Thai women use pro-democracy protests to challenge sexism
by Nanchanok Wongsamuth | @nanchanokw | Thomson Reuters Foundation
Tuesday, 3 November 2020 01:00 GMT

At protest sites throughout the country, people are being asked to sign petitions calling for abortion and prostitution to be decriminalised

By Nanchanok Wongsamuth

BANGKOK, Nov 3 (Thomson Reuters Foundation) - Napawn Somsak took to the stage in her school uniform, her hair in pigtails, to denounce sexism in Thai society and question the treatment of a royal princess - an act unthinkable before the protests that have roiled the country in recent months.

Before a cheering crowd of more than 2,000 people in the northern province of Chiang Mai, the 18-year-old demanded to know why women are paid less than men and cannot be ordained into the influential Buddhist monkhood.

Somsak is among the large numbers of young Thai women calling publicly for change, emboldened by widespread demonstrations to demand the departure of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha and reforms to the powerful monarchy.

"If we believe that everyone is equal and there is a need to reform the value of patriarchy in Thai society, then no one, including the monarchy, should be exempted," she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in an interview.

The protests have swept away a longstanding taboo on discussing the royal family, allowing Somsak to refer in her address to a royal princess who was stripped of her titles after marrying a foreigner - although she stopped short of naming her.

Princess Ubolratana Rajakanya Sirivadhana Barnavadi was required to give up the title Her Royal Highness after marrying an American fellow student while studying in the United States.

The Royal Palace and the Department of Women's Affairs and Family Development declined to comment on the protests, which began as political but have expanded to cover everything from corruption in the military to women's rights.

The Palace has made no official comment on the protesters, but on Sunday, King Maha Vajiralongkorn said "we love them all the same" in his first direct public comments on months of demonstrations.

Protesters say they do not seek to abolish the monarchy, only reform it. But the Thai constitution says the monarchy is "enthroned in a position of revered worship" and conservatives are horrified by such attacks.

Chumaporn Taengkliang, co-founder of Women for Freedom and Democracy, speaks on stage at a protest site in Bangkok on September 19, 2020. Thomson Reuters Foundation/Karnt Thassanaphak

SUPPRESSION

Many of the young protesters are students who also complain of a school system that emphasises obedience and tradition, from lining up daily for the national anthem to strict rules on uniforms, haircuts and behaviour.

Titipol Phakdeewanich, dean of Ubon Ratchathani University's Faculty of Political Science, said women faced more suppression than men in schools.

"The political space is opening up for young girls, who have long been suppressed," he said.

At protest sites throughout the country, people are being asked to sign petitions calling for abortion and prostitution to be decriminalised.

Women for Freedom and Democracy, a pressure group that formed in August, distributes sanitary pads and has also developed an online system to report sexual harassment.

More than 40 cases have been reported and it is providing legal advice on some.

But it is the group's organised "pussy painting" - colouring in an image of a vagina - that has garnered the most attention.

"People are excited because normally we don't talk about the vagina in public," said Kornkanok Khumta, a member of the group.

"As time goes by, people are getting better at colouring and they feel empowered that their sexual organ is mentioned in a protest site."

Anti-government demonstrators colour drawings of vaginas at a protest site in Bangkok on September 19, 2020. Thomson Reuters Foundation/Women for Freedom and Democracy

DEMANDS FOR CHANGE

King Vajiralongkorn was officially crowned as constitutional monarch in May last year after first taking the throne following the 2016 death of his widely revered father, who reigned for 70 years.

He has been married four times and his relationships with women have been the subject of scrutiny.

Last year, he stripped his royal consort of her titles and military ranks for being "disloyal", only to reinstate them in September.

Thai student groups have laid out 10 demands for change, including reducing the king's constitutional powers, personal control of the royal fortune and of some units of the army.

Chumaporn Taengkliang, who co-founded Women for Freedom and Democracy, wants them to add one more demand - that impunity for domestic or sexual violence should end.

"The monarchy is an important role model for the country, and if they have impunity when it comes to domestic or sexual violence, it is not surprising that a husband or father has impunity when they use violence among family members," she said.

"In a society in which people of all levels are oppressed, women are oppressed even more. They can't stand it any more."

Related stories:

Thailand's sex workers petition to decriminalise prostitution

Thailand pledges to protect women who report sexual abuse

INTERVIEW - Thai model targets 'shocking' gender violence in new U.N. role

(Reporting by Nanchanok Wongsamuth @nanchanokw; Editing by Claire Cozens. Please credit the Thomson Reuters Foundation, the charitable arm of Thomson Reuters, that covers the lives of people around the world who struggle to live freely or fairly. Visit http://news.trust.org)

ABOUT OUR WOMEN COVERAGEWe focus on stories that help to empower women and bring lasting change to gender inequality

Qatar World Cup 2022: Fan plea to 'abolish sexual and gender identity penalties'

Unflattering terms were used at a German Football Association human rights congress aimed at "intensifying the discussion" ahead of the World Cup. One speaker in particular made waves with an impassioned personal plea.

The German Football Association, the DFB, has to find the right balance

 between addressing human rights and focusing on success on the pitch

"I'm a man, and I love men. This is normal. So please get used to it or stay out of football. Because the most important rule in football is: football is for everyone.

"So abolish the death penalty — abolish all the penalties regarding sexual and gender identity."

A brave statement and impassioned plea made by fan representative Dario Minden in the midst of a two-hour long "Sport and Human Rights" congress hosted by the German Football Association (DFB) and aimed at "intesifying the discussion."

The criticism leveled at organizers and world governing body FIFA certainly was intense. Minden's words were aimed at Abdulla Bin Mohammed bin Saud Al-Thani,Qatar's ambassador to Germany, who was in attendance at the congress held just 62 days before the 2022 FIFA World Cup gets underway.

The ambassador acknowledged that the rights situation is "not perfect yet — it's not at 100%, it's a journey." But he was not able to brush aside the disapproval as prominent representatives from politics, trade unions, independent organizations and fan groups used unflattering terms on stage.

The managing director of Reporters Without Borders, Christian Mihr, described Qatar as an "absolute, autocratic monarchy" that wants to "conceal" the situation regarding freedom of the press and freedom of opinion through its investments in sport, the media and internet surveillance.

FIFA President Gianni Infantino was referred to as the "chief cynic" of a "mafia bunch" by Minden, second chair of Unsere Kurve, an interest group representing active football supporters. Of all the speakers, Minden minced his words the least as he called for the DFB to be part of a "progressive alliance" so that German football fans could "look forward to football festivals" again in the future.

Bin Saud Al-Thani wanted the congress to focus more on the "enjoyment of football."

The sentiments shared are the reason the German national team is facing a difficult "balancing act," according to national teams director Oliver Bierhoff.

"We have to be careful when finding this balancing act between the responsibility and awareness that we have as human beings," Bierhoff said.

"On the other hand, we're traveling as the German national team, we're representing our country, we want to play football successfully," he added. "We're looking forward to a World Cup, to measuring ourselves against the best in the world and excited to represent Germany."

'It's how we move from policy to impact'

Bierhoff's sentiments were shared by the president of the Norwegian Football Federation, Lise Klaveness. At the FIFA Congress in Doha in March, she said that World Cups were awarded in "unacceptable ways with unacceptable consequences" in 2010. 

"Human rights, equality and democracy — the core interests of football — were not in the starting XI," Klaveness said. "These basic rights were pressured onto the field as substitutes, mainly by outside voices. FIFA has addressed these issues, but there is still a long way to go."

Six months later, speaking as at the DFB Campus, Klaveness admitted that football associations are on a "steep learning curve" and "still exploring" where their responsibilities lie. 

Klaveness says FIFA and football need to take responsibility for how Cups were awarded

"We have to admit and realize that what football associations did before on human rights was not good enough," the former Norwegian international said.

"It's not a Qatar question," she added. "It's a FIFA, UEFA, Norwegian Football Federation, DFB question — but it should be a balancing of responsibility.

"From the FIFA, the federation's perspective, the most important thing is that we lean in now. That we’re now present in the game of human rights, so we learn, so that when we go into the next stage after the World Cup in a better stage."

"When it comes to FIFA, Qatar and this arrangement, I think it's very important to get a compensation fund because we're obligated to do it as it states in Article 6," Klaveness said, citing the FIFA Human Rights policy. "It's how we move from policy to impact."

Impassioned plea for inclusion

With her closing remarks, Klaveness also addressed the issue of LGBTQ+ rights in the Gulf state and called for "better guarantees" during and after the World Cup — guarantees that people are "not more in danger because of the World Cup and because the tension the World Cup brings to the country."

Her words were echoed by Minden, of Unsere Kurve. He opened by talking of fans' "shame" when it comes to how easily their beloved sport can be bought, Qatar's "bloody exploitation" of migrant workers and the fact that human rights "are once again being used as bargaining chips." 

Minden's closing statement though, was directed at ambassador Abdulla Bin Mohammed bin Saud Al-Thani.

"I'm a man, and I love men," Minden said. "I do, please don't be shocked, have sex with other men. This is normal. So please get used to it or stay out of football. Because the most important rule in football is: football is for everyone.

"So abolish the death penalty — abolish all the penalties regarding sexual and gender identity. The rule that football is for everyone is so important. We can't allow you to break it no matter how rich you are. You're more than welcome to join the international football community and to host a big tournament. But in sports it is how it is: You have to accept the rules."

And as several speakers at the congress on the DFB campus stated, the rules when it comes to human rights "cannot be compromised."

Edited by Chuck Penfold.

LESE MAJESTE IS TYRANNY

Thailand’s Move Forward Party takes on biggest political taboo

AFP Published May 19, 2023

BANGKOK: After shocking Thailand’s military-backed elite with a historic election breakthrough, the Move Forward Party now wants to take on the nation’s biggest political taboo — laws on insulting the monarchy.

However, MFP leader Pita Limjaroenrat’s determination to modify the lese-majeste laws protecting King Maha Vajiralongkorn has quickly emerged as a key issue that could block his path to power.

The monarchy has long had an exalted status in Thai society, and is shielded from criticism by section 112 of the penal code, which punishes infractions with jail terms of up to 15 years.

Posters of the king are ubiquitous, from shops and homes to public buildings and motorway billboards, and cinema-goers are expected to stand for the royal anthem before screenings.

But youth-led pro-democracy demonstrators in 2020 breached the taboo against public discussion of the monarchy’s status, with some protesters calling for the king’s power and spending to be reined in.

MFP channelled the reforming zeal of the protest movement in its campaign for Sunday’s election, pledging to limit who can bring lese-majeste charges and to cut the maximum sentence.

Tough laws

Section 112 outlaws defaming, insulting or threatening the king or certain members of his family.

But its interpretation has expanded to include almost any criticism, whether in public or on social media, including even indirect or light-hearted references.

Since the 2020 protests erupted more than 200 people have been prosecuted, including minors, some for seemingly trivial transgressions.

MFP proposes to cut the maximum sentence for lese-majeste and restrict who can bring charges — at the moment it can be done by anyone, and ultra-royalists are known to trawl social media looking for potential complaints to file.

Pita insists the changes are needed to heal rifts in Thai society, and that Move Forward will not eradicate the law. “We want to amend, not abolish, act 112, which can be done in the parliament,” he said.

“We would like to talk maturely in the parliament, and we will do it slowly but surely and thoroughly.” But in the past the army has used even the suggestion of disloyalty to the crown as grounds to launch a coup.

The generals ousted elected governments in 2006 and 2014, promising both times to get tough on elements threatening the monarchy. And the current, military-written constitution makes it extremely difficult for Pita to become prime minister, even though Move Forward won the most seats.

MFP and rival opposition party Pheu Thai are working on a multi-party coalition that would give them more than 300 out of 500 lower house seats.

But to secure the prime minister’s job the coalition needs a majority across both houses — including the Senate.

The 250 members of the Senate — monarchist, pro-military arch-conservatives, hand-picked by Prayut’s junta — are threatening to block Pita’s bid for the job.

“I disapprove despite the number of MPs he gathered,” Senator Jadet Inswang said.

“I will not accept Pita as a PM because he... has previously said that he would abolish 112. I can’t accept.”

Cycle of unrest

But given the results of the election, the issue is now part of the political debate regardless of whether Pita becomes prime minister, according to Napon Jatusripitak, a political scientist and researcher at the Yusof Ishak Institute.

Published in Dawn, May 19th, 2023

Thais cheer poll winner Move Forward as opposition parties agree to coalition

Story by By Chayut Setboonsarng and Panu Wongcha-um • 

REUTERS

Tuesday, May 16,2023

Thailand general election© Thomson Reuters

BANGKOK (Reuters) - Thailand's two main opposition parties agreed on Monday to form a ruling coalition after they trounced in a weekend election military-backed rivals that have controlled government for nearly a decade.

The Move Forward party and opposition heavyweight Pheu Thai dominated Sunday's ballot in a rout of army-backed parties, but could face challenges in mustering enough support to vote in a prime minister, with parliamentary rules drafted by the military after a 2014 coup skewed in favour of its allies.



Thailand general election© Thomson Reuters

Their alliance would need to ensure its efforts to form a new government would not be stymied by a junta-appointed Senate, which gets to vote on a prime minister in a bicameral sitting of the 750-member legislature, and has a record of favouring conservative parties led by generals.

Pita Limjaroenrat, Move Forward's 42-year-old leader proposed an alliance of six parties that would command 309 seats. That would be short of the 376 seats needed to ensure he was elected as prime minister.


Thailand general election© Thomson Reuters

Asked about the Senate, he said all sides must respect the election outcome and there was no use going against it.

"I am not worried but I am not careless," he told a press conference.

"It will be quite a hefty price to pay if someone is thinking about debunking the election result or forming a minority government."

Pheu Thai, controlled by the billionaire Shinawatra family said it agreed with Pita's proposal and wished him luck in efforts to become prime minister.


Thailand general election© Thomson Reuters

The party had won most seats in every election this century, including twice in landslides, but met its match against Move Forward as it came close to a sweep of the capital Bangkok and made gains in rivals' strongholds.

NO OTHER ALLIANCE

"Pheu Thai has no plan to form any other government," party leader Chonlanan Srikaew told a press conference.

Though the results appear to be a hammer blow for the military and its allies, with parliamentary rules on their side and some influential power-brokers behind them, they could determine the shape of a new government.

Move Forward was galvanized by a wave of excitement among the youth over its liberal agenda and promises of bold changes, including breaking up monopolies and reforming a law on insulting the monarchy.

The landslide victory of two progressive political parties in Thailand's

Duration 2:53  View on Watch

On Monday, Pita did a victory lap in Bangkok where thousands of supporters had gathered - some in the streets, others on rooftops - dressed in Move Forward's signature orange colour and chanting "Prime Minister Pita".

Thai opposition crush military parties in election

Duration 2:10View on Watch

DW  Thai Elections

4:13

WION  Thailand Election 2023: Opinion polls indicate massive support for two opposition parties

8:57

Dailymotion Nanalong Move Forward Party Leader ng Thailand, nakipagkasundo sa pagbuo ng coalition

2:03

Student Pirag Phrasawang, 22, said he was "overwhelmed and excited to see change finally come to the country".

"My voice has been neglected for a long time. I'm glad that people finally woke up and responded to Move Forward's policies."

Pita has said Move Forward would press ahead with its plan to amend strict lese majeste laws against insulting the monarchy, which critics say have been used to stifle free speech. Thailand's palace does not comment on the law or its use.

The law punishes perceived insults by up to 15 years in prison, with hundreds of people facing charges, some of whom are in pre-trial detention.

Pita said parliament would be the right forum to seek amendments to the law, or article 112 of the criminal code.

"We will use the parliament to make sure that there is a comprehensive discussion with maturity, with transparency in how we should move forward in terms of the relationship between the monarchy and the masses," he said.

Asked if Pheu Thai would back that, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, one of its main candidates, said it could be discussed in the legislature.

"Pheu Thai has a clear stand that we won't abolish 112 but there can be a discussion about the law in parliament," she said.

(Reporting by Panarat Thepgumpanat, Chayut Setboonsarng, Juarawee Kittisilpa and Panu Wongcha-um; Writing by Martin Petty; Editing by Robert Birsel)

Thailand’s opposition won a landslide in elections. But will the military elite let them rule?

Story by Helen Regan • CNNTuesday, May 16, 2023

Like a good democracy, now comes the horse trading.

Hear from supporters of winning party in Thailand's election

Duration 2:40   View on Watch

Thai voters delivered a powerful message to the country’s military-backed government on Sunday: you do not have the will of the people to rule.

The progressive Move Forward Party, which gained a huge following among young Thais for its reformist platform, won the most seats and the largest share of the popular vote.

Pheu Thai, the main opposition party that has been a populist force in Thailand for 20 years, came second.

Together they delivered a crushing blow to the conservative, military-backed establishment that has ruled on and off for decades, often by turfing out popularly elected governments in coups.

“This is an unmistakable frontal rebuke, a rejection of Thailand’s military authoritarian past. It’s a rejection of military dominance in politics,” said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political scientist from Chulalongkorn University.

Over the last two decades, each time Thais have been allowed to vote, they have done so overwhelmingly in support of the military’s political opponents. Sunday’s vote – which saw a record turnout – was a continuation of that tradition.

But despite winning a landslide, it is far from certain who will be the next leader.

Thailand’s opposition won a landslide in elections. But will the military elite let them rule?© Provided by CNNSupporters of the Move Forward Party react as they watch results come in at the party headquarters in Bangkok on May 14, after polls closed in Thailand's general election. - Jack Taylor/AFP/Getty Images

That’s because the military junta that last seized power in 2014 rewrote the constitution to ensure they maintain a huge say in who can lead, whether or not they win the popular vote.

Neither opposition party won an outright majority of 376 seats needed to form a government outright, they will need to strike deals and wrangle support from other parties to form a coalition big enough to ensure victory.

But that won’t necessarily be straightforward.

Dangerous territory

The first thing to know is that any opposition party or coalition hoping to form a government must overcome the powerful voting bloc of the senate.

Under the junta-era constitution, Thailand’s unelected 250-seat senate is chosen entirely by the military and has previously voted for a pro-military candidate.

Because a party needs a majority of the combined houses – 750 seats – to elect a prime minister, it means opposition parties need almost three times as many votes in the lower house to be able to elect the next leader and form a government.

In 2019, coup leader Prayut Chan-o-cha won the senate votes which ensured his party’s coalition gained enough seats to elect him as prime minister, despite Pheu Thai being the largest party.

There are also other threats to the progressive movement’s win. Parties that have previously pushed for change have run afoul of the powerful conservative establishment – a nexus of the military, monarchy and influential elites.


Thailand’s opposition won a landslide in elections. But will the military elite let them rule?© Provided by CNNMove Forward Party leader and prime ministerial candidate, Pita Limjaroenrat, attends a press conference following the general election, at the party's headquarters in Bangkok, Thailand, on May 15. - Athit Perawongmetha/Reuters

Lawmakers have faced bans, parties have been dissolved, and governments have been overthrown. Thailand has witnessed a dozen successful coups since 1932, including two in the past 17 years.

And the purportedly independent election commission, anti-corruption commission and the constitutional court are all dominated in favor of the establishment.

In the progressive camp’s favor, however, is their large margin over the military-backed parties.

“If the results were murky, or if the pro-military parties got more, then we would be looking at manipulation, trying to shave the margins. But the results are so clear and very difficult to overturn now,” said Thitinan, adding that if there were attempts to subvert the vote, there would be public anger and protests.

Move Forward’s predecessor the Future Forward Party won the third most seats in the 2019 election. Shortly afterward, several of the party’s leaders were banned from politics and the party was later dissolved after a court ruled it violated electoral finance rules.

In the short term, that decision ended the threat from the Future Forward Party. But it also, in many ways, laid the foundation for Sunday’s historic vote.

Youth-led protests erupted across Thailand in 2020 after Future Forward was dissolved and a whole new generation of young political leaders were born, some of whom were willing to debate a previously taboo topic – royal reform.

Those calls electrified Thailand, where any frank discussion of the monarchy is fraught with the threat of prison under one of the strictest lese majeste laws in the world.

Many youth leaders were jailed or face ongoing prosecution linked to those protests. But some also went on to create the Move Forward party that swept to victory in the popular vote on Sunday.

That leaves the military establishment now locked in a political battle with a party that has kept the subject of royal reform on its manifesto.

Experts have said another coup would be costly, and dissolving a party with such a mandate would be “drastic.”

“Dissolving a party is a fairly drastic move. If there’s a way of keeping Move Forward out without dissolving them, then conservative politicians would probably prefer to do that. Because it’s not as strong a step in subverting the will that people have expressed,” said Susannah Patton, director of the Southeast Asia Program at the Lowy Institute.

“But you can’t rule that out.”

Vote for change cannot be ignored

Move Forward’s allure went beyond the youth vote on which it built its base.

Unofficial results showed the party captured 32 out of 33 seats in Bangkok – traditionally a stronghold for conservative parties.

“What this shows is that people who are living in urban areas are really fed up with the government that the military has provided for almost a decade,” said Patton.

“They are wanting to choose something different, and Move Forward is not just the youth party but actually can attract a wider cross section of support as well.”

Move Forward’s radical agenda includes reforming the military, getting rid of the draft, reducing the military’s budget, making it more transparent and accountable, as well as constitutional change and to bring the military and monarchy within the constitution.

The party’s win over the populist juggernaut Pheu Thai is also significant. This is the first time a party linked with ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has lost an election since 2001.

And Pheu Thai’s marginal defeat to Move Forward shows voters’ frustration with the old cycle of politics that pitted populist Thaksin-linked parties against the establishment.

Thailand’s “two party system was already breaking down in 2019, but it’s continuing to break down this election,” said Patton.

In a press conference on Monday, Move Forward leader Pita Limjaroenrat said the party would go forward with plans to amend the country’s strict lese majeste laws – a key campaign pledge despite the taboo surrounding any discussion of the royal family in Thailand.

One of his priorities is to support young people facing jail terms on lese majeste charges, and Pita warned that if the law remains as it is, the relationship between the Thai people and the monarchy will only worsen.

His policies “strike at heart of the establishment,” said Thitinan, and even talking about the monarchy openly “is an affront to the palace.”

The Move Forward leader said Monday that he wants to form an alliance with the four other opposition parties to secure a majority in the lower house.

It could take 60 days before a prime ministerial candidate is endorsed by Thailand’s combined houses of parliament, but Sunday’s vote shows the people are ready for change.

However, if Thailand’s turbulent recent history is anything to go by, that could mean little. The military has shown in the past that it has few qualms about ignoring the popular vote.

CNN.com

Thailand's Senate could hold the key for hopeful election winner

Story by By Panarat Thepgumpanat • May 15

Thailand general election© Thomson Reuters


BANGKOK (Reuters) - Thailand's Move Forward party announced on Monday that it had sufficient votes to form a coalition government but a military-appointed Senate, the party's position on a royal insult law and a complaint against its leader may stand in the way.


Thailand general election© Thomson Reuters

Pita Limjareonrat, 42, led the Move Forward party to a stunning victory in Sunday's general election, winning the highest number of seats, ahead of another opposition party, the political heavyweight Pheu Thai.

The victory of the two opposition parties may pave the way to ending nearly 10 years of military-backed governments led by a former army chief, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, whose newly formed party won a small fraction of the seats that the opposition parties did.

"I am ready to become Thailand's 30th prime minister," Pita declared, explaining that his party and its five prospective coalition partners, including Pheu Thai, would secure 309 seats in the 500-seat lower house of parliament.



Thailand general election© Thomson Reuters

However, to be indisputably in a position to become prime minister he needs to be able to command a majority in a joint sitting of the bicameral legislature, which includes 250 members of a military-appointed Senate.



Thailand general election© Thomson Reuters

So he needs 376 members of a joint session to vote for him.

Reuters spoke to six senators to try to gauge the mood of the upper house. Some of them suggested they would not necessarily vote with the majority in parliament, even though that reflected the will of the people as expressed on Sunday.

Related video: Analysis: Two Scenarios for Post-Election Thailand - TaiwanPlus News (TaiwanPlus)

Duration 2:33  View on Watch

DailymotionOpposition Parties Score Stunning Election Win in Thailand

1:31

France 24Changing of the guard? Thailand election winners challenge ruling establishment

44:58

cbc.caThai voters choose democratic-leaning opposition parties

2:01

Senator Somchai Sawangkarn said his vote for who becomes prime minister would based on his criteria and a lower-house majority alone was not sufficient.

"The person must be honest and not cause problems in the country," Somchai said.

"Hitler was elected in a majority but led the country to world war ... If there is a possibility of creating division in the country, I will not vote for them," he said.

Another, Kittisak Rattanawaraha, said the next leader must be loyal to the nation, religion and king and not corrupt, echoing themes upheld by Move Forward's conservative opponents.



Thailand general election© Thomson Reuters

A polarising issue for Move Forward is its position on amending a strict royal insult law, which sets out a sentence of up to 15 years for defaming the monarchy.

Critics says conservative governments have used the law to stifle dissent but conservatives are fiercely opposed to any suggestion of amending it.

The royal family is officially above politics and the king constitutionally enshrined to be held in "revered worship".

Senator Jet Sirathananon said he would respect the wishes of the majority.

"The Senate should not block the work of parliament. Based on what we saw yesterday, we'll respect people's votes," he said.

One senator said he would abstain on the grounds that it was the duty of the lower house to select the prime minister.

Another danger that Pita faces could come from the courts.

According to a complaint filed with the Election Commission before the vote, Pita broke electoral rules because he holds shares in a media company.

Pita said he was ready to explain that there was no wrongdoing and the allegation was a distraction.

"The road for Move Forward is just starting and it will not be smooth," said Ben Kiatkwankul, partner at Maverick Consulting Group, government affairs advisory.

(Additional reporting by Chayut Setboonsarng; Editing by Robert Birsel)

Mutual bond endures but Canada at a crossroads as king’s coronation looms

Story by Leyland Cecco in Toronto • 
The Guardian

Photograph: Tim Graham Photo Library/Getty© Provided by The Guardian

More than 800 dives beneath metres-thick ice were not enough to prepare Joe MacInnis for the stress of bringing a member of the British royal family deep into the blisteringly cold depths of the Arctic Ocean. Especially a future king.

“This is one of the most hostile places on the planet and hazards are everywhere,” he said of the waters near Qausuittuq, an Inuit hamlet on the north shore of the Northwest Passage, where the royal dive took place in 1975. “So yes, I was nervous.”

MacInnis, the famed Canadian scientist and explorer, guided then-Prince Charles through a two-metre deep shaft cut through the ice to give access to the ocean.

As they moved through the water, Charles seemed enraptured by ice stalactites and tiny amphipods, later commenting on his love for the “sacred qualities” of the natural world.

Half a century later, MacInnis sees that moment under the ice as a reflection of the broader challenges the new king will face.

“With Charles, you have a set of eyes that have seen a world under the ice as well as on the surface – and are less able than he’d like to make the changes that are needed to fix things,” said MacInnis.

“As a scientist, I’ve watched as this world slowly cascades into a different kind of place. And there’s a real feeling of helplessness.”

As the coronation of King Charles III approaches, the monarchy is at a crossroads in Canada, with the country increasingly apathetic towards a new head of state.

But Charles’s ascension comes at a time when the causes he has long championed –combatting the climate crisis and repairing the damaged relationship with Indigenous peoples – are central to Canada’s national conversation.



Joe MacInnis and the then Prince of Wales prepare to dive below thick ice in 1975. Photograph: Anwar Hussein/Getty© Provided by The Guardian

As a commonwealth country, Canada will formally commemorate the king’s coronation with a series of speeches, performances and artistic events planned in the nation’s capital.

The solemn ceremony will be broadcast on televisions across the country, but – unlike Elizabeth’s coronation 70 years ago, when many students were given the day off – school boards across the country have made no special plans to mark the occasion.

“This is very much about Canadians considering whether they wish to have somebody born and raised in another country, who got their job through hereditary title, continuing to be Canada’s king and Canada’s head of state,” said Shachi Kurl, president of the non-profit Angus Reid Institute.

Kurl points out that demographic shifts have dramatically reshaped the country’s makeup since the last coronation.

“Culturally, linguistically, ethnically, Canada [today] is not the Canada of 1953,” she said. “The last bastions of monarchic support in this country tend to be among older, more conservative people.”

Less than 10% of the population consider the coronation an important event. “Forget it being the most important event of the decade or century or of their lifetime – only 9% say it’s the most important day of the year,” she said.

Charles has made 18 official visits to Canada since 1970 and has expressed a deep love of the country, the second-oldest Commonwealth realm.

“Every time I come to Canada … a little more of Canada seeps into my bloodstream and from there, straight to my heart,” he told a crowd of supporters in Newfoundland in 2009.

Related: Canada’s ties to crown are loosening but cutting them could be tall order

And yet, the monarchy has increasingly fallen out of favour with Canadians, a majority of whom would prefer to see it abolished.

For some, the pomp surrounding the upcoming coronation – the orbs, sceptres and holy oils – feels like a relic of the past. For others, the crown bears both the weight of history, and the responsibility for centuries of injustice against Indigenous peoples, who were dispossessed from their lands through broken treaties and failed promises.

John Geiger, chief executive officer of the Royal Canadian Geographical Society, said Canada’s unique constitution meant severing ties with the monarchy would be a near-impossible task that few politicians would want to take on.

He sees the coronation on 6 May as a moment to help Canadians better understand the structure of the country’s government.

“The crown is central to our constitution. And that’s not about to change. Charles might not be a young man and he’s had some personal baggage,” said Geiger.

“But while he represents a role that is ancient, his views are somewhat visionary, especially his concerns over climate change and the environment. In a way, he’s the right guy for the moment we’re in.”

In his visits to Canada, Charles has prioritised visiting Indigenous communities, which have borne the brunt of racist colonial policies and, more recently, the effects of a changing climate.

On a recent trip to Canada, Charles endorsed the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s 94 calls to action, as well as the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act, but has stopped short of formally apologising for the crown’s complicity in Canada’s residential school system.

The relationship between Indigenous peoples and the British royal family is also complex: the arc of Canadian history is one of broken promises, dispossession and overt attempts to erase Indigenous cultures. But the relationship predates Canada itself, and was founded in treaties signed in the 1700s.

Related: UK faces reckoning after unmarked Indigenous graves discovered in Canada

“Nations make treaties, treaties do not make nations … the sanctity of this covenant was made between not just [the] crown of Great Britain, but with the creator and all of our grandmothers’ and grandfathers’ spirits bearing witness,” said Perry Bellegarde, the former national chief for the Assembly of First Nations. “That’s why we say there’s a sacred covenant that cannot ever be broken.”

Many Indigenous people feel that when the crown devolved responsibilities of governance to Canada’s federal government, the spirit of those treaties was damaged and the government put in place overtly racist policies, like the Indian Act, which Indigenous leaders have been trying for decades to abolish.

Despite waning public support for the monarchy and a career spent advocating for Indigenous self-determination, Bellegarde nonetheless sees Charles as a key ally and friend.

“The power of the monarchy is a modern one – because he has the ability and the power to bring people together.

“He can convene CEOs, prime ministers and presidents and Indigenous leaders to work on the issues that really bind us together: climate change and biodiversity loss.”

In 2001, alongside the late Elder Gordon Oakes, Bellegard gave Charles the Cree name Kīsikāwipīsimwa miyo ōhcikanawāpamik, meaning “the sun watches over him in a good way” and draped him in a star blanket, a nod to the importance of the relationship between the crown and Indigenous nations.

“What a fitting name, because of his commitment to the environment. It even speaks to the nature of the treaties, that they will last as long as the sun shines, the rivers flow and the grass grows.”

“These treaties will remain in effect for generations now and those yet unborn.

“And at his coronation, he will carry that name too – and the relationship that we have with him.”

ABOLISH Lèse-majesté 

ABOLISH MONARCHY

Thai court grants Thaksin bail, other politically charged cases to be heard in July

Panu Wongcha-um
Updated Tue, 18 June 2024 


Exiled former PM Thaksin returns to Thailand

By Panu Wongcha-um

BANGKOK (Reuters) -Thailand's influential former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, a powerful backer of the largest party in the governing coalition, avoided pre-trial detention for allegedly insulting the monarchy after a criminal court granted him bail on Tuesday.

Separately, the Constitutional Court set July 3 and July 10, respectively, as the next hearing dates for two cases involving the opposition Move Forward party and the incumbent prime minister Srettha Thavisin.


Srettha, a political novice who took office last year, faces potential dismissal over a cabinet appointment.

The Move Forward party, which won last year's closely fought election but was unable to form a government, could be dissolved for its campaign to amend the royal insult law.

Thaksin, Srettha and Move Forward deny any wrongdoing.

The Constitutional Court also ruled that an ongoing selection process for a new upper house, which started earlier this month, is lawful, clearing the deck for 200 new lawmakers to take over from a military appointed senate later this year.

The court cases, which risk deepening a decades-old rift between the conservative-royalist establishment and its opponents, such as the populist ruling Pheu Thai party and the Move Forward party, have raised the spectre of political instability and rattled markets.

Thailand's main stock index, which dropped to its lowest level since November 2020 on Monday, gained more than 1% on Tuesday morning before trimming gains.

(Reporting by Panu Wongcha-um, Panarat Thepgumpanat, Chayut Setboonsarng and Orathai Sriring; Writing by Devjyot Ghoshal; Editing by John Mair and Ed Davies)


Thai Royalists Make Risky Bet in Fresh Showdown With Thaksin

Patpicha Tanakasempipat
Sun, 16 June 2024 




(Bloomberg) -- Last August, former Thai leader Thaksin Shinawatra returned to his homeland after 15 years in exile following a deal with royalists who once ousted him in a coup. That marriage of convenience is now at risk of falling apart, potentially unleashing more political turmoil.

Members of Thaksin’s ruling Pheu Thai party aren’t sure whether that deal still holds, according to people familiar with the situation, who asked not to be identified discussing sensitive matters. While they are optimistic the government will survive, they won’t know for sure until courts decide on separate legal cases involving both Thaksin, who could be thrown in jail, and Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, an ally who faces possible disqualification, the people said.

When that might happen is unclear. Thailand’s Constitutional Court plans to meet again on Tuesday to consider more evidence on a petition filed by 40 senators seeking to remove Srettha, 62, over allegations of ethical violations. On the same day, Thaksin, 74, is set to be indicted in a royal defamation case. The proceedings in both cases could move quickly or still drag on for months.

If that wasn’t complicated enough, the Constitutional Court is concurrently hearing a case on whether to disband the pro-democracy Move Forward party over its pledge to amend Thailand’s lese majeste law, which forbids criticism of King Maha Vajiralongkorn and other top royals. The party, which won the most seats in last year’s election, is seen as the biggest threat to the royalist establishment, and kneecapping it risks triggering more street protests.

“It would be improper of me to discuss what’s to come in the future,” Srettha told reporters in Bangkok last week when asked about the cases.

The uncertainty is rattling investors who once cheered the possibility that Thailand may finally see more political stability. Foreign funds have pulled more than $3 billion from local markets this year, sending the nation’s benchmark SET Index to a four-year low. It’s now the worst performer of all global bourses tracked by Bloomberg in the past year.

Thaksin so far has little to show from joining hands with his former enemies. Dissatisfaction is growing with Srettha’s government as it struggles to implement campaign pledges to hand out cash, help farmers deal with debt and raise the minimum wage, all while targeting annual economic growth of 5%. It has also sought to strong-arm the central bank into cutting interest rates to spur the economy, which the World Bank forecasts will fail to expand at an annual pace greater than 3% through 2026.

Why this is all happening now — and just how much the legal cases are connected — is the subject of much speculation in Bangkok. Thaksin’s opponents don’t have a clear path to forming a stable government unless they stage yet another military coup, a scenario that can’t be ruled out in a nation that has had about a dozen of them since ending absolute monarchy in 1932.

One theory is that the royalist establishment wants to rein in Thaksin, who has kept a high profile since he was freed from detention in February after King Vajiralongkorn commuted his eight-year jail sentence for corruption to just a year. Thaksin has been a constant presence on television, meeting with hordes of supporters, ministers and officials. He also attempted to broker a peace agreement in Myanmar and met with Malaysian leader Anwar Ibrahim in a bid to resolve a longstanding insurgency in southern Thailand.

Although Thailand’s conservatives may depend on Thaksin for now to counter Move Forward’s rapid rise in popularity, his ambitions are increasingly breaking trust with the establishment, according to Teerasak Siripant, managing director at BowerGroupAsia in Bangkok.

“Since Thaksin’s return, there were expectations from the establishment about what he should or shouldn’t do,” Teerasak said. “They had expected him to be behind the scenes, but that’s clearly not what’s happening. We’re seeing the same image that we have long had of him: he wants to be someone great in Thai society.”

While Thaksin’s royal pardon was the clearest sign of a behind-the-scenes deal, the terms of any agreement remain a mystery. Not much has fundamentally changed since Pheu Thai joined forces with royalist military-backed parties last year: Both still need each other to form a government that doesn’t include Move Forward, whose stronger-than-expected performance in last year’s election represented a slap in the face to the royalists — and a challenge to Thaksin’s electoral dominance.

Thaksin has strongly denied any wrongdoing, publicly blaming his lese majeste case on “the man in the forest” — a nickname referring to former army chief Prawit Wongsuwan, 78, who served as deputy junta leader after a 2014 coup that ousted the government of Thaksin’s sister, Yingluck Shinawatra. A party official deflected questions from reporters about Thaksin’s comment regarding Prawit, who now leads the conservative Palang Pracharath Party in the ruling coalition and has long headed the military’s Forest Preservation Foundation.

“The case is baseless — it’s fruit from a toxic tree,” Thaksin told reporters on June 8, in his first public comments about his legal troubles, which stem from remarks he made in 2015 in the wake of the military takeover. “It’s an example that shows how charges are abused after a coup.”

Thaksin’s remarks can be interpreted in a number of ways, the people familiar said: Either he’s confident the deal that brought him back to Thailand is still intact and he feels protected, or he’s sending a warning shot to the establishment that he’s ready to fight if they lock him up again, or that he’s looking for a scapegoat and signaling he’ll fall in line.

Thaksin similarly blamed Prawit for orchestrating the case against Srettha. The senators backing the petition came together on their shared frustrations over Thaksin, and some of them aim to pressure him into accepting a conservative leader, according to people familiar with the situation.

Although the petition was backed by a small fraction of the 250-member military-appointed Senate, it’s now one of several moving parts that could bring down the government. The senators who initiated the petition are betting that Thaksin would still keep the coalition together and reluctantly back a conservative for prime minister, because he doesn’t want to go to jail and still wants to bring his sister Yingluck, 56, back from exile.

But that is a big gamble. If Srettha is disqualified, only seven people are eligible to become prime minister, including Prawit. The two options from Thaksin’s camp are his 37-year-old daughter, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, and 75-year-old Chaikasem Nitisiri. Both are believed to be long shots: it’s unclear if Thaksin wants to expose one of his children to the messiness of Thai politics at the moment, while the latter has had serious health issues in recent years.

If it’s not someone from Pheu Thai, Thaksin could pull the party out of the coalition and seek to link up with Move Forward. Although there is bad blood between the parties, and that scenario remains unlikely, together they would control a majority in the lower house of parliament.

In that case, they would likely back 43-year-old Pita Limjaroenrat, an outcome the royalist establishment would want to avoid. That’s why the Move Forward dissolution case is so important: If the party is disbanded, Pita wouldn’t be able to stand as prime minister.

In a scenario in which Thaksin doesn’t support the conservatives and can’t form a government with Move Forward, it would likely lead to a fresh election. And given that anti-establishment parties won nearly 60% of seats in an election a year ago, that’s a risky proposition for the military-backed conservatives.

By going after Thaksin, the royalist elites got themselves into a conundrum, according to Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a professor of political science at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok. The most likely scenario, he added, is that they let Thaksin off in the end.

“They don’t want Move Forward to be in government, but now they’ve got a Pheu Thai government that they are undermining directly,” Thitinan said. “They want to teach Thaksin a lesson. But it depends on how he responds.”

--With assistance from Philip J. Heijmans.

©2024 Bloomberg L.P.

Four Thai court cases that could spark political crises
Reuters Videos
Updated Mon, 17 June 2024



STORY: Thailand is facing a critical week of four court cases that could unleash a political crisis, with the fate of the prime minister and the main opposition hanging in the balance.

Thai politics has been defined by decades of struggle between its military-supported, conservative-royalist establishment clashing with populist parties like those backed by Thaksin Shinawatra and now a new, and progressive, opposition.

Each case this week is wrapped up in that tension.

Here's what you need to know about them.


:: How is the Prime Minister involved?

Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin has been accused by a group of conservative senators of breaching the constitution when he appointed a former lawyer with a conviction record to his cabinet.

He denies wrongdoing.

He only took power in August, but could face dismissal if the Constitutional Court rules against him.

If he is removed from office, a new government must be formed.

The court will likely announce the next hearing or verdict date on Tuesday (June 18).

:: The case against the former premier

Thaksin Shinawatra, the influential former premier who was ousted in a 2006 military coup, is to be formally indicted Tuesday in a Bangkok criminal court on several charges, including allegedly insulting the monarchy in a 2015 interview.

Criticism of the monarchy is forbidden under Thailand's tough lese-majeste law, which carries a maximum jail sentence of up to 15 years for each perceived royal insult.

After the indictment, the court will then decide whether or not to grant bail to the 74-year-old billionaire politician, who denies wrongdoing.

:: Opposition under threat?

Another case could lead to the dissolution of the progressive Move Forward party.

The opposition party holds 30% of seats in the lower house after winning last year's closely-fought election but was blocked by conservative lawmakers from forming a government.

The Constitutional Court is considering an Election Commission complaint that alleges the Move Forward party breached the constitution with an attempt to reform the country's royal insult law.

The party denies any wrongdoing.

The court is expected to announce the next hearing or verdict date on Tuesday.

:: What about the Senate election?

The Constitutional Court will also rule on Tuesday on a petition challenging the legality of the process to select a new 200-member Senate.

If the process is canceled or delayed, it would temporarily extend the term of the current Senate, which was hand-picked by the military after the 2014 coup.

Military-appointed lawmakers have been central in determining government formation, including last year’s maneuver to block Move Forward from forming a government.

Thailand's ex-PM Thaksin Shinawatra indicted for defaming monarchy

NEWS WIRES
Tue, 18 June 2024 at 12:05 am GMT-6·1-min read




Former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was granted release on bail hours after he was formally indicted Tuesday on a charge of defaming the country's monarchy in one of several court cases that have unsteadied Thai politics.

Thaksin, an influential political figure despite being ousted from power 18 years ago, reported himself to prosecutors Tuesday morning and was indicted, Prayuth Bejraguna, a spokesperson for the Office of the Attorney General, said at a news conference.

A car believed to be carrying Thaksin arrived at the Criminal Court in Bangkok but he did not come out to meet reporters. His lawyer Winyat Chatmontree told reporters that Thaksin was ready to enter the judicial process.

A few hours later, the Criminal Court said Thaksin's bail release was approved with a bond worth 500,000 baht ($13,000) under a condition that he cannot travel out of Thailand unless he receives permission from the court. The same car left the court shortly after without Thaksin being seen.

The law on defaming the monarchy, an offense known as lese majeste, is punishable by three to 15 years in prison. It is among the harshest such laws globally and increasingly has been used in Thailand to punish government critics.

Thaksin, now 74, was ousted by an army coup in 2006 that set off years of deep political polarization. His opponents, who were generally staunch royalists, had accused him of corruption, abuse of power and disrespecting then-King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who died in 2016.

(AP)


Thaksin, Thai PM Caught Up in Legal Cases as Crisis Deepens

Anuchit Nguyen, Pathom Sangwongwanich and Janine Phakdeetham
Tue, 18 June 2024 at 1:40 am GMT-6·4-min read



(Bloomberg) -- Former Thai leader Thaksin Shinawatra faces a trial in a royal insult case while a top court ordered his ally and Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin to submit more evidence in a case seeking his ouster, deepening a political crisis that’s gripped the Southeast Asian nation.

Thaksin, a two-time former prime minister and the de facto leader of the ruling Pheu Thai party, was arraigned under Thailand’s stringent lese majeste law that protects the royal family from criticism. The 74-year-old politician was granted bail after his lawyer posted a 500,000 baht ($13,590) bond.

Read: Thai Royalists Make Risky Bet in Fresh Showdown With Thaksin

Hours after Thaksin was indicted, Thailand’s Constitutional Court asked Srettha — who heads the Pheu Thai-led coalition government — to furnish more documents and evidence in the case seeking his removal. This was in relation to allegations of ethics violations in appointing a cabinet minister who spent time in prison.

While the outcomes of the cases are far from certain, the litigations pose risks to Srettha’s government that was formed in the aftermath of last year’s messy general election. They also signal the possible unraveling of a deal that saw Pheu Thai and a clutch of pro-royalist and military-aligned parties joining hands to take power and paved the way for Thaksin’s return from a 15-year exile.

The political uncertainty have rattled Thailand’s financial markets, prompting foreign investors to pull almost $4 billion from the nation’s stocks and bonds. The benchmark SET Index of stocks has slumped to a near four-year low, ranking it the worst-performer of all global bourses tracked by Bloomberg in the past year, while the baht is Asia’s worst performer after the Japanese yen this year.

“Rising political risks have dampened any investor optimism about Thailand’s quick economic recovery,” said Varorith Chirachon, an executive director at SCB Asset Management Co. “The lingering legal cases against Srettha and key political parties will probably derail government’s attempts and focus in implementing much-needed economic policies and stimulus.”

The Thai stocks index pared gains in the afternoon session when it got a chance to react to court news. It ended morning session 1% higher but is now down 0.6%.

The charges against Thaksin, 74, stem from an interview he gave in Seoul in 2015 that prosecutors deemed had breached Article 112 of Thailand’s penal code. It carries a maximum jail term of 15 years for each offense of defaming the monarchy.

The attorney general last month decided to indict Thaksin, saying there was enough evidence to press ahead with a trial. Thaksin has rejected the charges and his lawyer has vowed to contest the case in the court.

“The case is baseless — it’s fruit from a toxic tree,” Thaksin told reporters on June 8, in his first public comments about his legal troubles, which stem from remarks he made in 2015 in the wake of the military takeover. “It’s an example that shows how charges are abused after a coup.”

The court seized Thaksin’s passport and ordered him to be present on Aug. 19 when it will begin scrutinizing the evidence in the case.

Thaksin is currently on parole after being sentenced in corruption cases. He’s due to walk free after his royally commuted jail term ends in August.

He held the country’s top political office from 2001 until being ousted in a 2006 coup. His sister Yingluck Shinawatra, whose government was overthrown by a coup, remains in exile after leaving Thailand in 2017 before a court sentenced her to five years in prison for dereliction of duty over a controversial rice purchase program.

Srettha’s Troubles

The legal trouble for Srettha meanwhile arises from a petition by a group of 40 senators who alleged “serious violation of ethical standards” in the April appointment of Pichit Chuenban, a former lawyer for the influential Shinawatra family. Pichit was not qualified to become a minister after being sentenced to six months in jail in 2008 for attempting to bribe court officials while representing Thaksin, according to the senators.

Although Pichit resigned from the cabinet last month, saying he wanted to save Srettha from any legal troubles, it hasn’t stopped the court from probing the accusation against the prime minister. Srettha has said he was confident he could weather the court scrutiny, adding that his decision to appoint Pichit followed the law.

Srettha now has 15 days to furnish fresh evidence. The court will review the case again on July 10.

The constitutional court will also resume hearing a case on whether to disband the pro-democracy Move Forward party over its pledge to amend Thailand’s lese majeste law on July 3, it said in a statement. The party, which won the most seats in last year’s election, is seen as the biggest threat to the royalist establishment.

Move Forward has said it plans to “fight tooth and nail” against the dissolution threat, saying its loss would amount to an attack on democracy.

 Bloomberg Businessweek

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