Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Lèse-majesté. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Lèse-majesté. Sort by date Show all posts

Sunday, January 29, 2023

 ABOLISH lèse-majesté laws
Activist sentenced to 28 years in Thai prison for insulting monarchy on Facebook



59
Michelle De Pacina
Fri, January 27, 2023 

A political activist was sentenced to 28 years in prison for insulting the Thai monarchy on Facebook.

Mongkol Tirakote, a 29-year-old online clothing vendor and activist, was found guilty in two separate royal defamation cases by a court in the northern city of Chiang Rai on Thursday.

He was arrested in August last year. According to the court, Tirakote violated Thailand’s lèse-majesté laws in 14 of 27 Facebook posts. His prison sentence was originally set to 42 years, but the court reduced it to 28 years following his testimony.

While Tirakote intends to lodge an appeal, the court has granted him bail of 300,000 baht (approximately $9,144), according to his lawyer

Sunai Phasuk, a Human Rights Watch senior researcher, said that Tirakote’s 28-year sentence is the second-highest prison term given by a Thai court for a royal defamation case.

Tirakote also faces a third royal defamation charge over online posts from last year.

He is expected back in court in March for the separate charge.

Those convicted under the lèse-majesté laws face imprisonment of three to 15 years per count.



According to critics, the laws are often taken advantage of to suppress public debate.


In 2021, a former civil servant was sentenced to over 43 years in prison after she posted several audio clips critical of the Thai monarch on social media.

There have been more than 200 royal defamation cases since November 2020, when mass youth-led protests called for democratic change, according to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights.

Sunday, October 18, 2020

Thousands of anti-government protesters giving 'Hunger Games' salutes defy a ban on mass gatherings in Thailand
Sophia Ankel  Oct 17, 2020, 
Pro-democracy protesters show the three-finger salute as they gather demanding the government to resign and to release detained leaders in Bangkok, Thailand on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Jorge Silva

Protests have erupted in Thailand as anti-government demonstrators demand democratic reforms, the removal of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha, and curbs on the royal family's power and budget.

 King Maha Vajiralongkorn is famous for his mistresses, crop tops, and globetrotting ways.

 The student-led protests defied a government-issued emergency decree on Thursday, which banned large gatherings of more than five people.

 Protesting against royal reforms is extremely dangerous in Thailand, which has some of the strictest lèse-majesté (to do wrong to majesty) laws in the world.



In the last week, Thailand has seen some of its biggest anti-government protests in decades as thousands of students took to the streets to demand democratic reforms.

Protesters are demanding the removal of Prime Minister and former military leader Pray uth Chan-o-cha.

They are also calling for curbs on the powers of King Maha Vajiralongkorn, a ruler famous for his mistresses, crop tops, and globetrotting ways.

Thailand has some of the strictest lèse-majesté (to do wrong to majesty) laws in the world, with some protesters facing up to 15 years in prison if charged.

Pro-democracy protests have erupted again in Thailand despite a government emergency decree that has banned large gatherings.
Pro-democracy protesters show the three-finger salute as they gather demanding the government to resign and to release detained leaders in Bangkok, Thailand on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Jorge Silva
Source: BBC

The main symbol used by protesters has been the three-finger salute, similar to the one used in the popular film franchise "The Hunger Games."
Pro-democracy protesters demanding the government to resign in Bangkok, Thailand on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Jorge Silva

People have been urged to use the three-finger salute during the national anthem, which is usually played in public spaces such as train stations, twice a day.

Source: The Guardian

The student-led protest movement has been ongoing ever since the country's prime minister, Prayuth Chan-o-cha, was appointed after controversial elections in 2019.
An anti-government demonstrator skates over an image of Thailand's Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha during a Thai anti-government mass protest in Bangkok, Thailand, on October 14, 2020. Athit Perawongmetha/Reuters

Chan-o-cha, who is a former army chief, first seized power in a 2014 coup.

Source: BBC

Protesters have since been calling for the government's dissolution and for democratic reforms.
Pro-democracy protestors confront police at a rally at the Ratchaprasong intersection on October 15, 2020, in Bangkok, Thailand. Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images


But it's not just the prime minister that people are protesting against. In recent months the demonstrators have also started calling for curbs on the powers of King Maha Vajiralongkorn.
An image of King Maha Vajiralongkorn is seen as pro-democracy demonstrators march during an anti-government mass protest in Bangkok, Thailand on October 14, 2020. Jorge Silva/Reuters
Source: BBC

King Vajiralongkorn reportedly fled the country months ago, spending lockdown in a four-star hotel in the Bavarian Alps with an entourage of 20 women. His absence prompted Thai resident to tweet: "Why do we need a king?" over one million times
Exterior view of the Grand Hotel Sonnenbichl. © Leuchtende Hotelfotografie/Grand Hotel Sonnenbichl

Vajiralongkorn has been the King of Thailand since his father died in 2016. With an estimated net worth of $30 billion, Vajiralongkorn is the world's wealthiest ruler as of 2020.

Before his coronation, the King married his longtime partner and personal bodyguard, Maha Vajiralongkorn, in a surprise ceremony.

However, in July, he bestowed the title of Royal Noble Consort to Sineenat Wongvajirapakdi, a former army nurse believed to be another longtime girlfriend. She was later spotted wearing a crop top and piloting a plane, according to pictures released by Reuters.

Source: Insider

Protesting against royal reforms is extremely dangerous in Thailand, which has some of the strictest lèse-majesté (to do wrong to majesty) laws in the world.
Thai King Maha Vajiralongkorn presides over the annual royal ploughing ceremony at the Sanam Luang park in Bangkok, Thailand, on May 9, 2019. Anusak Laowilas/NurPhoto via Getty Images
Anyone who "defames, insults or threatens the king, queen, heir-apparent or regent" in the country can face up to 15 years in prison on each charge, according to the Guardian.
Source: The Guardian


More than 20 people have been arrested this week, including three protest leaders.
A Thai police chief speaks to pro-democracy protestors while they rally on October 15, 2020, in Bangkok, Thailand. Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

Prominent protest leader Parit Chiwarak, otherwise known as Penguin, was also arrested.
"For our future, we demand three things. First, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-0-cha must resign. Second, we want to rewrite the constitution, and third, we demand reformation of the entire monarchy," Chiwarak told the Guardian last week.
Source: The Guardian

Protesters have also been wearing white ribbons and chanting "Free our friends!" in reference to those detained in the crackdown.
A protester makes a white ribbon as a symbol of peace in front of a police officer during anti-government protests in Bangkok, Thailand on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun
Source: BBC

Thousands of people defied the emergency decree hours after it was issued on Thursday, gathering in Bangkok's busy Ratchaprasong intersection.
Pro-democracy protestors attend a rally at the Ratchaprasong intersection on October 15, 2020, in Bangkok, Thailand. Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

People were chanting "release our friends" and called police "slaves of dictatorship", according to the Guardian. Deputy police spokesman Kissana Phathanacharoe said student leaders who had called for a protest on Thursday were "clearly breaking the law," the paper reported.
Source: The Guardian


In response, a large force of police officers in riot gear were sent to the streets to advance on protesters. Although the protest was mainly peaceful, pictures from the scene did show some clashes and a handful of protesters being arrested.
Police officers march in position behind riot shields in Bangkok, Thailand, on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Athit Perawongmetha TPX Images of the Day
Source: BBC

"Like dogs cornered, we are fighting till our deaths," Panupon Jadnok, one of the protest leaders told crowds on Thursday. "We won't fall back. We won't run away. We won't go anywhere."
Pro-democracy protesters show the three-finger salute as they gather demanding the release of detained leaders in Bangkok, Thailand on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Jorge Silva
Source: The Guardian

 

Thailand’s protest movement gains momentum amid a government crackdown

Thai protesters defied a ban on large gatherings to call for the prime minister’s resignation.

Protesters attend a rally on October 17, 2020, in Bangkok, Thailand. This rally marks the latest in a string of anti-government protests that began in late July, as students and protesters call for governmental reform.
 Getty Images

In Bangkok, Thailand, on Saturday, tens of thousands took part in continuing pro-democracy protests following a government crackdown Friday, which saw riot police unleash water cannons containing a chemical irritant on crowds calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha.

Protests against the prime minister began in March this year, following the dissolution of a popular pro-democracy party, but have dramatically increased in size this week, with crowds numbering in the tens of thousands.

The government responded to these growing protests with an emergency decree on Thursday, which banned groups of more than five people and gave police the authority to make areas of Bangkok off limits to protesters. Along with this new measure have come the arrests of protesters, including a human rights lawyer and several student activists.

The protesters have released several demands, chief among them that the prime minister resign. A former general, Prayuth seized power in a 2014 military coup. A new constitution was put in place by military leaders three years later that sets aside parliament seats for military officials — so many that protesters argue the prime minister will maintain power regardless of the outcome of elections.

As Panu Wongcha-um reported for Reuters, protesters made three demands in July: “the dissolution of parliament, an end to harassment of government critics, and amendments to the military-written constitution.”

Demonstrators are still working towards those goals, but increasingly, protesters are demanding changes to the country’s monarchy as well.

As Richard Bernstein has explained for Vox, citizens of Thailand have traditionally avoided statements that could be seen as critical of the royal family, which is currently led by King Maha Vajiralongkorn, due to the country’s “lèse-majesté laws, which outlaw ‘defaming, insulting, or threatening’ of a member of the royal family.”

That has changed: For example, at an August protest, a student protest leader gave a speech accusing the government of “fooling us by saying that people born into the royal family are incarnations of gods and angels,” and asking, “Are you sure that angels or gods have this kind of personality?”

The king, who ascended to the throne four years ago, rules largely from Europe, but has nevertheless spent extravagantly and “steadily amassed power” in a way that harks back to the bygone days of Thailand’s absolute monarchy, according to the Economist. His support for the prime minister has frustrated Prayuth’s critics, and his successful efforts to bring royal wealth and military forces under his direct control have led some protesters to call for new limits on the monarchy’s powers.

Arrests for breaching the country’s lèse-majesté laws have continued, and Friday, two protesters were charged under an obscure law for “an act of violence against the queen’s liberty,” — in this case, for yelling near Queen Suthida Vajiralongkorn Na Ayudhya’s motorcade. The two protesters face a potential sentence of life in prison for “endangering the royal family.”

These charges — as well as threats from the prime minister — have not deterred the protesters. After Friday’s police offensive, the demonstrations that continued Saturday appear to have remained largely peaceful — and were well-attended despite a shutdown of Bangkok public transit. As many as 23,000 people turned out at several locations around the city, according to a police estimate reported by the Bangkok Post.

“The goal is to change the whole political system, including the monarchy and the prime minister,” one Bangkok student told the New York Times.

A democratic legitimacy crisis

As Vox’s Zeeshan Aleem explained in August, Thailand’s protests hinge on the tenuous legitimacy of the current government.

Though current prime minister Prayuth ostensibly won another mandate in 2019, the results of that election are disputed. Since then, a major opposition party has been disbanded by the courts, and pro-democracy activist Wanchalearm Satsaksit was reported as disappeared in Cambodia, possibly taken on the orders of the Thai government.

Wanchalearm hasn’t been seen since his abduction in June, and Jakrapob Penkair, another dissident living in exile, told the BBC in July that Wanchalearm, also known as Tar, was likely dead.

“I think the message is: ‘Let’s kill these folks. These are outsiders, these are people who are different from us and they should be killed in order to bring Thailand back to normalcy,’” Jakrapob said. “But nothing could be more wrong in that interpretation. I believe their decision to kidnap and murder Tar, and others before him, has been subconsciously radicalizing the people.”

The protest movement has been fueled by student activism, but lacks defined leadership, according to the BBC. That’s by design — activists have reportedly drawn inspiration from decentralized pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong in order to maintain momentum amid arrests.

In part in order to circumvent restrictions on speech, activists have also relied on pop culture symbolism at protests. According to Aleem,

Protesters have used creative methods drawn from the world of popular fiction to veil their criticism of the government and mitigate charges for violating restrictions on political speech. For example, some protesters have dressed up as characters from Harry Potter in order to advance their arguments against the government and monarchy. Other pro-democracy protesters display three-finger salutes inspired by the Hunger Games series.

The Thai government’s crackdown on protesters has been condemned by multiple international organizations. Human Rights Watch, for instance, argued that the ban on protests, as well as other new restrictions, meant that “rights to freedom of speech and holding peaceful, public assemblies are on the chopping block from a government that is now showing its truly dictatorial nature.” Amnesty International has decried the arrests of protesters as an intimidation tactic.

It’s unlikely that the protest movement will stop soon, though — even if the government’s response begins to echo the violent anti-protest crackdowns Bangkok saw in the 1970s.

“The dictatorship must be confronted by the people, even under the threat of arrest,” activist Panupong Jadnok told the Washington Post. “We won’t step back. We will fight until our death.”


Sunday, August 16, 2020

Pro-democracy movement draws thousands in Bangkok

Mostly student protesters demand dissolution of parliament, with some calling for reforms to the monarchy



Rebecca Ratcliffe in Bangkok

Mon 17 Aug 2020 04.37 BST
 

Demonstrators march during a protest demanding the resignation of Thailand’s prime minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha, in Bangkok, Thailand. Photograph: Jorge Silva/Reuters

Thousands of people have taken to the streets of the Thai capital Bangkok to step up demands for political change in one of the biggest protests against the country’s military rulers since the 2014 coup.

At least 10,000 demonstrators, mostly students, gathered at the city’s famous democracy monument on Sunday, some of them calling for reforms to the monarchy.

It follows a month of almost daily rallies that have drawn support from high school and university students across the country.

Protesters – who chanted, “Down with dictatorship, long live democracy” and “Stop harassing the people” – have called for the dissolution of the military-backed government. They have also demanded an end to the intimidation of activists and reforms to the constitution, which was written under military rule. Critics say the constitution unfairly allowed the prime minister, Prayuth Chan-o-cha, who first came to power during the 2014 coup, to win last year’s elections.

A statement released by Free People, a coalition of mostly student-led groups, which organised Sunday’s protests, said it aspired to see “democratic reform of government with the monarch truly under the constitution”.

In recent weeks, students have voiced increasingly direct criticisms of the monarchy, breaching a long-standing taboo.

Last week, at a rally attended by thousands, a protest group issued a 10-point list for reform of the monarchy – a move that shocked many – including allowing criticism of the monarchy, and called for the king’s powers to be curbed.

Thailand’s lèse-majesté laws are among the strictest in the world. Criticising the king can lead to a jail sentence of up to 15 years, though Prayuth has said the king requested that it should not be used at the moment. Such laws also limit media reporting within the country that relates to the royal family.

Parit Chiwarak, a pro-democracy student, talks to the media at the Giant Swing. Photograph: Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters  SWING?I THOUGHT IT WAS A GUILLOTINE!


No protesters have been charged under lèse-majesté laws, though three people have been arrested on other charges.


On Sunday, some students carried signs that made reference to the monarchy. One student wore a T-shirt that said: “Send love to Germany.” The king has been criticised by some for spending most of his time in Germany. Others in the crowds carried placards that reiterated previous demands for monarchy reform.

The protests are led by a new generation of emboldened young activists who use social media to mobilise.

“During my time, anybody who was an activist, they were called a redshirt and a low-key bandit or nation hater,” said a protester who graduated from Chulalongkorn University, a more conservative institution, in 2012.

After the 2014 coup, the military-backed government promised that it would offer stability and allow Thailand to prosper. “Such promises have not materialised,” he said, adding that this had left many young people, including students at his former university, feeling compelled to speak out.

On top of frustration over the economy, which was struggling even before the coronavirus pandemic, students say they are fed up with a government they accuse of undermining democracy.

Anger among students flared in February when the government dissolved an opposition party, Future Forward, which was especially popular among young people. Then, reports emerged that pro-democracy activist Wanchalearm Satsaksi had been abducted in Cambodia – the latest of several exiled activists to disappear in recent years. The government and the military have denied involvement.

“I don’t think that human rights can exist in a dictatorship,” said a 22-year-old student who asked not to be named.


In its statement on Sunday, the Free People group said there must be no coup d’état, nor a government of national unity installed.

Prayuth has said he was uncomfortable with comments made about the monarchy, but that he would listen to the concerns in relation to the constitution. Young people should be allowed to express themselves, within the limits of the law and with respect to others’ rights, his spokesperson has said.

Three protesters have been arrested over recent weeks, on charges including sedition, which carries a maximum seven-year sentence, and violating an emergency decree than bans public gatherings. The charges have been condemned by rights groups, who have accused the government of harassing its critics.


Sunday, March 21, 2021

Protesters march in Spain demanding rapper's release

lèse-majesté & lèse-poli
cia 





Hundreds of demonstrators on Saturday rallied in cities across Spain, including Madrid and Barcelona, calling for the release of a controversial rapper, jailed in mid-February for tweets criticising the royal family and the security forces.


© OSCAR DEL POZO The march in Madrid on Saturday passed off peacefully before the crowds dispersed at the request of the police


© J. Martin Known for his hard-left views, rapper Pablo Hasel was handed a nine-month sentence over tweets glorifying terrorism and videos inciting violence

Shouting slogans such as "Freedom for Pablo Hasel" and "We are the anti-fascists", several hundreds of people took to the streets in the Spanish capital in an unregistered demonstration, according to an AFP reporter.


© OSCAR DEL POZO Rallies were also planned in other Spanish cities such as Barcelona and Palma de Majorca

AFP
3/20/2021 

The march passed off peacefully before the crowds dispersed at the request of the police.

In Barcelona, the main focal point of protests last month, around 100 people marched, waving banners demanding "complete amnesty for Pablo Hasel".

Here, too, the march remained peaceful, in contrast to the demonstrations last month when protesters and police clashed violently.


Rallies were also planned in other Spanish cities such as Palma de Majorca on Saturday.

Known for his hard-left views, Hasel was handed a nine-month sentence over tweets glorifying terrorism and videos inciting violence.

The court ruling said freedom of expression could not be used "as a 'blank cheque' to praise the perpetrators of terrorism".

The rapper was also fined about 30,000 euros ($36,000) for insults, libel and slander for tweets likening former king Juan Carlos I to a mafia boss and accusing police of torturing and killing demonstrators and migrants.

So far, more than 100 people were arrested in the protests, and scores more injured in the clashes, among them many police officers and a young woman who lost an eye after being hit by a foam round fired by police.

The clashes have also sparked a political row that has exacerbated a divide within Spain's leftwing coalition, which groups the Socialists of Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez and the hard-left Podemos.

While the Socialists have firmly opposed the violence, Podemos' leadership has backed the protesters.

The party emerged from the anti-austerity "Indignados" protest movement that occupied squares across Spain in 2011. Their position is that the Hasel case exposes Spain's "democratic shortcoming

Friday, September 01, 2023

The Man Who Upended Thailand’s Politics

Charlie Campbell / Bangkok
TIME
Thu, August 31, 2023 


Pita Limjaroenrat, leader of Thailand’s progressive Move Forward Party, at the party headquarters in Bangkok on April 19, 2023.
 Credit - Andre Malerba—Bloomberg/Getty Images

Pita Limjaroenrat doesn’t look like a defeated man. The 42-year-old former tech executive strides into the meeting room of his upstart Move Forward Party’s Bangkok headquarters wearing an immaculate navy-blue suit, fuchsia necktie, and a winsome grin. It’s not long before our discussion on Thai politics takes a not unwelcome detour into sport and music, particularly Pita’s fondness of rugby from his childhood in rural New Zealand, as well as his love of playing guitar and rock bands like Metallica, Iron Maiden, and Radiohead. “If I said I like Coldplay, nobody would vote for me!” he quips.

But vote for him, they did. Move Forward, led by Pita, won Thailand’s general election in May, securing 38% of popular support on the back of a radical manifesto to bridle the nation’s elite power nexus centered on its military, royal palace, and business conglomerates, capturing the imagination of especially younger Thais desperate to throw off decades of paternalistic rule. By all rights, having won a plurality 151 parliamentary seats, our conversation should not be taking place on the eighth floor of a smog-wreathed office block but five miles west in Bangkok’s 1920s neo-Gothic Government House.

However, after the election results were announced, that same entrenched establishment that Pita railed against at the stump whirred into action. Pita’s bid to become Prime Minister was blocked by the country’s military-appointed Senate, and he was hit by a flurry of legal challenges. One charge, that he secretly held shares in a media company, the defunct iTV, resulted in a ban on Pita serving as a lawmaker according to Thailand’s byzantine election rules. (Pita denies any wrongdoing.)

After months of post-election jostling, on Aug. 22, 61-year-old property tycoon Srettha Thavisin was instead confirmed into the top job by parliamentary vote thanks to his second-place Pheu Thai Party ditching its brief coalition with Move Forward to instead ally with 10 establishment and royalist parties. With that, Pita’s bold and popular agenda to reform Thailand’s controversial royal defamation law, end military conscription, and break up its business monopolies was consigned to the scrapheap.

Read More: Thailand’s Populist Pheu Thai Party Finally Won the Prime Minister Vote—But at What Cost?

It was a triumph of “old politics over new,” says Thitinan Pongsudhirak, professor of political science at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok. “Old politics is horse-trading, pork-barreling, patronage; new politics is more transparent and accountable, which is what the Move Forward Party exemplifies and advocates.”

To have come so close only to have victory snatched away would send many people into a bitter spiral. The last two decades of Thai politics have been marked by disregarded voters being urged onto the street in often-bloody protests. Pita, however, is sanguine. “I’m extremely proud,” he says. “At the beginning of the campaign, most political pundits gave me 30 seats. So I beat their expectations five times!”

It’s a laudable outlook though one many Move Forward supporters struggle to share. For them, May’s election victory was a turning point, the moment when Thailand changed, and the fact that nothing effectively did has engendered a deep sense of betrayal across the nation of 70 million. In the northern city of Chiang Mai, one piece of graffiti scrawled on a traffic sign at a busy intersection said it all: “Why isn’t Pita Prime Minister?”

Pita greets supporters in Pattaya, Thailand, July 22, 2023.Lauren DeCicca—Getty Images

It’s a question that Pita has had to wrestle with himself. In the immediate aftermath of his victory, he spent days on a victory tour of far-flung provinces congratulating supporters. Some have suggested he should have stayed in Bangkok to build support from other parties and senators.

Of course, modern politics hinges on how far to compromise, gauging to what extent the desire to enact change justifies diluting that change itself. Pita’s relentless targeting of Thailand’s royal defamation law, known as lèse-majesté or Article 112, struck at the establishment’s most cherished shibboleths. Since November 2020, more than 200 people have been arrested under Article 112 relating to activities at pro-democracy rallies and comments made on social media. They include a 26-year-old man jailed for three years in March for selling satirical calendars featuring a rubber duck—a pro-democracy protest symbol.

Read More: Thai Teen Jailed for Mocking the King as Prospects of Royal Defamation Reform Dim

Nevertheless, Move Forward was the only party committed to curbing Article 112, and reneging on that pledge was never an option for Pita. “I was willing to be flexible,” he insists. “But a flat-out dishonest maneuver in order to have this interview in Government House? I couldn’t do it.”

Not all parties felt the same. Much of the ire for Move Forward’s sidelining has been directed at Pheu Thai, which for more than two decades played the role of Thailand’s anti-establishment foil and has seen its own past elected leaders ousted in military and judicial coups but still entered an unholy marriage of convenience with the very forces it once campaigned against to secure power.

Compounding the sense of gross perfidy, Pheu Thai’s de facto patriarch, billionaire former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, returned from 15 years in self-imposed exile on the same day that Srettha was confirmed as Prime Minister. Thaksin was arrested at the airport and sentenced to eight years for historical in absentia convictions of corruption and abuse of power, though within hours the 74-year-old was transferred from his jail cell to a hospital suite amid persistent rumors and reports of a forthcoming royal pardon.

That Pheu Thai seemingly did a deal that keeps Move Forward out of power in exchange for Thaksin’s return has enraged many of Pheu Thai’s own voters, some of whom burned effigies outside the party’s headquarters. Even innocent choc-mint drinks were suddenly rendered objects of scorn, as they are known to be a favorite of Thaksin’s daughter, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, prompting many cafes to refuse to sell them. Thai artists have flooded social media with sardonic images of treachery, such as tanks wrapped in red shirts—the enduring symbol of Pheu Thai’s firebrand supporters.

Pita joins a demonstration—demanding the release of two young pro-democracy activists who were detained for criticizing the monarchy—at Tha Phae Gate in Chiang Mai, Thailand, Feb. 4, 2023.Pongmanat Tasiri—SOPA/LightRocket/Getty Images

Was Pita hung out to dry by Pheu Thai in order to bring Thaksin home? For Pita, personally, the subject of betrayal is complex. Thaksin was his mentor as a young man and even penned his recommendation letter to Harvard. When Thaksin was first ousted by a coup d’état during a visit to the U.N. General Assembly in New York in 2006, Pita was traveling alongside him. Today, Pita may not be carrying Thaksin’s bag, but he’s reluctant to throw him under a bus either.

“He has every political and civil right to return to Thailand,” says Pita, “just like all the political refugees that have been chased away from their own country for the past 20 years.”

Of course, if anyone can sympathize with an ignored popular mandate it is Thaksin. Before May’s ballot, populist parties backed by the policeman-turned-media mogul won every election since 2001, only to be deposed thrice by the military and twice by the courts. (One Thaksin proxy, former Prime Minster Samak Sundaravej, was farcically ousted in 2008 over 5,000 baht ($350) he received in travel expenses for hosting a televised cooking show.)

That Thaksin has switched from victim of Thailand’s anti-democratic elite to their ally and enabler is, at the very least, a cruel lesson in realpolitik. “Before the election, I did believe that [Pheu Thai] were part of the larger force to turn Thailand toward democracy,” says Pita. Now, however, he fears their goal was “to become the government at whatever cost they had to bear.”

“I hope the return of Thaksin and Pheu Thai’s efforts to form a government were decoupled,” he adds. “But I don’t know if my hope is true or not.”

Pita may have usurped Thaksin as anathema of the Thai establishment, though for an anti-elitist, he’s very much the iconoclast. Born in Bangkok to an affluent and politically connected family, Pita was privileged enough to attend secondary school in Hamilton, New Zealand, where he says he gained his political awakening. Back then, there were only three TV channels, and given the choice between watching the Australian soap opera Home and Away and parliamentary debates, he chose the latter, listening to the speeches of then Prime Minister Jim Bolger while he did his homework.

“I would look at the way agriculture is done in Thailand versus New Zealand, the way education in Bangkok compares to Hamilton,” he says. “All those things played a vital foundation of how I view the world, how I view democracy, and how I view politics.”

After completing his undergraduate degree in finance and banking at Bangkok’s Thammasat University, Pita enrolled at the University of Texas at Austin, where he got his first taste of American retail politics during the 2000 presidential election between then Texas Governor George W. Bush and Vice President Al Gore. “I could feel the vibe; people were really active citizens; there were Bush signs in front of their lawns; they were volunteering,” Pita recalls. “So I understood that American politics is a different level than what I had seen back home or in New Zealand.”

Pita returned to Thailand at age 25 to take over the family business, CEO Agrifood, after the death of his father. Despite his youth and inexperience, he helped the company recover from huge debts to become one of Asia’s largest producers of rice bran oil.

But politics was always his aim, and Pita soon returned to the U.S. to complete a joint master’s degree from MIT and Harvard in business and public policy. It was the run-up to President Barack Obama’s 2012 election victory and proved hugely instructive. “Obama was coming a lot to speak at Harvard; John Kerry was there all the time, so I would bring a brown bag lunch to hear them,” recalls Pita. “And I saw how they had a phone booth, and would knock on doors, and tell people where to go vote, and how you register the vote in advance, and how important it was to call people and remind them.”

In 2018, after working in banking and management consultancy and a brief stint as the executive director of Grab Thailand, Pita joined Move Forward’s predecessor party, Future Forward, where he was tasked with agricultural policy. He was elected to parliament in 2019 and soon earned a reputation as a rising star on the back of impassioned speeches about the plight of the nation’s farmers. In March 2020, Thailand’s Constitutional Court dissolved Future Forward and banned its executives from politics for 10 years. When Move Forward rose from its ashes, Pita emerged as a key leader.

Pita waves to supporters while holding his daughter Pipim at a Move Forward rally in Bangkok in May. Sirachai Arunrugstichai—Getty Images

Pita’s rise on the political stage, however, came with greater scrutiny on his life behind the scenes. In 2019, Pita’s marriage to Thai actress and model Chutima Teenpanart fell apart. It was an acrimonious divorce during which Chutima accused Pita of being controlling and abusive. Pita strenuously denies physically injuring his ex-wife, and the case was dismissed in court, though she in turn said that “violence may not have been an issue but he did harm me psychologically.” Earlier this year, Chutima signaled her support for Pita’s election campaign. “It’s been a long time. Let it pass. In any case, I’m cheering for Pipim’s dad,” she posted online, referencing their seven-year-old daughter whom they share custody of and who frequently joined her father at Move Forward rallies.

Pita says he’s “not at all” surprised that allegations about his private life were seized upon by political opponents. “I’ve been preparing to become a politician since my 20s,” he shrugs.

The question remains what comes next for Pita—and Thailand. The nation appears more polarized than ever, with its largest party shut out of power ostensibly due to its efforts to amend Article 112. For decades, Thailand’s royal family was a unifying force. Today, however, it’s been recast as the fault-line by which politics are defined.

It’s a schism that promises to deepen after Thailand’s Constitutional Court agreed to hear a case against Move Forward regarding whether its campaign to reform lèse-majesté constitutes treason. In particular, the suggestion by the party’s deputy secretary-general Rangsiman Rome that Thailand should switch its national day from Dec. 5—the birthday of beloved former King Bhumibol Adulyadej—to June 24, the day the nation moved from absolute to constitutional monarchy, was seized upon by royalists as evidence of republican intent. A guilty verdict could see the party dissolved, like Future Forward before it, and party executives banned from politics for life, or potentially even jailed.

Asked about Rangsiman’s remarks, Pita admits that “the cadence was a bit off,” though he says that “diversity is a strength of our party, not a weakness.” Pita insists that his goal was never to tarnish the monarchy but to place it “above politics,” which, he says, is the surest way to ensure its longevity as “a vital institution of national unity.”

Being squeezed out of power and threatened with dissolution and jail might not seem like a reason to celebrate. Still, the stakes were always plain, and Pita, like Future Forward’s leaders before him, was willing to pay the costs. “They are already prepared for this,” says ​​Aim Sinpeng, a senior lecturer at the University of Sydney. “It’s a party that doesn’t run on money, but on ideas and ideology, because it’s a movement.”

Thailand’s progressive movement remains “in a very strong position,” agrees Napon Jatusripitak, a visiting fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore. “They can ban Pita or dissolve the party, but by doing that, they’ll only crystalize this movement into stronger support for its future incarnation.”

Pita appears to float above the uncertainty. If Move Forward gets to take a place in the opposition: “We can do a lot more to provide checks and balances in parliament and speak on the behalf of the people,” he says. And if he is banned, then he knows there are many others waiting to take up the cause.

“I’m not planning to be in Thai politics forever,” he says, revealing intentions to perhaps explore a role in international organizations like the U.N. “I don’t want to be 70 or 80 and sleeping in the parliament and speaking nonsense about blockchain and AI! I want to be able to pass the baton to the next generation of leaders.”

Thaksin: Former Thai PM's prison sentence reduced to a year

Nicholas Yong & Jonathan Head - In Singapore and Bangkok
BBC
Fri, September 1, 2023 

Former Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra returned home in August after a 15 year exile

Thailand's King has reduced the eight-year prison sentence of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra to a year.

Mr Thaksin, who returned home last month after 15 years of self-imposed exile, was immediately sent to jail.

He was then moved to the luxury wing of a state hospital after complaining of heart problems.

Mr Thaksin had previously said the outstanding sentences, over charges of corruption and abuse of power, were politically motivated.

Deposed by a military coup in 2006, Mr Thaksin, one of Thailand's most influential and polarising personalities, left the country two years later to avoid a prison sentence.

His return on 22 August was assumed to be part of a wider political deal. And it was one that was meant to bring his popular Pheu Thai party together with its one-time adversaries in a compromise government.

And it did that. Hours after he arrived, a new coalition government, led by Pheu Thai, voted its candidate Srettha Thavisin as the new PM. The coalition includes Mr Thaksin's former military rivals who deposed his party in 2014 in a coup.

Who is Thaksin Shinawatra?

Thaksin's return seals grand Thai political bargain

Mr Thaksin clearly hoped for leniency as a part of that deal, and King Vajiralongkorn has responded quickly to his request for a pardon, reducing his eight-year sentence to just one. Mr Thaksin is likely to stay in hospital.

In response to his request for a royal pardon, the royal gazette on Friday noted his age and "illness". It added that Mr Thaksin "has done good for the country and people and is loyal to the monarchy".

However, Mr Thaksin must have hoped his sentence would be overturned, and not just reduced.

His continued incarceration will limit his ability to influence his party, as it struggles to manage an unwieldy coalition in which it holds only around half the parliamentary seats. It also faces energetic opposition from the youthful Move Forward party, which eclipsed Pheu Thai to come first in the last general election.

But Move Forward was unable to form the government, even after agreeing to a coalition with Pheu Thai. Together, the two parties were unable to gain the assent of the 250-member unelected senate, which is allowed to join the 500 elected MPs in voting for the Thai PM.

By coming back and accepting his sentence Mr Thaksin has now settled the bitter rivalry with conservative royalists that has hung over Thailand for the last 20 years. But at the cost of being a much-diminished political figure.

Thursday, November 18, 2021

Thai king flies to Germany with his 30 royal poodles, entourage of 250 amid growing protests back home



Ryan General
Mon, November 15, 2021,

Pro-democracy demonstrations have continued in Bangkok amid reports that Thailand’s King Maha Vajiralongkorn has flown to Germany.


King’s second home: On Monday, Vajiralongkorn arrived in Munich and booked an entire floor of the Hilton Munich Airport hotel for his entourage of 250 people and 30 royal poodles, reported South China Morning Post.


An image of the 69-year-old king walking towards the hotel swimming pool emerged in the local newspaper Bild.

He was purportedly accompanied by a young woman thought to be a security guard.

Unwelcome guest: Vajiralongkorn attracted controversy in Germany after he made a similar trip to the German state of Bavaria last year amid mounting protests against him.

German politicians questioned the king’s prolonged stay in the state and expressed concern that he was conducting official duties from Germany.

According to Reuters, Germany’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Heiko Maas told the German federal parliament: “We have made it clear that politics concerning Thailand should not be conducted from German soil. If there are guests in our country that conduct their state business from our soil we would always want to act to counteract that.”

Many Thai citizens view the king’s display of his lavish lifestyle in poor taste given the country’s economic hardships throughout the pandemic.


Trip’s timing: The king’s latest trip coincided with a controversial verdict by Thailand’s Constitutional Court on Wednesday, which ruled that the pro-democracy protesters demanding monarchy reform violated a provision that bans any move to “overthrow” the royal institution, reported the Guardian.

The court called for an end to the protests and deemed demonstrators’ demands as an “abuse of the rights and freedoms and [harmful to] the state’s security.”

Social media erupted with the hashtags #subversion, #royalreform and #reformisnotsubversion, coinciding with posts and images of protesters calling for the abolition of the controversial lèse-majesté law, also known as Section 112 of the Thai Criminal Code.

Student organizations from 23 universities in the country also released a joint statement rejecting the verdict.

Observers believe the verdict will negatively affect efforts to push for a parliamentary debate on Section 112, which allows jail time of up to 15 years for those convicted of insulting the monarchy.

According to the organization Thai Lawyers for Human Rights, 154 of the 1,636 people charged in protest-related cases since last year are facing lèese-majesté charges.

Included among the pro-democracy protesters’ primary demands are a constitution drafted by representatives of the people, monarchy system reforms, and the resignation of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha and his government, as NextShark previously reported.

Monday, April 29, 2024

Lèse-majesté -
Thai court adds jail time for rights lawyer who urged monarchy reform


Arnon Nampa, a prominent activist and former human rights lawyer, flashes a three finger salute as he arrives ahead of a Thai criminal court's verdict in a case of allegedly having insulted the monarchy, at the criminal court in Bangkok, Thailand, September 26, 2023.

 REUTERS/Athit Perawongmetha/File Photo

APR 29, 2024, 03:10 PM

BANGKOK - A Thai court sentenced a prominent jailed activist lawyer on Monday to a further two years in prison for royal insults relating to a speech he made at a 2021 protest, his lawyer said.

Human Rights lawyer Arnon Nampa, 39, was handed a jail sentence of two years and 20 days and a fine of 100 baht ($2.70) for royal insult, breaching of an emergency decree and other charges for making a speech at a political rally in 2021, his lawyer Junjira Junpaew told Reuters.

"Arnon denied all wrongdoing," Junjira Junpaew said, adding that his legal team will appeal the sentencing.

Arnon is currently serving eight years in prison for two royal insult convictions, one stemming from a speech at a political rally in 2020 and another from a social media post in 2021. He has been in prison since September last year.

The latest sentence was ordered to run consecutively which means Arnon will now serve 10 years and 20 days, according to legal aid group Thai Lawyers for Human Rights.

Thailand's lese-majeste law, one of the world's toughest, protects the monarchy from criticism and carries a maximum jail sentence of up to 15 years for each perceived royal insult.

Monday's verdict is the third of 14 cases against Arnon, a lawyer-turned-protest leader of youth-led democracy movement that held protests in Bangkok in 2020, calling for reform of the monarchy.

At least 272 people have been charged with lese-majeste offences since 2020, according to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights.

 REUTERS

POP CULT TRUE FACT: GEN Z PROTESTERS ADOPTED THE THREE FINGER  SALUTE FROM THE HUNGER GAMES

Wednesday, November 25, 2020

In Thailand, protesters take aim at King Vajiralongkorn's royal funding machine:
The Crown Property Bureau


NOVEMBER 24, 2020

POSTMODERN FUEDALISM
Thailand's King Maha Vajiralongkorn and Queen Suthida greet their royalists as they leave a religious ceremony to commemorate the death of King
Chulalongkorn, known as King Rama V, at The Grand Palace in Bangkok, Thailand, Oct 23, 2020.
Reuters

Thailand’s oldest bank, Siam Commercial Bank, faced a political and financial reckoning of sorts in September when youth-led pro-democracy protesters launched a campaign to have people withdraw money from the bank and boycott it.

The move was part of protesters’ demands to reform the monarchy by attacking the king’s own privy purse. King Maha Vajiralongkorn , or Rama X, is currently the biggest shareholder of the bank – which was founded by his great grandfather, King Rama V, in 1907.

In monetary terms, Siam Commercial Bank, which is one of Thailand’s largest commercial financial institutions, has yet to feel the pinch of the activists’ initiatives, but the campaign trained a spotlight on how the king accumulates and spends his fortune, adding pressure on the traditionally revered monarchy like never before.

Pro-democracy protesters initially planned to march on Wednesday to the office of the Crown Property Bureau, a quasi-governmental institution that manages the king’s wealth, to stage a peaceful and symbolic demonstration. Protesters later changed the location to the Siam Commercial Bank’s headquarters.

Pro-reform movement leader Anon Nampa said the group’s demands include the repeal of the 2018 royal amendment on the crown property act, so as to prevent the monarch spending his wealth at his discretion and to initiate public oversight of the king’s purse.

By doing so, “regardless of how many future kings there will be, the assets of the nation will not be lost”, he said on his Facebook page on Tuesday.

Read AlsoThai protesters openly criticise monarchy of King Maha Vajiralongkorn


Thai police on Tuesday summoned seven leaders of the protests, including Anon, to face charges of lèse-majesté, or insulting the monarchy, over comments made at demonstrations in September. The charges carry prison terms of up to 15 years, but the protesters have until November 30 to answer the summonses.

One of the seven, Parit “Penguin” Chiwarak, said his family had received a summons on the charges and he was not worried.

“This will expose the brutality of the Thai feudal system to the world,” he said. “We will keep fighting.”

Since ascending the throne in 2016 after the death of his father, King Bhumibol , King Vajiralongkorn has overturned the traditional role of the Crown Property Bureau as an investment arm of the royal family, putting all of the assets that had been under its control under his own name in 2018.

Read AlsoTesting royal taboos: Inside Thailand's new youth protests


Even though the assets have since been subject to taxes and are still managed by the bureau, this has not prevented the protesters from demanding an investigation and overhaul of the king’s financial conduct.

The king has appointed trusted confidantes to lead the bureau, including ultraroyalist former army chief Apirat Kongsompong as deputy director, making a public audit impossible – even by the military-backed government of Prayuth Chan-ocha .

The 2018 legal amendment allowed the king to appoint and remove all board members, where the bureau’s board of directors previously answered to the finance minister.

Other questions related to the public accounting of the king’s spending have also arisen.

Read AlsoBiggest Thai protest in years cheers calls to reform monarchy


During the Thai parliament’s fiscal budget debate in September, Bencha Saengchantra, an opposition MP from the Move Forward Party, questioned how the government budget in support of the king’s personal cavalry and helicopter units could overlap with the budget for the armed force branches for the same services.

“We have raised questions about the budget related to the monarchy, but we never really get the clarification we need, even when the country is mired in economic hardship,” she said.

For many Thais, resentment towards the monarchy has been deepened by the country’s economic performance – GDP is expected to contract by more than 7 per cent this year – while millions are forced out of jobs in tourism and manufacturing.

Yet the king’s months-long stay at a luxury resort in Bavaria, Germany, during the pandemic has been in the headlines everywhere outside Thailand.

Read AlsoThai PM 'concerned' after student protest new demands on monarchy



“What makes this particularly egregious is that the king lives lavishly abroad on funds derived from taxes and income generated by Thais,” said Tamara Loos, a professor in Thai and Southeast Asian studies at Cornell University.

“In addition to the funds generated by the Crown Property Bureau, Thais pay for over US$1 billion (S$1.3 billion) in costs generated by the monarchy to support the salaries of the staff working in the Royal Household Bureau, plus funds to provide for royal security and royal rural development projects.

“That alone is a major conflict of interest: using public funding to support a repressive monarch who does not appear to have the best interests of his population in mind,” she said.

Loos estimates that the king’s shares in Siam Commercial Bank, Siam Cement Group and other property holdings are worth about US$40 billion, although she added that “the total amount varies between US$30 billion and US$70 billion – the point being that no one really knows because it is not subject to public oversight”.

Read AlsoThailand tells universities to stop students' calls for monarchy reform


Siam Commercial Bank and Siam Cement Group were hit hard during the 1997 Asian financial crisis, according to a paper by the late Thai academic Porphant Ouyyanont, but bounced back upon the appointment of the Crown Property Bureau’s director at the time as the chairman of both companies – a move “designed to restore confidence … by linking them directly with the power and prestige of the Bureau”.

“Thanks to the royal ideology that [King Bhumibol] was a frugal man, no one really paid attention to how he accumulated wealth for himself and his family,” said Puangchon Unchanam, a political science lecturer at Naresuan University.

But Forbes magazine’s publication of its richest royals list in the early 2000s, which included the Thai royal family, “changed everything” for Thais, he said.

“Suddenly, some people started to wonder how the Thai king topped the world’s ranking of richest royals,” he said.

Read AlsoPro-monarchy groups spruce up police headquarters in Thailand


“The status of the CPB has become more awkward,” Puangchon said. “On the one hand, it still maintains all the political privileges it has received from the government. On the other hand, it looks more like a private company that is solely owned by the king.”

In effect, Paungchon said, the changes in the management of the Crown Property Bureau effected by the king were a rollback of normal ethics practised by most big businesses.


“It has become more difficult for the public to access the Crown Property Bureau’s annual performance, income, asset, and profit,” he said, since the king put the assets of the bureau under his name. “It looks more like a merchant’s company in the era before the introduction of the stock market than a modern corporation in the age of global capitalism.”

Loos, the Cornell University professor, said protesters’ demands for the reform of the king’s wealth management had a precedent in the era following the end of absolute monarchy in 1932, when the Thai state divided royal property into those properties which belonged to the king and “those deemed state property such as the palaces, and those business units used to finance the institution of the monarchy, which were placed under the Crown Property Bureau” in 1936.



Read Also'Illegal thoughts': How some exiled critics of Thai king are fuelling a revolt


Puangchon said the king’s motive in transferring the Crown Property Bureau’s assets into his own name had parallels to when King Rama VII, in the years before the 1932 revolution, transferred his assets to overseas banks to safeguard them against political instability. “Regardless of how the political situation unfolds under his reign”, he said, the current king “has to own the crown property personally and absolutely”.

This month, King Vajiralongkorn donated royal title deeds worth around 10 billion baht (S$443 million) to four Bangkok educational institutions in a move seen to reduce the pressure on the monarchy.

Ideally, if the king were to relinquish some of his powers and assets, or agree to the protesters’ demands for reform, it would “decrease his wealth and political power, but potentially increase the cultural capital of the monarchy as an institution, which has precipitously declined in terms of popularity and respect”, Loos said.

This article was first published in South China Morning Post.

Thai pro-democracy leaders summoned over royal defamation

Tue, 24 November 2020

Thai pro-democracy leaders summoned over royal defamation

Student-led pro-democracy protests are testing Thailand's royal defamation law, one of the harshest in the world

Twelve Thai pro-democracy protest leaders have been summoned by police to answer charges of royal defamation, the first use of the draconian law in almost three years, as Bangkok gears up for another major rally.

Prime Minister Prayut Chan-O-Cha last week gave the green light for authorities to lay lese majeste charges, which bar any criticism of the royal family, against demonstrators who could now face up to 15 years in prison.

Thailand has for months been rocked by youth-led protests demanding a new constitution, reform of the untouchable monarchy, and for Prayut to resign.

Tensions in the Thai capital are rising -- officers deployed water cannon and tear gas at a rally outside parliament last week, with 55 people injured and six shot in scuffles with royalists. The source of the gunfire is under investigation.

Anti-royal graffiti was also daubed around police headquarters in central Bangkok, and demonstrators threw paint at the compound.

Thailand has one of the harshest royal defamation laws in the world. It is routinely interpreted to include any criticism of the monarchy -- including content posted or shared on social media.

Under section 112 of Thailand's penal code -- which authorities have not invoked since early 2018 -- anyone convicted of defaming, insulting or threatening the king, queen or heir faces between three and 15 years in prison on each count.

- Major rally -

Thai Lawyers for Human Rights says 12 protest leaders have received a summons -- among them human rights lawyer Anon Numpha, Panupong "Mike" Jaadnok and prominent student leaders Panusaya "Rung" Sithijirawattanakul and Parit "Penguin" Chiwarak.

"I'm not scared just one bit and I believe that by being sent the 112 summons, it will bring out more people to (Wednesday's) rally," Parit told AFP.

"Does this mean the monarchy has declared an all-out war with the people, is that right?"

Protesters last week announced they would rally outside the headquarters of the Crown Property Bureau on Wednesday.

But overnight they flagged they would switch the protest to the main office of the Siam Commercial Bank -- in which the king is a major shareholder -- to avoid potential clashes with a rival ultra royalist rally.

Soon after coming to power following his father's death in 2016, the new king took control of the Crown Property Bureau which has assets in banks, companies and prime real estate.

The bureau's board was previously headed by the finance minister in an arrangement that gave a sheen of public oversight to a trust some experts estimate is worth $30-$60 billion.

The full assets are privately held and remain a closely guarded secret.

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