb its scale.

The Western Hemisphere has long been wracked by higher levels of violence than most of the planet, whether criminal or political. From the 1970s to 1990s, many Latin American countries passed through periods of intense political violence, as the Cold War played out amid high levels of inequality and weak civil and political institutions. Cycles of violent upheaval sparked repression and state-sponsored terrorism in what were often intensely violent periods of political conflict.

The demise of the Soviet Union and the return of electoral democracy allowed citizens to settle conflicts without political violence. However, criminal violence surged at this time as drug trafficking by armed gangs produced levels of criminal violence that either compared to or exceeded prior civil conflicts.

The criminal violence continues to this day — but there now looms the prospect of another wave of political violence as groups on the left and right organize to tear down institutions that won’t bend to their will, upending systems of governance.

The late German philosopher Hans Magnus Enzensberger called this “molecular civil war,” in which brewing low levels of violence can “escalate at any time to epidemic proportions.” In today’s civil wars, he suggested, you don’t need uniforms and organized legions, “hatred on its own is enough.”
How does a country like Brazil ensure that politics are managed peacefully and without spasms of violence?

Anya Prusa: There are no simple fixes for the issues that contributed to the attack in Brasília, or to the problem of political violence in Brazil and Latin America more generally.

Democracy not only needs free and fair elections and avenues for meaningful political debate to function, but also trust in these institutions and their outcomes. And it needs mechanisms for accountability, whether through the legal system or at the ballot box.

Brazil is already starting to establish accountability by detaining more than 1,500 rioters and — perhaps more importantly — by launching investigations to identify those who instigated, organized and financed the January 8 attacks.

For accountability to serve as a deterrent long-term, however, the government will need to show that political leaders who knowingly spread disinformation and encourage violence, whether directly or tacitly, will also face repercussions rather than be rewarded with power or impunity. The application of justice must be transparent and impartial to avoid further inflaming tensions and hardening extremist opposition.

Many supporters of former President Jair Bolsonaro already believe that the system is rigged against them. An overzealous judicial response runs the risk of reinforcing that feeling, even among those who disapprove of vandalism and violence.

In the long run, a comprehensive response must address this disaffection among broad segments of the population. This is true not only in Brazil, but also across Latin America, where the rise of political outsiders and high rates of voter abstention testify to frustrations with the quality and responsiveness of officeholders and the policies they implement.

These frustrations can undermine faith even in free, fair and well-run elections, like those in Brazil, where authorities spent months countering disinformation and planning for a seamless election day.

Governments also need to address the legitimate grievances that help drive polarization, including corruption, poverty, inequality and inadequate access to health care or education. This will take time, resources and significant political will.

In Brazil, there may now be a unique window of opportunity to begin the work of rebuilding as the political establishment comes together to condemn political violence and reaffirm its commitment to democracy.

P. Michael McKinley is the former U.S. Ambassador to Brazil.

Patrick Duddy is the director of Duke University’s Center for Latin America and Caribbean Studies.

John Feeley is the executive director of the Center for Media Integrity and a retired U.S. ambassador.

Anya Prusa is a senior director at Dentons Global Advisors - Albright Stonebridge Group

Faces of death row: the young men caught up in Iran’s execution spree

More than 20 Iranians are currently on death row on charges related to anti-government protests, according to Amnesty International. © FRANCE 24

Text by: Cyrielle CABOT

Issued on: 14/01/2023

Since anti-regime demonstrations erupted following the September 16 death in custody of Mahsa Amini, Iranian authorities have executed four young men and sentenced several others to death on charges relating to the protest movement. FRANCE 24 profiles some of the people executed or on death row in Iran’s latest state-sponsored killing spree.

The Islamic Republic of Iran has long been one of the world’s top executioners, but in recent months, the number of death sentences handed and carried out have triggered warnings that the state is “weaponising” the death penalty to crush dissent.

In a press release published January 10, 2023, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk noted that criminal proceedings and the death penalty were being “weaponised by the Iranian Government to punish individuals participating in protests and to strike fear into the population so as to stamp out dissent, in violation of international human rights law”.

Between December 8, 2022 and January 7, 2023, four young people were executed on capital charges in connection with their participation in the protest movement sparked by the September 16 death of Mahsa Amini in custody.

Amini, 22, was arrested in Tehran by Iran’s morality police for improperly wearing her hijab. Iranian authorities claim she died of an illness, her family says she died from blows sustained during detention.

The first of the four executions – that of Mohsen Shekari – was carried out on December 8. Four days later, Majdireza Rahanavard was executed only 23 days after his arrest on November 19. On January 7, Mohammad Mehdi Karami and Mohammad Hosseini were executed. “All were executed secretly without their families being informed,” according to the UN human rights commissioner.

In a November 11, 2022 report detailing 21 death row cases, Amnesty International said the legal proceedings in all the cases were “grossly unfair” and in violation of numerous rights, including access to lawyers and the right to be protected from torture.

“The trials of those who are facing capital charges related to protests have been a total travesty of justice,” said Tara Sepehri Far, senior Iran researcher at Human Rights Watch, with proceedings that “bypass safeguards in Iran’s own penal code and criminal procedure law”.

Here are some profiles of the people executed or sentenced to death on charges related to their participation in anti-regime protests.

EXECUTED

Mohsen Shekari, 23, executed December 8, 2022

Mohsen Shekari © Reuters

Mohsen Shekari was the first death row inmate to be executed since protests erupted following Mahsa Amini’s death.

He was accused of stabbing a member of the Basij – a paramilitary unit operating under the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) –and of blocking traffic on an avenue in Tehran during a demonstration on September 25.

Shekari was hanged on December 8 in great secrecy, less than three months after his arrest.

Originally from Tehran, the young man was employed in a café in a trendy district of the capital city. A music enthusiast, Shekari’s social media posts often featured him dressed in baggy jeans with scarves wrapped around his head and wrists.

In a video clip widely shared after his execution, Shekari, accompanied by a guitar, is seen singing in what appears to be a café. "I now have only one wish, it is to see you one last time," he sings. "You are my lone star."

According to the opposition website, 1500tasvir, his family was waiting for the launch of an appeal process and had not heard from him when they learned the Islamic Republic had “unexpectedly executed him”. Under Iranian law, defendants have 20 days to appeal a death sentence. In a video released shortly after his death was announced, his mother screams on the street, unable to contain her shock.


Majidreza Rahnavard, 23, executed December 12, 2022

Majidreza Rahnavard DR

After Mohsen Shekari, Majidreza Rahnavard, 23, was hanged at dawn on December 12, only 23 days after his arrest. He was accused of stabbing to death two members of the security forces and wounding four others.

Within hours of his execution, state media broadcast images showing the young man, his hands bound behind his back, hanging from a cable attached to a crane in a square in the northeastern city of Mashhad.

The judiciary's Mizan news agency said Rahnavard was hanged "in the presence of a group of Mashhadi citizens. It was unclear how many were present at the public hanging and who they were.

His mother was not told of the execution until after his death. His family was then given the name of a cemetery and a plot number. When they turned up, security agents were burying his body.

Before his trial, the official media broadcast videos of him giving a “forced confession”. In the videos, Rahnavard’s left arm is “heavily bandaged, raising serious concerns that he may have been tortured,” said Amnesty International.

According to his relatives, Rahnavard worked in a women's clothing and shoe store in Mashhad and was an avid wrestler, a revered sport in Iran.


Mohammad Mehdi Karami, 22, executed January 7, 2023

Mohammad Mehdi Karami © DR

Mohammad Mehdi Karami, 22, a national karate champion, was executed on January 7 in Karaj, a satellite city of Tehran.

He was also accused of killing a Basij militia member during a demonstration in Karaj, located about an hour from Tehran. He was sentenced to death a month after his arrest by the Karaj Revolutionary Court in a mass trial.

Originally from Iran’s northwestern Kurdistan region, the Karami family had moved to Karaj to work.

In an audio interview posted online, Karami's father said he was a street vendor who sells napkins and had invested his life savings to help his son, a karate champion and coach for children, realise his athletic dreams.

"My son is a karate champion. He has won several medals in national competitions,” testified his father.

A photo of Karami circulating on social media showed the young, athletic man a tattoo of the Olympic rings on his arm. His family said he dreamed of making it to the Olympics, and the tattoo was for inspiration.

Karami’s parents had camped outside the prison where they had heard their son might be executed and had begged prison officials for a last visit but were denied, according to Iranian news reports.


Sayed Mohammad Hosseini, 39, executed January 7

Sayed Mohammad Hosseini © Reuters

Sayed Mohammad Hosseini, 39, a worker at a poultry plant, was also executed in Karaj at the same time as karate champion Mohammad Mehdi Karami, and on the same charges.

Very little personal information is available about Hosseini. His parents were both dead, according to Iranian news media. At his trial, the 39-year-old worker said he was on his way to the cemetery to visit his parents’ graves when he was caught in protest traffic and clashes that resulted in the death of the Basij member.

"The knife I had on me was meant for planting flowers and plants around their graves," his lawyer quoted his client as saying.

Hosseini’s lawyer, Ali Sharifzadeh Zakani, tweeted that he had filed an appeal of the sentence on January 4 and was told by the authorities to come back on January 7, to register the appeal.

His client was killed before an appeal could be registered.

“Why such a hurry? You could have at least allowed one more review of the case,” he said in a tweet.

Zakani had said earlier that his client had been severely tortured in detention. "He was kicked in the head and fell unconscious. He was hit with an iron bar on the soles of his feet and received electric shocks on different parts of his body," he wrote.

ON DEATH ROW:

Mohammad Boroughani, 19, sentenced to death

Mohammad Boroughani © Iran Human rights

Mohammad Boroughani was arrested in Pakdasht, an industrial city southeast of Tehran. Iranian authorities have described him as the "leader of the riots" Pakdasht. He is also accused of stabbing a government official, brandishing a machete and setting fire to the governor's building.

"I went out on the street because of an Instagram story my friend posted. I don't know anything about politics," said the 19 year-old at his trial, according to Iran's Tasnim news agency.

Little information is known about his family and background. Boroughani’s father earns a living by collecting and selling scrap metal, according to Iranian media reports. The teenager had been working in a subcontracting company for two years, according to the reports.

Boroughani’s death sentence was confirmed on January 2, raising fears that his execution was imminent. However, on January 8, to prevent his execution, a crowd of Iranians gathered in front of the Rajaï Chahr prison in Karaj, where he is being held.

Mohammad Ghobadlou, 22, sentenced to death

Mohammad Ghobadlou © Iran Human rights

Mohammad Ghobadlou was arrested in Tehran on September 22 and is accused of running over police officers with a car, killing one and injuring several others. He was detained with Mohammad Boroughani and was also sentenced to death.

The young man worked in a hairdressing salon in the capital before his arrest, according to his family. In a video posted on social networks on November 1, his mother explained that her son is also bipolar and that he had been denied access to his medication for weeks.

More than a month later, a group of psychiatrists published an open letter addressed to the judicial authorities, urging them to take a closer look at the detainee's mental health and to analyse the impact this may have had on his judgment during the protests.

His lawyer also filed an application with the Supreme Court for judicial review of his case. However, his death sentence was confirmed by the judiciary on December 24.

Hamid Ghare-Hassanlou, 53, sentenced to death

Hamid Ghare Hassanlou and his wife, Farzaneh © Iran Human rights

Hamid Ghare-Hassanlou, a doctor and radiologist, was sentenced to death on December 7 in Karaj. His wife, Farzaneh, was sentenced to 25 years in Ahvaz prison in southern Iran.

According to Amnesty International, the couple had attended a ceremony in early November to mark the 40th day after the death of Hadis Najafi, who was killed during a demonstration. On their way home, Ghare-Hassanlou and his wife were reportedly stopped in Karaj, near a place where a militiaman had just been killed. According to the NGO, the judicial authorities tortured the doctor to obtain false confessions and forced his wife, under torture, to testify against him.

Hamid Ghare-Hassanlou is known for having worked for a long time in disadvantaged areas. In addition to his work as a radiologist, he treated patients voluntarily at a public clinic and helped build schools, according to online publications relayed by the Iranian medical community abroad.

In an online petition by physicians and healthcare professions addressed to Iranian judicial authorities, Ghare-Hassanlou is described as a “compassionate physician in good standing with more than 26 years of experience as a radiologist”.

On January 3, the judiciary announced that it had overturned the verdict against the radiologist, citing flaws in the investigation. However, the case was sent back to court and the same charges are still pending against him.


Hossein Mohammadi, 26, sentenced to death

Hossein Mohammadi © DR

Hossein Mohammadi was arrested on November 5 in Karaj, accused of killing a member of the Basij. He is a theater actor, poet and singer who has appeared in several short films and plays in Iran.

Mohammadi's friends and colleagues said he was arrested at his home. That same night, he called his family and said that he would be released soon after "the misunderstanding is resolved." The family only found out later that he had been sentenced to death on December 8.

Mohammadi’s case, along with four others, was decided after just three court hearings spread over six days.

Several actors and directors have protested his arrest and sentencing, including French actress Juliette Binoche, who posted a video of Mohammadi with the message, "No to executions in Iran. No to the death penalty."

Iranian judicial authorities overturned his death sentence in early January, citing flaws in the investigation. However, like the case of Ghare-Hassanlou, Mohammadi’s case was sent back for a retrial. He is still at risk of execution.


Sahand Nourmohammad-Zadeh, 26, sentenced to death

Sahand Nourmohammad-Zadeh © DR

Sahand Nourmohammad-Zadeh was arrested on September 23 in Tehran for burning a garbage can and tires and destroying highway safety barriers during a demonstration. In a conversation with his family released by the BBC’s Persian service, the 26-year-old man asserted however that he had only "kicked a trash can" and had moved "already damaged barriers".

A weightlifter, Nourmohammad-Zadeh has won numerous medals in national competitions, according to local media. Before the protests began, the sportsman also worked in a jewelry store at a Tehran shopping mall. Hundreds of his colleagues have signed a petition claiming his innocence.

In a video, his two grandmothers call on the Iranian justice system to release him and drop the charges against him. "We are two old desperate women who beg you to forgive him", says one of them.


Saman Seydi, 24 years old, sentenced to death

Saman Seydi © DR

Saman Seydi, also known by his stage name Yasin, is a singer-songwriter of Kurdish origin. He was arrested on October 2 in Tehran, accused of being in possession of a firearm and firing three shots in the air during a demonstration.

The young man, who lived with his parents and two sisters, regularly posted videos featuring his songs on his Instagram page. The texts, mostly in Kurdish, often referred to the discrimination against the Kurdish minority in Iran. When protests erupted following the death of Mahsa Amini, who was also Kurdish, Seydi wrote several songs supporting the protest movement.

In a video posted on social networks, his mother insisted, "my son is an artist, my son is not a rioter".


Manouchehr Mehman Navaz, 45, sentenced to death

Manouchehr Mehman Navaz © DR

Manouchehr Mehman Navaz, arrested on September 25 in the suburbs of Tehran, is accused of setting fire to a government building and several cars as well as attacking a security guard's post with Molotov cocktails. Judicial authorities have requested that he be hanged in public at the same location as the fire.

Very little information is available about him. He is married and has two teenage daughters, according to the Norwegian based NGO Iran Human Rights, which registers death sentences in Iran.

According to Amnesty International, other individuals, for whom information is missing, are currently on death row. Among them is Saleh Mirhashemi Baltaghi, a 36-year-old karate champion and trainer, convicted of participating in an attack in the city of Isfahan during a protest in mid-November, according to Mizan Online. But also "Abolfazl Mehri, Hossein Hajilou, Saeed Shirazi, Hajar Hamidi, Akbar Ghafari, Mohsen Rezazadeh Gharagholou, Toomaj Salehi, Amir Nasr Azadani, Ebrahim Rigi, Farzad and Farhad Tahazadeh, Karwan Shahiparvaneh, Reza Eslamdoost, and Shahram Marouf," the NGO lists.

(This is a translation of the original in French.)

Protests rock Peru weeks after president's ouster

Jan D. Walter | Viola Träder

DW
January 12, 2023

The police response to ongoing anti-government protests in Peru has left more than 40 people dead. The public prosecutor's office has launched an investigation into the new president, Dina Boluarte.

Anti-government protests erupted after Dina Boluarte was sworn in as Peru's president in early December. Now, just over a month after her inauguration, the police response to protests has led to the deaths of more than 40 people, with hundreds injured.

Boluarte, the former vice president, came to power when President Pedro Castillo, elected in June 2021, announced plans to dissolve Congress, but was then arrested on charges of attempting a coup. This, in turn, sparked broad unrest in the country. At least 17 people were killed, including a police officer, in Juliaca on Monday.

The public prosecutor's office has launched an investigation into Boluarte, Prime Minister Alberto Otarola and other Cabinet members on suspicion of crimes of genocide and aggravated homicide and bodily injuries. This is the second such investigation into Boluarte's actions because of protest-related deaths.

VIDEO: Peru unrest death toll rises to 49   01:59

Otarola said security forces had "maintained public order in this state of emergency." He also said the government was not acting in an authoritarian fashion and would not be blackmailed by violence.

'Security forces are acting inappropriately and disproportionately'

Johanna Pieper, a researcher at Hamburg's GIGA Institute for Latin American Studies, told DW that "security forces are not heeding the law."

Raul Tecco, of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Lima, offered a similar opinion. "Security forces are acting inappropriately and disproportionately," Tecco said. He blames officials for the conduct of the security forces. "A soldier will not open fire without backing from his superior," he said.

Wilson Quispe, a representative from Castillo's party, held up a sign on Tuesday in Congress that read 'Stop militarization'

Sebastian Castaneda/REUTERS

Robert Helbig, who heads the Konrad Adenauer Foundation's office in Peru, said the people responsible for the turmoil must be identified and brought to justice to prevent a climate of lawlessness.
Complicated political situation

Castillo had been a political outsider before he narrowly beat neoliberal rival Keiko Fujimori, the daughter of former autocratic President Alberto Fujimori, in 2021.

The response to the protests that erupted in December has claimed dozens of lives

Hugo Courotto/REUTERS

Castillo's victory was not necessarily the result of his socialist ideas — which some Peruvians associated with the Shining Path guerrilla movement — but rather his anti-establishment appeal. But this may also explain his difficulty in establishing a properly functioning government, which ultimately caused a rift between the presidency and parliament.

His successor, Boluarte, has not fared much better. After breaking with Castillo, she has struggled to gain the support of Peru's left-wing parties. And she certainly cannot expect any support from the right.

Restoring Peru's peace

Pieper of the GIGA Institute said calm would only be restored when Boluarte acknowledged some of her mistakes and engaged in dialogue with protesters. It would not help for Boluarte to step down, she said, as that put Jose Williams Zapata, the neoliberal president of the Congress of Peru, in charge, and he is even less popular.

Snap elections — the next polls aren't scheduled until April 2024 — are no option either, said Pieper. "The elections cannot be moved forward due to logistical and organizational reasons. Moreover, there is a danger that the same political options would be on the table as in 2021," he said.

Castillo's supporters from the Andes region have vehemently opposed his removal from office

 Hugo Courotto/REUTERS

Tecco, on the other hand, said if Congress were to succeed in establishing an interim government, fresh elections could be held within three months. This, however, would require great political determination.

Helbig said if politicians were to begin taking protesters' demands seriously and prioritizing the country's interests, Peru could soon be pacified. "Convincing political gestures by the executive and legislative are needed that show empathy and solidarity with those who have been killed in order to calm tensions," he said.

VIDEO: Tourists stranded amid Peru unrest leave Machu Picchu area  01:39

This article was translated from German.

How do we solve antibiotic resistance?

Fred Schwaller

DW
01/13/2023

Antibiotic resistance threatens to take us back to a time before penicillin when the majority of deaths were caused by infections. What are we doing to solve the crisis?

Since antibiotics were introduced to the world in the mid-20th century, deaths attributable to infections dropped from over 50% to 10-15%. Experts have been warning for decades that the threat of antibiotic resistance could take us back in time to when even simple infections were deadly.

But how serious is the issue really?

A study in 2019 found more than 1 million peoplea year died from infections linked to microbes that are resistant to antibiotics — more than those who died due to malaria or with HIV/AIDS.

Experts describe antibiotic resistance as one of the greatest challenges facing humanity. They predict that if the problem remains unsolved, 10 million people could die as a result by 2050.

"Antibiotic resistance will remain a problem for the foreseeable future," said Paul Blainey, a biological engineer at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "Maintaining modern medicine and standards of health in the way we know them today will depend on the development of new antibiotic drugs."

Illustration of Legionella pneumophila bacteria, the cause of Legionnaires disease. Pneumophila bacteria have high levels of resistance to antibiotics.

Science Photo Library/IMAGO

What causes antibiotic resistance?

Antibiotic resistance occurs when bacteria evolve to evade antibiotics. Overuse and misuse of antibiotics are the biggest drivers of resistance. That means that the more we use antibiotics, the worse the problem of antibiotic resistance becomes.

Antibiotics work by binding to a specific target protein on a bacteria, then entering to kill it from the inside. Penicillin, for example, weakens the bacterial cell wall, causing the cell to disintegrate.

The most common ways bacteria evade antibiotics come from mutations that allow them to stop drugs from binding to bacteria. It's like the bacteria changed the locks so the antibiotic key no longer opens the cell door.

"Bacteria can also achieve resistance by producing proteins that inactivate or modify the antibiotic, so it no longer binds to the bacteria. Or the target protein is mutated so the antibiotic can no longer bind to it," said Gerry Wright, a biochemist who specializes in antibiotic resistance.

But worst of all is when bacteria evolve many of these mechanisms in backup, so even if you overcome one, other resistances might fill the gap.
Solving the problem of antibiotic resistance

Antibiotic resistance will always be with us. It's the nature of evolution by natural selection that means bacteria will always find ways to evade antibiotics.

But experts are optimistic we can find ways to limit antibiotic resistance in the next decades, at least enough to stop the issue from spiraling into a bigger crisis.

"I'm hopeful we can overcome the concerns about antibiotic resistance. Scientists in the field are dedicated to solving these big problems and preserving our ability to control infectious diseases that is so important to our quality of life," said Wright.

Unfortunately, it isn't as simple as developing a drug that will permanently overcome antibiotic resistance. It's incredibly complex science, even more so than finding a vaccine for a virus such as COVID-19. For one, there's huge diversity among bacteria — not all drugs work on a given organism, and not all organisms are killed by a given drug.

Option 1: Modify existing antibiotics

Scientists have been working on the issue from many different angles. One approach is to modify old antibiotics so they overcome resistance.

"Penicillin and cephalosporin antibiotics have undergone many rounds of modifications by medicinal chemists to improve their drug-like properties and overcome resistance," said Wright.

But Wright explained that the ability to tinker with these structures is not infinite. It's more of a delaying tactic than fundamentally fixing the core issue of antibiotic resistance.

"At some point, there are diminishing returns in that new compounds either have poor drug-like properties or toxicities that make them unsuitable," he said.

Toxicity is the ability of a substance to have a poisonous effect and either cause harm or death.

Option 2: Develop new antibiotics

Another strategy is to make brand-new drugs, but this approach hasn't been very successful in recent decades.

"The reality is that the last genuinely new chemical structure that has resulted in a drug that is currently being used in humans was discovered in the mid-1980s," Wright said.

But there are some signs of progress. For one, scientists are now armed with much more sophisticated drug discovery technologies, not least artificial intelligence (AI).

"Examples of scientific innovations include computational machine learning approaches to screen drugs in silico, and methods to screen many different combinations of compounds for antibiotic effects," said Blainey.

"In silico" refers to experiments performed via computer simulation.

These new innovations are helping scientists overcome older challenges in drug discovery. The hope is that antibiotic-resistant drugs can be pushed through drug development pipelines quickly enough for them to make an impact in global health care.

But central to the issue is that antibiotic resistance develops quickly whereas antimicrobials — the basis of antibiotic drugs — are developed slowly. Scientists hear the clock ever ticking.

Borrelia burgdorferi bacteria shown here are responsible for causing Lyme disease. These bacteria are yet to develop resistance to antibiotics.

Callista Images/imago images

Global fight against antibiotic resistance lacking

As with the race for COVID-19 vaccines, overcoming antibiotic resistance will require tremendous international effort dedicated to the problem. But that's exactly what's missing.

"What makes the resistance challenge so acute in 2023 is that there is no longer a well-organized, well-funded, and functioning pipeline of new drug candidates, yet resistance continues to emerge," said Wright.

Reports indicate there were 43 antibiotics in clinical trials or pending approval in December 2020. For comparison, over 1,300 anticancer agents were at similar stages of development.

Blainey said that many of the issues here came from the commercialization of drug development.

"Sadly, some large companies have given up their antibiotics programs based around commercial considerations and several small companies developing new antibiotics have failed financially before their candidates reached the clinic. We really need more investment in all antibiotic discovery strategies," he told DW.

Buying time with antibiotic regulation

In the short term, some experts want more regulation of antibiotics so their use is limited to situations when they are strictly necessary. The hope is this will buy us some time to slow down antibiotic resistance while drug discovery catches up.

Antibiotics are not well regulated in many parts of the world. For example, antibiotics were "flying off the shelves" during the COVID-19 pandemic in India, where people can buy them over the counter in pharmacies.

Limiting the use of antibiotics in agriculture would also have a major impact, experts say.

The EU and US have banned the use of antibiotics for livestock growth, and in 2022, the EU brought in legislation to prohibit all forms of routine antibiotic use in farming.

Edited by: Zulfikar Abbany