Friday, September 22, 2023

WORLDS TOP AUTO MANUFACTURER Toyota’s latest sales data reveals a major consumer shift is underway: ‘It’s a powerful upgrade that drives change’

Jordan Carlton
Wed, September 20, 2023 



Toyota is ramping up its transition from combustion engines to electric vehicles, according to new data from the company.

The global auto giant’s latest sales figures reveal the remarkable success of Toyota’s hybrid and EV models, Torque News reports.

In the first half of 2023, Toyota Motor North America sold a total of 270,476 EVs, including hybrids, which makes up 26% of the company’s total sales volume, according to Torque News. Models like the bZ4X, Corolla Cross, Mirai, Sequoia, and Tundra HEV all reported record first-half sales, Torque News reports.

June saw 51,535 EVs sold, making up 26.4% of monthly sales, reflecting a growing desire among consumers to support a cleaner future. The uptick in sales comes as people across the globe struggle to cope with stiflingly hot temperatures. This June was the hottest on record going back 174 years, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, per NPR. And this July saw the hottest three-week period on record, per CNN.

Consumers who purchase EVs are not merely investing in cars that are cheaper to run and maintain, they are also significantly cutting back on the amount of planet-overheating pollution they create.

Unlike standard gas-powered vehicles, EVs do not rely on combustion engines that release harmful gas while running. Research has shown that no matter the charging method or the means of battery production, even EVs with the dirtiest batteries are still cleaner than cars that burn gas.

Toyota recently announced plans for an EV with a 900-mile range after just 10 minutes of charging, an unprecedented technology that would address one of the most common hesitations of potential EV owners — range anxiety.

The future of the automobile industry is undoubtedly electric, and Toyota’s commitment to expanding its electrified vehicle options and early successes both indicate that this trend will continue to gain momentum.

Toyota issues a major threat to Tesla's EV supremacy

Toyota's stock surged more than 3% Tuesday morning.
THE STREET
SEP 19, 2023 

The Toyota (TM) - Get Free Report Prius, one of the first hybrids to hit the market, was around before Tesla (TSLA) - Get Free Report even formed as a company. In the time since, the Japanese automaker has gone on to become the top-selling automaker in the world and Tesla has gone on to become the certified leader of the electric vehicle market.

But Toyota has lately been targeting the shift to electrification; in June, the company unveiled a technological roadmap to introduce high-performance electric vehicles and other technologies with the goal of increasing range, cutting costs and competing with Tesla.




Engineering whistleblower explains why safe Full Self-Driving can't ever happen

Read More

Last week, Toyota gave reporters a tour of one of its factories in central Japan, where the company showed off the way it is integrating old methods with new technology to amp up EV production and keep costs as low as possible.

The plant, according to Reuters, incorporating robotics and 3D modeling technology, has made use of 30-year-old part-processing equipment, which can now run at night and on weekends, boosting productivity.


The company has also begun to employ self-propelling production lines; its EVs, guided by sensors, move through assembly lines without the need (or expense) of conveyor equipment. Toyota has further moved to take advantage of Tesla's unique "gigacasting" method, which produces larger (and therefore, fewer) car parts. But Toyota has worked to innovate this process, developing die-casting molds that can be replaced in 20 minutes, rather than the 24 hours normally required.

More Electric Vehicles:

Ford unveils new Tesla challenge aimed at electrifying corporate fleets

And not to be outdone by Tesla and its autonomous technology, this Toyota plant uses a robotic, self-driving transport to move newly completed cars across the factory's parking lot.

"The strength of Toyota's manufacturing lies in our ability to respond to changing times," Kazuaki Shingo, Toyota's chief product officer, told reporters on the tour.

This push into the competitive EV market comes amid ongoing strikes against the Detroit Three — General Motors (GM) - Get Free Report, Ford (F) - Get Free Report and Stellantis (STLA) - Get Free Report — which analysts think will result in Tesla widening its lead in EV production by a healthy margin. A prolonged strike, they say, could push the automakers' EV plans back, giving Tesla a wider lead.

And when a deal is finally made to bring people back to work, legacy automakers' EVs, already not profitable, will likely come in at prices that Tesla will easily be able to beat.

Toyota's stock jumped around 3% Tuesday morning.
Serbian President compares Russia's attack on Ukraine to NATO bombing of Yugoslavia

Ukrainska Pravda
Fri, September 22, 2023 




Aleksandar Vučić, President of the Republic of Serbia, has said that Russian President Vladimir Putin has used the same narratives and explanations for his attack on Ukraine as NATO countries did when they launched their military operation against Yugoslavia.

Source: Aleksandar Vučić during the general debate of the 78th session of the UN General Assembly in New York on 21 September; European Pravda, with reference to Ukrinform news agency

Quote: "For the first time, unprecedented in world history, the most powerful 19 countries made a decision, without involvement of the UN Security Council, I repeat, without any decision by the UN Security Council, to brutally attack and punish a sovereign country on the European soil, as they had said, to prevent a humanitarian disaster.

They did not laugh out loud when the Russian president used the very same words justifying his attack against Ukraine. They forgot that they themselves had used the same narrative, the same words and the same explanations."

Details: Aleksandar Vučić said that Serbia "do support it and will keep supporting" Ukraine's territorial integrity, "because we do not change our politics, we do not change our principles, regardless of centuries-long traditional friendship with the Russian Federation".

"To us, every violence is the same, any violation of the UN Charter is the same, regardless of the strength of the power that exerts it or the inevitably similar excuses made for it illegal and immoral behaviour," the Serbian leader said.

Background:

  • The International Court of Justice has recognised that the Serbian authorities have carried out a systematic practice of ethnic crimes and cleansing against Kosovars living in their own region. And the "ethnic cleansing" and systemic crimes of the "Kyiv regime" referred to by the Russian president exist only in the fantasies of Russian propaganda.

  • Earlier, Vučić expressed his disbelief that the European Union was moving much faster in granting membership to Ukraine than to his country.

  • He also stated that if Ukraine recognises Kosovo's independence, "it will lose everything in one day".




Seeing the Forest for the Trees
Thesis on The Kosovo Crisis and the Crisis of Global Capitalism

(originally written May 1999, Bill Clinton set the stage for George W. to invade Afghanistan and Iraq for humanitarian purposes.)
http://plawiuk.blogspot.com/2005/01/war-whats-it-good-for-profit.html


What’s Going on Behind Canada’s Stunning Accusation Against India

Nitish Pahwa
SLATE
Wed, September 20, 2023
 
Justin Trudeau speaks in the House of Commons in Ontario on Tuesday. 
Blair Gable/Reuters


On Monday, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau stunned the world by all but accusing India of conducting an assassination on his country’s soil. Speaking in Parliament, Trudeau provided an update on his government’s investigation into the June murder of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Sikh-separatist “Khalistan” activist and Canadian citizen who was shot and killed in his truck by two masked gunmen in the British Columbia town where he served as president of a local gurdwara. “Canadian security agencies have been actively pursuing credible allegations of a potential link between agents of the government of India” and the circumstances of Nijjar’s killing, Trudeau informed the public. “Last week, at G20, I brought them personally, and directly, to Prime Minister [Narendra] Modi in no uncertain terms.”

The statement sent shockwaves across the globe even before Canada’s foreign affairs minister announced that the country was booting “a senior Indian diplomat” named Pavan Kumar Rai in connection with the investigation. India’s government then put out multiple statements on Monday referring to the allegations as “absurd” and accusing Canada of “threaten[ing] India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity,” subsequently returning the diplomatic favor by giving an unnamed senior Canadian official five days to leave the subcontinent. Trudeau said on Tuesday that he’s “not looking to provoke or escalate” the already thick tensions between his country and India, but undeniably, his disclosure has inflamed suspicions and rage across a complex geopolitical web—among Nijjar’s family and friends, among the vibrant Sikh diaspora in Canada, among the nations allied with both sides, and among Modi-loyal Indians taken aback by the Canadian PM’s audacity. The White House has already said it’s “deeply concerned about the allegations,” and further stated that “it is critical that Canada’s investigation proceed and the perpetrators be brought to justice.”

Who was Hardeep Singh Nijjar, and how did his death become the center of a global conflict? How much does Canada know? And why is India even involving itself with so many people across the world who are not its citizens? Some answers.

Why was Hardeep Singh Nijjar killed, and why was it so significant?

Hardeep Singh Nijjar was a Punjab-born Sikh who’d emigrated to Canada, where he became a citizen, owned a plumbing business, and presided over a local temple in Surrey, British Columbia, that’s named for the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak. While Nijjar was a beloved member of Canada’s Sikh population—which is the second largest of any country in the world, after India’s—he was legally perceived in his former country as a “terrorist,” thanks in large part to his advocacy for clawing back parts of the North Indian state of Punjab and establishing a sovereign state for the region’s Sikhs, to be known as Khalistan.


What’s Khalistan?

The roots of the Khalistan concept lie in the waning years of British-ruled India, as the prospect of independence came into view. By the 1940s, it was clear that any postcolonial arrangement would have to include demarcations for separate Hindu- and Muslim-specific nations, as tensions between the two religious groups had long been inflamed by colonial duress. Many of India’s Sikhs, who hold roots in Punjab dating back to their religion’s 15th-century founding, similarly desired a country of their own, with borders encompassing the entirety of Punjab and other parts of North India. This obviously did not come to pass, and when Punjab’s territory was split between India and Pakistan in 1947, the overwhelming majority of Sikhs made the treacherous Partition journey to settle within India. Several residents still pined for a separate state, leading India’s Parliament to establish Sikh- and Hindu-dominated states in the north, respectively recognized as Punjab and Haryana, by 1966. This did not stem the clamor, especially since then–Prime Minister Indira Gandhi refused to grant Punjab the kind of special autonomy that was given to the Muslim-majority state of Jammu and Kashmir. Going into the 1970s, idealistic Indian Sikhs took advantage of relaxed immigration laws to settle in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom, spreading the Khalistan idea across the globe.

By the 1980s, the movement had taken on a militant bent, with the most fervent separatists engaging in bombings and shootings that injured and killed hundreds of Hindu and anti-Khalistan Punjabis. The issue hit crisis mode in 1984, when Gandhi sent army and police forces to Punjab’s Golden Temple—the holiest place of worship for Sikhs—because the most murderous Khalistan-movement factions were hiding out there. A shootout ensued, leading to brutal casualties not only among the fighters but also of several Punjabi civilians, only further stoking regional anger against the government. A few months later, Gandhi’s own Sikh bodyguard murdered her in retaliation, spawning retaliatory pogroms across North India that killed thousands of Sikhs and appeared to have been encouraged by the then-ruling Congress Party. The violence reached Canada the year after, when revenge-seeking Khalistan militants based there assembled and planted a bomb on Air India Flight 182, which exploded over the Atlantic Ocean while traveling from Montreal to London and killed all of the aircraft’s occupants, including both Canadian and Indian citizens.* (This horrific attack, the worst of its kind in Canadian history, remains the primary example of Khalistani terrorism abroad; that same day, another Air India–targeted bomb exploded in Tokyo’s Narita International Airport, killing two staffers.) Punjab continued to erupt in both pro-Khalistan and anti-Sikh violence throughout the decade, which both heightened government crackdowns and reduced popular support for the movement within Punjab; however, many Sikh individuals and groups located both within and outside of India have professed their continued desire for a Khalistan state.

So was Nijjar involved in … any of that?

Not in that fraught history, no—he was only a teen by the time Khalistan-linked chaos quieted in the early 1990s. But Nijjar had been targeted time and again by the Modi administration, which kept tabs on the Sikh diaspora and their Khalistan cause sympathizers. Nijjar was an organizer with the Canadian arm of Sikhs for Justice, a U.S.-based pro-Khalistan organization that’s attempted to hold Congress Party members accountable in international courts for the anti-Sikh violence of the 1980s. After it was banned from India in 2019, SFJ called for its myriad outposts to hold a referendum in favor of Punjab’s secession from India, garnering ample support in Canada. This collective activism among Canadian Sikhs has long provoked India’s ire, spurring decadeslong tensions between Indian and Canadian leaders; Canadian PMs of all ideological persuasions have long rebuffed India’s requests to censor or surveil pro-Khalistan Sikhs, since they never evolved into anything resembling the ’80s-era Indian militias.

Nevertheless, under Modi’s reign, India has continued to monitor and target Khalistan supporters abroad. In 2016, its government told Canada that Nijjar specifically was running a militant training cell near Vancouver, and that he was wanted in India in connection with a fatal 2007 movie theater bombing. (In 2014, all suspects accused in that case were cleared of their charges.) When a Vancouver Sun reporter tracked him down, Nijjar denied all the allegations, mentioning that he’d been living in Canada for decades and was “too busy” with his family and career to get involved in such things. Yet India kept up its pursuit of Singh. In 2018, Punjab’s chief minister at the time, Amarinder Singh, welcomed Trudeau to his state and presented him with a list of “wanted” criminals that named Nijjar—who was later taken into custody by Canadian police only to be released after 24 hours with no charges. Nijjar did not deny his support for pro-Khalistan groups, but he maintained his innocence against India’s terrorism charges, claiming he was “being targeted and framed in false criminal cases.” In 2020, India officially deemed Nijjar a terrorist, linking his pro-Khalistan activism to the widespread farmers’ protests that the national government was (unsuccessfully) attempting to crush. Last year, India’s counterterrorism agency accused Nijjar of being involved in an attack on a Hindu priest and promised a monetary award to anyone who could help authorities arrest him. After Nijjar’s murder on June 18, the World Sikh Organisation of Canada claimed that the Canadian Security Intelligence Service had warned him long in advance that he could be the target of an assassination plot.

Was there any proof for all the accusations against Nijjar?

No firm proof as far as we can ascertain. There were multiple Indian government and police reports written so as to charge Nijjar in these acts, but no supplementary evidence was released to the public.

Why did India target him so voraciously, then?

The Modi administration often makes the Khalistan movement a scapegoat and a justification for crackdowns whenever protests have roared up against the prime minister’s authoritarian, bigoted rule. Organizers of protests as varied as 2019’s nationwide uprisings against Islamophobic legislation, 2020’s rallies of farmers against government rollbacks of agricultural safety nets, and even this year’s mobilization of women wrestlers against institutional sexual harassment—they’ve all been accused by Modi allies, sans evidence, of being primarily linked to or driven by pro-Khalistan soldiers. This spring, when Punjabi police embarked on a manhunt to apprehend the militant pro-Khalistan ringleader Amritpal Singh Sandhu, and were countered by disapproving local Sikhs, they mass-arrested hundreds of those dissenters and shut down digital communication networks across the state for days. This suppression spread beyond Punjab’s and India’s borders: The Modi administration, never reluctant to block a tweet it didn’t like, ordered Twitter to obscure hundreds of accounts from Indian view, including those belonging to the Pakistani government, which India accused of funding current-day Khalistan movement terrorists, and to Canadian member of Parliament Jagmeet Singh, himself a Sikh who’d attended pro-Khalistan rallies before entering politics.

So on one end, there is India’s persistent chasing of anyone and everyone it considers a pro-Khalistan gunman. Then there is India’s particular beef with Canada, its Sikhs, and their pro-Khalistan rallies, which recently have been as peaceful as Punjab’s ’80s insurgencies were bloody. It’s also worth noting that Indian officials have felt empowered under Modi to flex their power on the international stage, coddled as the country is by powerful allies of all stripes, like the U.S. and Russia. Indian diplomats have spurned American politicians who call out the Modi era’s human rights abuses, persuaded British royals not to trot out their Indian-origin crown jewels during this year’s coronation, and refused to cut ties with Russia after it invaded Ukraine, to the exhaustion of Western allies who’ve begged the country to take a firm pro-Ukraine stance. And yes, the government has stripped citizenship from and detained U.S.-based Indian-origin journalists. This is the first time India’s been accused of an out-and-out foreign assassination, however—perhaps an indication that Modi and his goons stand to benefit from the impunity afforded to despots like Mohammad bin Salman, the crown prince of Saudi Arabia who approved the assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

To sum it up: India’s single-minded pursuit of anyone associated with the wide-spanning arms of the Khalistan movement, plus its willingness to confront and target Indians in foreign countries, made for a formula that could encourage India to chase whomever it liked, no matter how unsupported the individual charges. And if Indian diplomats were indeed behind Nijjar’s murder, they probably felt better about carrying out such an act in Canada, a country of which they aren’t too fond.

They’re that mad at Canada because of Khalistan-sympathizing Sikhs?

Indeed. To be clear, there are plenty of Sikhs worldwide who don’t necessarily want a Khalistan state, but they are opposed to how India goes after those alleged to be Khalistan supporters, which they see as pure persecution of Sikhs by Modi’s Hindu-nationalist regime. Throughout the Modi years, India-Canada relations have chilled as India-U.S. relations have warmed. When Trudeau expressed concern in late 2020 over India’s suppression of the farmers’ protests, the subcontinent characterized his remarks as straight-up “interference” in Indian affairs. (However, the farmers themselves appeared to welcome Canadian solidarity.) Finally, of course, there was the Group of 20 Summit in New Delhi, where Modi confronted Trudeau over anti-Modi Sikh rallies while Trudeau, as we now know, confronted Modi over Nijjar’s killing.

It seems Canada isn’t yet releasing any hard evidence on India’s role in the killing. So why did Trudeau make such a loud announcement?

Reportedly, correspondents for the Globe and Mail newspaper heard about Canada’s suspicions of Indian involvement from “national-security sources” and contacted Ottawa officials for confirmation. When it became clear the paper was going to publish the story no matter what, Trudeau decided to make the public announcement on Monday, after which the piece finally published. On Tuesday, Trudeau elaborated that “Canadians have a right to know and need to know when things are going on like this. And that’s why we made the decision to [reveal] this.”

What … happens now?

It’s hard to say. As the Washington Post reported Tuesday, Canada had asked friends like the U.S. earlier this summer to condemn Nijjar’s murder, only for them to decline; nations like the U.K. and Australia are now issuing delicate statements over the matter without implying that India’s to blame for anything.

Meanwhile, the already fraught Canada-India relationship appears destined to crumble even further. On Monday, Canadian Sikhs posting about Nijjar’s death on Facebook had their posts taken down and accounts suspended; some were restored after the account holders appealed to Meta. Meanwhile, Canada updated its travel advisory for the subcontinent, asking citizens to avoid traveling to Jammu and Kashmir; in turn, India issued an advisory Wednesday asking Indians traveling to or residing in Canada to “exercise caution.” Sikhs in British Columbia alternately expressed relief that Canada finally appeared to acknowledge India’s aggressive silencing of pro-Khalistan voices, while lamenting that it took a stone-cold murder to bring that interference to light. Nijjar’s son told Canadian media Tuesday that he and his family had always suspected the Indian government was behind his father’s death, and said he hoped Canada could uncover the “specific individuals” involved.

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LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for HINDUISM IS FASCISM 

The Slatest for Sept. 21: 
Why Hindu Nationalists Are Freaking Out Over a California Anti-Discrimination Bill

Slate Staff
Thu, September 21, 2023 

Justin Sullivan/Getty Images

If you’ve seen any media coverage of California’s anti-caste discrimination legislation, you might think the bill was shrouded in controversy. But there’s more to the story, Nitish Pahwa writes—many of the measure’s opponents have ties to established Hindu nationalist political organizations in India. Pahwa explains how this backlash is one manifestation of the growing influence of Hindu nationalist politics in the U.S.

Plus, ICYMI: Molly Olmstead unpacks Vivek Ramaswamy’s puzzling embrace of both Hindu and Christian nationalism.

A Historic Anti-Discrimination Bill in California Sparked Backlash. But the Controversy Isn’t What It Seems.

Nitish Pahwa
Thu, September 21, 2023 

Photo illustration by Slate. Photos by Seattle City Council, Nikhil Patil/Getty Images Plus, Wallentine/Getty Images Plus, and California State Senate.


Earlier this month, the California Assembly passed S.B. 403, the first state bill in the country to include caste under the scope of anti-discrimination law. The bill has been sent to Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has until Oct. 14 to officially sign it. Newsom has not said whether he supports the legislation—but if he does give it his signature, it won’t be thanks to how American media has covered the measure and the supposed controversy around it. Along the bill’s path to this monumental point, local and national outlets have chosen to amplify bad-faith actors and parrot reactionary institutions and talking points.

Coverage of the bill created the perception that it was met with significant backlash in California, the state with the largest South Asian American population, over fears that the bill would engender anti-Hindu discrimination. But that’s less a grassroots phenomenon and more a manifestation of the growing influence of Hindu nationalism in American politics—driven in part by activists and groups with direct links to the Sangh Parivar, the India-based Hindu nationalist network that paved the ideological route to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rule.

Hindu nationalism, also known as Hindutva or “Hinduness,” arises from a core belief that the Indian subcontinent belongs to Hindus and Hindus only—the hundreds of millions of Muslims, Jains, Christians, Buddhists, and members of other religious groups with millennia-spanning roots in the region need not apply. This ideology has manifested itself most flagrantly in the reign of Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party, which has censored Indian textbooks and records to erase the subcontinent’s vibrant history of non-Hindu civilizations, granted carte blanche to fundamentalists who’ve visited violent attacks upon Muslims and Dalits, enacted policies that strip civil rights from Muslims, and scrubbed the Indian internet of anti-Modi dissenters.

U.S.-based Hindu nationalists seek to dismiss any criticisms of Modi, his party, and their fundamentalist visions of Hinduism as constituting a form of “Hinduphobia.” And they’re opposed to anti-castetist policy like the one pending in California, as many of the most conservative Hindus benefit from the system. (More on that in a moment.)

Casteism is also promoted stateside through the international branches of the very extremist organizations that helped the Bharatiya Janata Party come to power. Just a few examples among many: the Hindu American Foundation, a 20-year-old nonprofit that emerged from the Islamophobic Vishwa Hindu Parishad group that is a Sangh Parivar member; the World Hindu Council of America, which is designated as an overseas branch of the VHP; and the Coalition of Hindus of North America, whose leaders are affiliated with the VHP and the United States Hindu Alliance—the latter of which was formed by former volunteers with the Sangh Parivar’s century-old Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh group.

One might think that journalists who interact with such Hindutva-network organizations in the course of their reporting would make note of those unseemly, barely hidden ties. Yet U.S. media outlets tend to be troublingly blasé about this context, often characterizing these groups as concerned activists or good-faith opposition. Coverage of the California anti-caste-discrimination legislation in Politico, ABC News, the New York Times, the Associated Press, the Sacramento Bee, and Cal Matters has included input from representatives of the aforementioned groups without any indication of their association with India’s international Hindutva cells; at most, they’re identified as opponents of organizers against the legislation.

To better understand what’s going on here, it’s worth taking a step back to look at how caste is recognized in the modern era—and why it’s become a flashpoint beyond the Indian subcontinent.

Caste is a hierarchical system of group stratification with roots tracing back to Hinduism as practiced in ancient India. In the Vedic Hindu period of Indian society, caste consisted of four distinct social classes: Brahmins, the top rank that encompassed highly respected religious and spiritual leaders; Kshatriyas, the bureaucrats and warriors who stood second only to the Brahmins; Vaishyas, who were artists, merchants, and farmers; and Shudras, the bottom-level workers. The post-Vedic era would also characterize many Shudras as Dalits, or “untouchables,” who do not hold claim to any caste and are all but unrecognized in casteist society. One could recognize a person’s class status from their family name, ancestry, and religious devotion. While the caste system existed throughout Hindu and Indian civilization, spanning all its empires, it was not always recognized under the word caste—a term that originated from Portuguese, thanks to settlers who came to India in 1498—and it took on varied and ever-changing forms, all quite different from the modern incarnation most Indians are familiar with.

It took the British Empire’s rule-by-division to formalize casteism in Indian common law, as the colonists divided their Indian subjects by arbitrary castes in each 10-year census, granted jobs only to members of higher castes, and imposed legal penalties upon lower-caste populations. As Indians agitated for freedom from the Brits in the early 20th century, a dynamic anti-casteism movement led by Dalit scholar B.R. Ambedkar ensured that India’s post-independence constitution forbid caste-based discrimination while enshrining affirmative action programs for disenfranchised lower-caste Indians. Of course, this wasn’t enough on its own, and higher-caste Indian communities have long spurned or even violently attacked Dalits along with other lower-caste populations—a grisly trend that has only escalated under current Prime Minister Narendra Modi (who comes from a lower-caste background himself, a fact he invokes in speeches to deny that casteism still exists).

Not only are Hindu nationalists loath to part with the privileges afforded to them by the casteist system—wealth, societal status, and political advantages—but they genuinely view many Dalits and lower-caste individuals as an “unclean” people unworthy of basic human rights. In India, the most bigoted Brahmins will fence themselves off from Dalits in any way possible, forcing them into poverty-wage jobs with horrific conditions, and not even allow them the basic dignity of sharing common spaces or utensils with higher-caste Indians.

Of course, it’s difficult to boil down the complex, millennia-spanning history of caste, and it’s only recently that the United States has come face-to-face with the concept. During the summer of anti–police brutality protests spurred by George Floyd’s murder, Americans newly introduced to sociopolitical concepts like systemic racism and mutual aid likewise got their first glimpses of casteism. In June 2020, the United States registered its first-ever caste-discrimination lawsuit when the state of California sued Cisco Systems under the 1964 Civil Rights Act after some of its employees were alleged to have denied workplace opportunities to lower-caste Indian American employees based solely on their caste. (The suit is ongoing.)

The anti-Dalit taunts included in the lawsuit underscored how some Brahmins—who, because they have the means to emigrate and travel, make up the bulk of Indian American immigrants—might prefer that this segregation be universal. They’d also prefer to promote the image that their lives in the United States are the result of bootstraps effort, rather than what essentially amounts to birthright privilege, as a CUNY anthropology professor recently wrote in the Indian Express.

In August of that year, Pulitzer-winning journalist Isabel Wilkerson published the acclaimed book Caste: The Origin of Our Discontents, which compared the U.S.’s history of racism to India’s more vicious forms of casteism; despite some criticism from lower-caste scholars, the book was a bestseller and has inspired an upcoming Ava DuVernay film. In the years since, caste has only entered the public consciousness more in America: There have been allegations of casteist workplace environments fostered by Silicon Valley’s South Asian workers and executives, emerging scholarship on casteism’s worldwide presence, anti-caste-discrimination policies adopted at colleges like the University of Michigan and Rutgers, a successful Seattle City Council ordinance to ban casteist discrimination, and even an appearance in the 2024 GOP primary, with the Ron DeSantis campaign singling out Vivek Ramaswamy’s high-caste background as a potential attack line.

Yet the extremists promoting anti-anti-casteism are presented by U.S. media as concerned citizens instead of foot soldiers for a grander and more insidious movement. What’s more, their statements to the press convey Hindu fundamentalists’ common propagandistic talking points time and time again with no pushback or fact-checking, and their well-known, ruthlessly organized methods of flooding social media and politicians’ offices with rampant disinformation are framed as grassroots protests.

As such, spokespeople for the larger Sangh Parivar footprint that includes the Hindu American Foundation and the Coalition of Hindus of North America are granted free rein to push dubious talking points, including: 1) that modern casteism’s colonial origins mean that it has nothing to do with Hinduism as practiced past or present, which is a blatant falsehood; 2) that legislating against casteism unfairly singles out Hindus and is thus discriminatory against Hindus as a whole, even though the stateside battles around casteism involve high-caste Hindu Americans already discriminating against lower-caste Hindu Americans, and even though casteism is also practiced by some devotees of other religions like Islam and Sikhism; 3) that caste discrimination just doesn’t happen in the U.S.—which, as we saw from the Cisco lawsuit, is an easy-to-dismiss lie.

Of course, the coalitions opposing anti-caste-discrimination laws have constitutional free speech rights like anyone else, and mainstream journalists have a responsibility to look at issues from multiple angles. But in soliciting Hindu nationalist opinion and excluding even basic aspects of the movement’s broader context, as outlined above, writers do a disservice to readers likely to be unaware of domestic casteism and Hindu nationalism’s widespread influence.

Even if intrepid readers take it upon themselves to look up groups like VHP, they may be more likely to come upon such organizations’ self-professed advertising, which will cover for their more nefarious missions through buzzwords like “service” and “human rights.” One particularly egregious example: A July story in the local outlet the Los Altos Town Crier noted that S.B. 403 “draws opposition,” featuring quotes from one such opponent, Richa Gautam, who’s identified as a “founder and executive director” for “an alliance of human rights organizations” as well as a separate “organization that challenges caste” (a rather ambiguous phrase). The story neglects to note that Gautam has aligned herself with the World Hindu Council of America, that she’s often spouted Islamophobic rhetoric, and that her own “human rights” record is rather dubious, considering she was fired in 2018 from the blockchain company Tech Mahindra after she was found to have harassed a gay employee over his sexuality. (Many Hindu nationalists tend to be homophobic.)

This sort of thing has been commonplace in U.S. media for a while now. You can look to last year’s Wall Street Journal op-ed from the Hindu American Foundation’s executive director, who referred to Brown University’s anti-caste-oppression policy as “discriminatory.” Or to the Religion News Service articles produced with funding from the Guru Krupa Foundation, a charity with ties to the Sangh Parivar outfit Ekal Vidyalaya. Or other outlets that unabashedly spread concern over a supposed epidemic of anti-Hindu hate crimes in the U.S., even though such incidents remain rare, and are far outnumbered by acts of Islamophobia and anti-Sikhism.

There are a few instances of real anti-Hindu discrimination in the U.S., like bans on yoga and Sanskrit chants in public schools, bigoted remarks from conservatives like Ann Coulter, and the occasional vandalism that hits a Hindu temple. But Hindu nationalist orgs are not primarily devoted to combating such acts. Rather, they seek to characterize any critiques of Hindu nationalism and/or the Modi regime as being “Hinduphobic,” in essence equating them with actual anti-Hindu incidents.

This applies to the hullaballoo around California’s anti-caste-discrimination law that has followed it at every step of the process, from its consideration in the California state Senate to an Assembly-level compromise that involved removing a detailed history of casteism’s South Asian origins from S.B. 403, and from the barrages of online attacks directed against the bill’s supporters to the Sangh Parivar affiliates now calling on Newsom to veto the legislation. (This also takes attention away from the Dalit activists who are going on hunger strikes until the bill is signed, a way of demonstrating how existential this is for lower-caste Indian Americans.)

The California bill is a civil rights triumph that passed with overwhelming support in both the state Senate and Assembly, carries plenty of public favor with both social justice groups and everyday constituents, and addresses a real, indisputable issue afflicting the South Asian diaspora today, especially in the Golden State. But you wouldn’t know that from the repeated media emphasis on vague notions of “divisiveness” and “conflict.”


Brazil’s Supreme Court Upholds Indigenous Land Protections in Win for Lula

Simone Iglesias and Travis Waldron
Thu, September 21, 2023 



(Bloomberg) -- Brazil’s Supreme Court rejected an attempt to limit the creation of new Indigenous territories, a boost for President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and the tribal communities he pledged to protect.

The court’s justices on Thursday ruled 9-2 against a legal effort that tribal leaders said would have curbed their ability to reclaim traditional lands, while also increasing threats to their communities and the environment.

The ruling will hand Lula a victory in the midst of a series of international events — including the United Nations General Assembly, which began Tuesday in New York — that he is using to push for global funding for his fight to protect the Amazon rainforest.

“This result defines the future of demarcations of Indigenous lands in Brazil,” Minister of Indigenous Peoples Sonia Guajajara said in a statement. “So let’s celebrate the result of the great strength of Brazil’s Indigenous peoples.”

The case involved a legal interpretation of the section of Brazil’s 1988 constitution that established a right for Indigenous tribes to claim lands they traditionally occupied. The so-called Marco Temporal theory would have limited tribal claims to territories they were occupying or legally disputing on the day the constitution was ratified.

“It is necessary to clearly recognize Indigenous rights, and forbid any setback that reduces the constitutional protection of them,” Judge Cristiano Zanin, a Lula appointee who voted against the proposed limits, said during an earlier session.

Brazil’s influential agribusiness sector and other industries have supported the effort. But tribal leaders and human rights groups pointed to the fact that many Indigenous peoples were forced from their territories to argue against a change they said would lead to more mining, farming and logging on those lands.

It “would be an inconceivable setback, would violate human rights, and would signal that Brazil is not living up to its commitments to protect the communities that are proven to best protect our forests,” Maria Laura Canineu, the Brazil director for Human Rights Watch, said in a May statement, as the judicial case proceeded and congress weighed legislation to codify the theory into law.

The years-long legal fight unfolded against a backdrop of intensifying disputes over Indigenous lands, especially under former President Jair Bolsonaro.

The right-wing leader, who promised not to demarcate any new tribal territories during his time in office, oversaw rising rates of deforestation in the Amazon region. His government also faced allegations of retaliation against employees and outside groups that supported the protection of new lands, according to a Human Rights Watch report.

Lula took office in January pledging to protect existing lands and create new territories. But he has faced pushback from Brazil’s conservative congress, which in May removed some powers from the Ministry of Environment.

The lower house also approved the bill that would have made Marco Temporal the law. But the Senate delayed a vote on the measure.

Read More: Brazil Congress Backs Lula’s Cabinet, But Tests Green Agenda

Conservative lawmakers who supported the effort indicated that they will likely push to change the constitution after the court ruling.

The decision “causes concerns” for the agribusiness industry, Marcos Rogerio, the bill’s rapporteur in the Senate, said in a statement. “Congress must give them legal security.”

Lula has in recent months made climate and the environment more central to his agenda both at home and abroad.

His government in August unveiled infrastructure investment programs and other initiatives that he has pitched as the start of a green transition for Brazil’s economy. He also hosted a summit of Amazon nations to discuss strategies for protecting the forest and combating crime in the region.

Lula used that event to ramp up pressure on wealthier nations to deliver on the financial pledges they made to help the developing world combat climate change. He has continued the campaign at the UN summit in New York, where top cabinet officials joined him to pitch investors and other world leaders on the government’s green plans.

Later this year, Lula will travel to Dubai for COP28, the UN’s annual climate summit.

--With assistance from Beatriz Reis.

(Updates with final vote count, comments from Sonia Guajajara and Senator Marcos Rogerio from second paragraph.)

 Bloomberg Businessweek

Brazil’s firefighters battle wildfires raging during rare late-winter heat wave

Associated Press
Thu, September 21, 2023 



An extensive area of the Serra das Bandeiras forest burns in Barreiras, western Bahia state, Brazil, Thursday, Sept. 21, 2023. According to the National Center for Prevention and Combat of Forest Fires, the fires are being fanned by strong winds, high temperatures, and dry weather. 
(AP Photo/Eraldo Peres)


RIO DE JANEIRO (AP) — Firefighters on Thursday were battling flames in Brazil’s northeastern Bahia state, fanned by strong winds and abnormally high temperatures for the season, authorities said.

While it is still technically winter in Brazil, with spring due to start in a couple days, a heat wave prompting record temperatures has swept across much of the country since the beginning of the week.

Faced with a growing number of hot spots caused by high temperatures, Bahia's association of forestry-based companies this week launched a campaign to prevent — and combat — wildfires.

State authorities said they have mobilized over 150 military firefighters to put out fires in different areas across the state, as well as in Chapada Diamantina, a national park known for its panoramic views.

The Instagram account of Bahia's secretary for public security showed images of firefighters making their way through parched forests, equipped in high-visibility orange gear and helmets, attempting to bring the licking flames under control.

The fires broke out Monday, according to local media reports. There are no details regarding the size of the affected area, but Brazil's National Institute of Meteorology has categorized the heat wave as a “great danger.”

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Follow AP’s climate coverage at: https://apnews.com/hub/climate-and-environment


Bolsonaro Denies Reports of Holding Post-Election Coup Talks

Andrew Rosati
Thu, September 21, 2023 



(Bloomberg) -- Attorneys of Jair Bolsonaro denied reports published in local news outlets that Brazil’s former president met with top military brass to discuss the armed forces overturning the results of last year’s election.

In a statement released late Thursday afternoon, lawyers representing Bolsonaro, who is currently facing multiple criminal investigations, say he “never supported any movement or project that was not supported by the law.”

Hours earlier, newspaper O Globo and website UOL reported that Bolsonaro’s longtime personal aide, Lt. Col. Mauro Cid, told federal police in a plea bargain that after his defeat to President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, the right-wing leader spoke with commanders about drafting a decree that could bring about a military intervention in Brazil.

Cid agreed this month to cooperate with authorities who are probing Bolsonaro for possible crimes including embezzling luxury watches and stirring up the rioters that stormed Brasilia in January in a failed insurrection against Lula.

The outlets did not say how they obtained the contents of the plea bargain, which is under court seal. An attorney representing Cid did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

In June, Brazil’s electoral authority barred Bolsonaro from seeking public office for eight years for the baseless claims he made about the integrity of Brazil’s electronic voting system. He denies any wrongdoing and has since tried to distance himself from his most radical supporters as investigators bear down on him.

“Elections are turned pages,” Bolsonaro’s attorney, Fabio Wajngarten, wrote on X, the website formally known as Twitter.
 Bloomberg Businessweek



She Who Struggles
Revolutionary Women Who Shaped the World



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Edited by Marral Shamshiri and Sorcha Thomson


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A collection examining the trailblazing lives and movements of radical women who have shaped the modern world

Overview
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Rosa Luxemburg, Claudia Jones and Leila Khaled may have joined Lenin, Mao and Che in the pantheon of twentieth century revolutionaries, but the histories in which they figure remain unjustly dominated by men.

She Who Struggles sets the record straight, revealing how women have contributed to revolutionary movements across the world in endless ways: as leaders, rebels, trailblazers, guerrillas and writers; revolutionaries who also navigated their gendered roles as women, mothers, wives and daughters.

Through exclusive interviews and original historical research, including primary sources never before translated into English, readers are introduced to largely unknown revolutionary women from across the globe. The collection ultimately presents a hidden history of revolutionary internationalism that will be a must read for activists engaging in feminist, anticolonial and antiracist struggle today.