Showing posts sorted by date for query INDIA FARMERS. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query INDIA FARMERS. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Saturday, June 15, 2024

Global rush for farmland could trigger world war, documentary argues

Saul Elbein
Fri, June 14, 2024 at 3:30 AM MDT·8 min read
16


Global rush for farmland could trigger world war, documentary argues

A global network of powerful entities, fueled in part by Wall Street, is buying up land and water around the world.


This global land rush has led to wrecked wells and lost farms from Arizona to Zambia — and it risks sowing the seeds for future global conflict, according to “The Grab,” a new documentary out today from Gabriela Cowperthwaite, the director of “Blackfish.”

The film follows a seven-year investigation by producer and journalist Nathan Halverson of The Center for Investigative Reporting as he peels back the layers of a deceptively simple question: Why did a state-backed Chinese corporation buy America’s biggest pork producer in 2013?


“The Grab” hits U.S. markets at a fraught time for food policy: Congress remains deadlocked over the farm bill, and critics on both left and right are raising concerns over the impact of corporate consolidation on U.S. agriculture as farms grow ever bigger and more specialized.

Republicans in the House and Senate have proposed freezing food aid at current funding levels to direct tens of billions of dollars in additional subsidies to high-income farmers of rice, cotton and peanuts — crops of which significant percentages are exported to the wider world.

“The Grab” digs into some of the forces driving the consolidation and food exports — and their potential consequences.

When countries like China import food, Halverson notes in the film, they’re often doing so “as a proxy for water,” which the world’s most populous nation is running short of amid population movements and climate change.

The combination of those potential shortages and a rising — and increasingly carnivorous — middle class in China and elsewhere have combined to create a global push to buy up fertile land in places where it is still plentiful.

One critical focus of this push is Africa. Halverson interviewed Brig Siachitema, an activist in the Zambian town of Serenje, where he says foreign investors have been buying up the ancestral land of villagers and kicking them off it.

“What we are seeing is really a new scramble for Africa,” Siachitema says in the interview. “The only difference is, before they were scrambling for minerals. This time around, they are scrambling for land.”

That includes the United States. In 2015, Halverson broke the story that Saudi-owned alfalfa farms were sucking down the groundwater of Arizona to grow feed for cattle — something the kingdom grew itself until it depleted its own groundwater.

For residents of La Paz County, Ariz., for example, that lost groundwater left wells nonfunctional. Landowner Wayne Wade first noticed a problem when the water level in his well went below his pump “and the pump burned up and melted the casing,” Wade tells Halverson in “The Grab.”

“Everybody knows the problem, but no one knows how to correct it,” Wade adds. “You just take and take and take, and pretty soon there isn’t anything to take.”

In making the film, Cowperthwaite told The Hill, she sought to steer away from what she saw as a polarized, dead-end conversation about climate change — and focus on a film “in the context of power.”

Gabriela Cowperthwaite and Nathan Halverson of “The Grab” pose in the Getty Images Portrait Studio Presented by IMDb and IMDbPro at Bisha Hotel & Residences on September 9, 2022, in Toronto. (Photo by Gareth Cattermole/Getty Images)

“And I think that’s something that sort of every Zambian villager in Serenje will feel — similarly to every Trump-voting farmer in Arizona,” she added.

In part, “The Grab” argues that power is being exercised over individual landowners by a convoluted and opaque network of sovereign wealth funds, national governments and Wall Street.

When Halverson tried to uncover the identities of the white farmers kicking the Zambians off their land, he found “a Russian doll of LLCs within LLCs that could be owned by anyone,” he says in the film. He found the story is often similarly murky in the U.S.

Late in the movie, he presents La Paz County Supervisor Holly Irwin, a staunch critic of the Saudi alfalfa farm, with evidence that the Arizona State Retirement System — her own pension fund — is invested in the project that is draining the aquifer beneath the county.

In the U.S., Halverson says in the film, “it’s a fight against the same corporations that are taking food globally.” Rather than fighting to protect U.S. land and food from other multinational corporations, “the governments are working for the corporations.”

But the power involved in the land rush scales up to the geopolitical level as well, driven ultimately by the titanic shifts happening within China — a country once so poor that “in 1980, [it] was a country of basically forced vegetarians,” Halverson told The Hill.

Over the back half of the 20th century, he noted, China “did something absolutely amazing”: It pulled 400 million people out of poverty, such that its middle class is larger than the entire U.S. population.

“That’s a huge win for the world — but the unintended consequence is they’re eating diets more like Western diets. Which means more meat,” he said. As part of his reporting, he came across a WikiLeaks cable from an executive at Nestlé, the world’s largest food company, following a tour of China.

“He said straight up: If [all countries] ate as much meat as America, the world would have run out of water in the year 2000,” Halverson said of the cable’s contents.

Now, he said, the government of China — like that of India, or Brazil, or Saudi Arabia — “wants to make sure their people have enough. And if you add climate change on top of that, then what you’re talking about is, increased droughts, increased flooding, more variability in an increasingly tighter global food system.”

That goal leads to a paradox, “The Grab” shows. As experts interviewed in the film emphasize, there are enough calories worldwide to feed a growing global population, even with climate change, and even in 2050. But they say the race to lock down resources, and governments’ panic over the unrest caused by spiking food prices, risks scaling up to a war between great powers.

“I’ll tell you, as a practical matter,” former CIA analyst Robert Mitchell tells Halverson in the film, “while the policymakers are debating, whoever needs water and has guns will go get it.”

Water is a hidden factor in a wide array of geopolitical conflicts. In the Jordan Valley in the Israel-occupied West Bank, for instance, human rights groups have documented that the majority of water goes to a network of Israeli settlements, as Palestinian farms go dry. In the ongoing conflict in Gaza, meanwhile, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights has accused Israel of using access to water “as a weapon of war.”

Water also may have played a significant role in the Russian invasion of Ukraine — the “breadbasket of Europe” — which came after a decade of calls by Russian officials for major food-producing countries wield more power in markets. Russian President Vladimir Putin has for years pushed for a global grain cartel modeled on OPEC.

“Food that has become the second oil — and much more powerful than oil,” the head of Russian meat company Miratorg tells Halverson. In the future, food “will give political strength to Russia, much more than weapons,” he said.

“The Grab” charts how in the aftermath of Putin’s invasion of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014, the government in Kyiv dammed the principal canal supplying 85 percent of the region’s water — forcing Russia to spend billions of dollars in shipping in water to the peninsula’s cities and slashing the amount of irrigated land in the region by as much as 90 percent.

Halverson stopped short of saying that Crimean water was the cause of the invasion — although he noted that one of the first things Russian troops did after the invasion was blow the dam and reopen the canal.

“But we’re pushing back on the idea that this was just Putin puffing up his chest,” he told The Hill. “The only way [Russia was] going to turn that water back on was by going into that part of Ukraine.”

So as Russian troops massed on the border of Ukraine in 2022, “while a lot of people were naysaying the invasion, we were watching it very closely, because we were tracking it through that resource grab,” he said.

The subsequent war in Ukraine has killed half a million people and released a vast plume of planet-heating carbon dioxide — and it could be just the beginning of a new era of open warfare over access to farmland and water, Cowperthwaite contends. She told The Hill that the war in Eastern Europe pushed a potential conflict from the film that was still at a level of “brinksmanship” — but that could, from a geopolitical perspective, be even worse.

In Northeast Africa, she noted, Egypt and Ethiopia are at odds over the latter’s Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which could potentially block the Blue Nile, the tributary that supplies 85 percent of the river’s flow.

Negotiations to guarantee Egyptians’ supplies in the case of a drought — which would force Ethiopia to open the dam, and let its own water out, to supply its neighbor — have repeatedly broken down.

As part of the reporting by the filmmakers that ended up cut, Cowperthwaite told The Hill, they captured “the head folks in Egypt on a hot mic saying, ‘Well, you know, we may have to take apart that [dam] — we may have to go to war.’ And Ethiopia says, ‘Well, we haven’t lost a war yet.’”


Exclusive The Grab Clip Previews Gabriela Cowperthwaite’s Shocking Documentary

Tyler Treese
Thu, June 13, 2024 

(Photo Credit: Magnolia Pictures/Paricipant)

ComingSoon is excited to debut an exclusive The Grab clip from Gabriela Cowperthwaite‘s upcoming documentary, which follows The Center for Investigative Reporting as they look into the seizure of food and water resources around the globe. Magnolia Pictures & Participant will release the film in theaters and on demand on June 14, 2024,


“Quietly and seemingly out of sight, governments, private investors, and mercenaries are working to seize food and water resources at the expense of entire populations. These groups are establishing themselves as the new OPEC, where the future world powers will be those who control not oil, but food,” says the synopsis. “And it’s all beginning to bubble to the surface in real-time. Global food prices have hit an all-time high, threatening chaos and violence. Meanwhile, Russia is using food as a weapon against the Ukrainians and as a geopolitical tool to wield global power.”

Check out our exclusive The Grab clip below (watch more clips and trailers):

What to expect from The Grab?


“The Grab is a jaw-dropping global thriller combining hard-hitting journalism from The Center for Investigative Reporting with the compelling character-driven storytelling of director Gabriela Cowperthwaite (Blackfish), taking you around the globe from Arizona to Zambia, to reveal one of the world’s biggest and least known threats,” says the official description.

The documentary features a number of reporters, including Nate Halverson, JoeBill Muñoz, Mallory Newman, David Ritsher, and Emma C. Schwartz. Subjects include Holly Irwin and Brigadier Siachitema.

Director Gabriela Cowperthwaite described her film as “an investigative thriller that aims to explain the world, to expose the ‘business as usual’ cracks, to break down some darkly powerful inner workings while focusing on the humans who absorb every punch in real-time. In a time where the world can feel confusing and dim, our hope is that this 6-year investigative deep dive of a film can help explain, unite, galvanize, and entertain people from all walks of life and from all corners of the world.”

The groundbreaking documentary has a runtime of 104 minutes.


Friday, June 14, 2024

India’s opposition leveraged caste and constitution to shock Modi in election

Shivangi Acharya and Krishn Kaushik
Thu, June 13, 2024 




 Awadhesh Prasad greets his supporters inside his house in Ayodhya


By Shivangi Acharya and Krishn Kaushik

AYODHYA/VARANASI, India (Reuters) - A seminal moment in Prime Minister Narendra Modi's unsuccessful campaign to retain his parliamentary majority occurred days before India's marathon election began in April.

Speaking in the constituency that includes the Hindu temple town of Ayodhya, lawmaker Lallu Singh said that his and Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was seeking a supermajority in parliament's lower chamber to make material changes to the constitution.

Opposition parties latched onto Singh's remark to assert, without evidence, that the BJP would amend modern India's founding document to strip Hindus at the bottom of the caste hierarchy of access to affirmative action policies.

The attack line hit a nerve - splitting the Hindu vote and ending the BJP's decade-long dominance in the country's most populous state.

Opinion polls had pointed to a landslide in Ayodhya's home state of Uttar Pradesh and nationally but when results came through on June 4, the BJP had lost 29 seats in the state - nearly half of all the party's losses nationwide.

"It hit the people like fire," said Awadhesh Prasad of the opposition Samajwadi Party (SP), whose base comprises Muslim and lower-caste voters in Uttar Pradesh. He successfully wrested the constituency anchored by Ayodhya from Singh, who had held it since 2014.

Despite the BJP's best efforts to debunk the emerging narrative, the damage was done.

"The prime minister and other leaders tried to explain to the people, but by then their mood was set," said Dileep Patel, a state BJP official in Varanasi. Singh declined to comment.

Reuters interviewed 29 party leaders and workers from the BJP and rival parties, four analysts and 50 voters for this story. They described how lower caste concerns about affirmative action, along with a shortage of jobs, and complacent BJP activists combined to tip the scales in Uttar Pradesh, which sends the most lawmakers to parliament.

After a decade of electoral near-invincibility that combined economic success with a narrative of Hindu supremacy, Modi's party was reduced to 240 seats nationwide. He was able to form a third government only with the help of allies, some of whom have a reputation for political fickleness.

It was a reminder that BJP cannot take Hindu votes for granted.

THE SUPERMAJORITY CALL

Ayodhya was supposed to be the safest of seats.

In January, Modi inaugurated a grand temple there to the deity Lord Ram in a ceremony that sparked national euphoria. It also fulfilled a decades' long pledge used by the BJP to rise from India's political margins into a major force.

Singh's speech made no mention of taking benefits from lower castes and Modi's aides have frequently downplayed concerns about changes to the constitution, which guarantees school and government job quotas to historically disadvantaged castes and tribal groups, both still among India's poorest.

But it quickly spread on social media, fuelling an opposition campaign.

SP chief Akhilesh Yadav wrote on social media that the BJP wanted to end the quota system and keep underprivileged segments of society "as their slaves."

At election rallies, Yadav's ally and the opposition's main figurehead, Rahul Gandhi of the Congress party, began whipping out a pocket-sized copy of the constitution, warning it was under threat.

The message was echoed in media advertisements and by the regional party's workers in Uttar Pradesh, which a SP spokesperson described as 600,000 strong.

India's castes have co-existed uneasily with each other for millennia.

The BJP was long considered a bastion of upper-caste Hindus, but Modi, who belongs to a lower caste, had previously made inroads with marginalised groups, according to analysis by the Delhi-based Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS).

He has sought to unite Hindus by shifting focus from traditional notions of caste, instead putting the spotlight on the poor, youths, farmers and women - which he calls the four biggest castes in modern India. In power, Modi successively backed a man from a lower caste and a woman from a tribal group for India's largely symbolic presidency.

A relatively united Hindu vote in the last two national elections allowed the BJP to sideline India's nearly 200 million Muslims and overcome longstanding concerns around unemployment, inflation and rural distress.

Sandeep Shastri, coordinator of a program on Indian elections at CSDS said the number of people voting primarily on Hindu ideology appeared to have plateaued in 2019.

This year, BJP won just 54 of the 131 seats reserved for candidates from underprivileged groups, down from 77 in 2019. It won eight of the 17 reserved seats in Uttar Pradesh, compared to 14 the last time.

Dharmendra Yadav, a 30-year-old in Varanasi constituency who comes from a lower caste, said he believed the BJP "would have ended the reservations."

"When the opposition raised the issue of the constitution, it just verified it for us," said Dharmendra, whose surname indicates a caste affiliation with the SP's Akhilesh, who he is not related to.

Dharmendra previously backed the BJP but went for the opposition this year.

"Caste politics still has a major influence in the Hindi belt," state BJP official Patel said, referring to states across central India that have been BJP's stronghold since 2014.

WHERE ARE THE JOBS?

Surveys suggest Modi remains the world's most popular elected leader.

But this year, Modi's personal majority in his seat, centred around the holy city of Varanasi, shrank by more than 300,000. He retained his constituency with the lowest margin of any sitting premier in over three decades.

"The BJP heavily relied on the prime minister's leadership to ... win votes and also maybe to camouflage problems that people are facing," said researcher Shastri.

Among those problems is a lack of jobs created over the past decade.

Young voters like Dharmendra had backed BJP in a landslide in 2014, when Modi promised to create 20 million jobs a year nationwide. The pledge has not been fulfilled.

Dharmendra said he had taken numerous exams for white-collar government jobs, highly prized for their security and benefits. In February, nearly 4.6 million people applied for 60,000 constable vacancies in Uttar Pradesh, only to have the BJP-run state government cancel the exam after the test was leaked online.

Banaras Hindu University political science professor Ashok Upadhyay said the exam leak, which was not the first and was repeated in March, gave young Indians, who have grown up in an increasingly unequal country, a sense that the job selection process was unfair.

Adding to the BJP's electoral missteps, some voters and BJP leaders said the party faltered because they had assumed another landslide victory and were dismissive of issues that were important to voters.

DON'T WANT VOTES?

The redevelopment of Ayodhya into a temple town was preceded by the demolition of thousands of homes and stores. Nearly two dozen locals, including BJP supporters, told Reuters they were dissatisfied with the compensation offered.

A SP voter who identified himself by his first name of Shakti said he was part of a group that had lobbied BJP leaders for support.

"They said they didn't want these 10,000 to 20,000 votes from local businessmen, they would win anyway," he said.

Another Ayodhya trader confirmed Shakti's account and local BJP leader Veerchand Manjhi said he had also found it difficult to get locals' issues addressed by authorities.

District magistrate Nitish Kumar said in response to Reuters questions that the compensation process was fair.

Ratan Sharda, a senior leader of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the BJP's ideological parent, wrote in the June 16 issue of its "Organiser" magazine that the result was a "reality check."

BJP activists and leaders were "happy in their bubble, enjoying the glow reflected from Modiji’s aura, they were not listening to the voices on the streets," he wrote.

BJP RESILIENCE?

The BJP retains many strengths, including a leader with popular backing across the party, control of Uttar Pradesh's state government and the backing of the influential RSS, said Delhi University professor Chandrachur Singh.

Analysts such as CSDS's Sanjay Kumar noted that the BJP did well in states where there wasn't a strong local party like the SP in Uttar Pradesh, which was able to capitalise on regional discontent.

And while Congress tried to nationalise its message that the BJP posed a threat to affirmative action, caste-based messaging held less appeal in urbanising India's many cities. "In urban areas, caste is overridden by class identities," Singh said.

The BJP's Patel said that the party had launched a detailed review of the loss and was confident of winning state elections in Uttar Pradesh that are due by 2027.

"The BJP either wins, or it learns," a BJP worker in Ayodhya told Reuters.

(Reporting by Shivangi Acharya in Ayodhya and Krishn Kaushik in Varanasi; Additional reporting by Rupam Jain, Krishna N. Das and Saurabh Sharma; Editing by Katerina Ang)


Clip shared with false claim 'Pakistan flag hoisted' after opposition won in Indian mega-state

AFP India
Thu, June 13, 2024

A video of a religious flag atop a truck has been shared in posts that falsely claimed residents of Bareilly city in India's Uttar Pradesh state waved the flag of Muslim-majority Pakistan to celebrate the failure of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to secure a majority in the state after the country's general election. The flag in the video differs from Pakistan's national flag, and the video circulated online weeks before the results of India's marathon national polls were announced.

"Bareilly became Pakistan!!" read part of a Hindi-language post shared on social media platform X on June 5, 2024.

"As soon as Samajwadi Party won 37 seats in Uttar Pradesh, people from the peace loving community in Bareilly waved the flag of Pakistan," the post continued, using a phrase that Hindu hardliners sarcastically employ to refer to Muslims.

A video attached to the post shows people sitting atop a truck waving a green flag that bears the star and crescent moon symbol of Islam.

Superimposed on the video is an image of Pakistan's national flag, and a person speaking over the footage says: "The Pakistan flag is waving in Bareilly, policemen are also standing there."

Screenshot of the false X post, captured on June 6, 2024

The post surfaced after the results of India's marathon general election were announced, showing that the opposition Samajwadi Party had won more seats than Prime Minister Narendra Modi's BJP in Uttar Pradesh -- India's most populous state and a bellwether for national elections

It was the first time in 15 years that the BJP had failed to win the most seats in the state, the heartland of India's majority faith that had formed the bedrock of the BJP's parliamentary strength.

Modi will remain in office but with a substantially reduced mandate and needing to rely on coalition allies to govern.

The video was also shared with similar claims elsewhere on X and on Facebook.

But it does not show people in Bareilly waving Pakistan's national flag.
Not Pakistan's flag

The flag shown in the video is different to Pakistan's national flag; it does not have a vertical white stripe close to the hoist and the star and crescent symbol faces in the opposite direction.

Below is a screenshot comparison of the flag in the video (left) and a picture of Pakistan's national flag from AFP's archives (right):


Screenshot comparison of the flag in the video (left) and a picture of Pakistan's national flag from AFP's archives (right)

Moreover, a reverse image search of keyframes followed by keyword searches led to the same footage posted by an Instagram user on May 19 (archived link).

The Instagram post was shared more than two weeks before the results of India's weeks-long general election were announced on June 4.

A representative for Bareilly's police force told AFP the video "has no connection with the results" of the poll.

The officer said the video is from a religious procession that took place in 2023.

"The flag seen in the video is not the flag of Pakistan but is related to the religion of Islam."

AFP has debunked more misinformation around India's elections here.





Thursday, June 13, 2024

It’s so hot in India, an insurer is helping thousands of women buy food


CNN Business· Indranil Mukherjee/AFP/Getty Images


Diksha Madhok, CNN
Wed, Jun 12, 2024

A one-of-its-kind insurance policy has started making payouts to tens of thousands of women across India to help them cope with the impact of extreme heat.

Fifty thousand women in 22 districts across the states of Rajasthan, Maharashtra and Gujarat received a $5 payments as temperatures topped 40 degrees Celsius (104 Fahrenheit) last month in several parts of the country.

“This is the first time that insurance payouts and a direct cash assistance program have been combined to supplement the income of women when it’s dangerously hot,” said Kathy Baughman McLeod, CEO of Climate Resilience for All, a not-for-profit organization that designed the insurance in partnership with India’s Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA), a trade union with nearly three million members.

From small farmers to casual laborers, many SEWA members depend on agriculture for their livelihoods, and that makes them particularly vulnerable to climate change. Indian women working in agriculture typically earn about 300 rupees ($3.60) per day.

Outdoor work in such extreme heat can lead to chronic rashes, dizziness, burns, infections, and miscarriage, according to Climate Resilience for All. Such high temperatures can also destroy crops or merchandise, which can have a debilitating impact on household debt for low-income families.

The insurance is underwritten by Swiss Re and provided locally by ICICI Lombard.

More than 46,000 women were given additional insurance payments, with some receiving up to $19.80 each. Overall payments across the program amounted to over $340,000, Climate Resilience for All said in a statement on Wednesday.

“The money from the program has allowed me to pay for my medical expenses and to buy food for my family,” said Arunaben Makwana, one of the beneficiaries, said in the statement.

The insurance plan is currently offered to members of SEWA, who work across India’s vast informal sector. According to McLeod, the program may be rolled out to more communities across South Asia, as well as east and west Africa in the coming year.
Toiling under the burning sun

Such insurance initiatives may become critical worldwide as policymakers grapple with a much hotter planet.

India has endured a scorching summer — with a part of the capital of Delhi recording the country’s highest-ever temperature of 49.9 degrees Celsius (121.8 Fahrenheit) last month.

Rising mercury levels in the country risks reversing progress on poverty alleviation, health and economic growth, experts say.

India is “expected to lose about 5.8% of daily working hours due to heat stress in 2030,” said a United Nations’ Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) report in April.

“The problem is most severe for outdoor workers, particularly those employed in agriculture and construction, but also relevant for indoor factory workers,” it added.

For more CNN news and newsletters create an account at CNN.com

Tuesday, June 11, 2024

INDIA

Lok Sabha Results: Farmers Still a Political Force

Interview with P. Sainath | 11 Jun 2024
Interviewed by Prabir Purkayastha
Produced by Newsclick Team,

Lok Sabha Results 2024: Apathy Towards People's Issues Cost BJP Clear Majority?

The outcome of 2024 Lok Sabha elections may not have given clear majority to any political party. But it did give clear indications that Indian politics and democracy shall be centred around people's issues. During the campaign attempts were made by the ruling party to steer the narrative towards non-issues like mangalsutra, religion-based reservation etc. However, the people, who have been bearing the brunt of uncontrolled price rise and unemployment, economic and agricultural distress, seemed to have voted on issues that affect their lives.

What do these results tell about the character of Indian politics? Have the Indian working class and peasantry, while struggling to find its unity amid the many religious and caste-based internal conflicts, still sided with the democratic values envisioned in the constitution and tried to reign in the autocratic rule?

Watch this exclusive conversation between NewsClick's editor-in-chief Prabir Purkayastha and senior journalist P. Sainath as they discuss the post results scenario of Indian politics.


 INDIA

‘Politicians Account for 56% Hate Speeches, Religious Leaders Only 22%’


Gursimran Kaur Bakshi 

A recent report finds that hate crimes including hate speech against religious minorities such as Muslims and Christians have attained an institutional character due to the outward and tacit support of State authorities

A recent report by the Association for Protection of Civil Rights, a non-profit and non-governmental organisation, has confirmed 72 reported incidents of hate crimes (55) and hate speech (17) against religious minorities in the first quarter of 2024 in India.

The Union government is empowered to notify religious minorities under Section 2(c) of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992. As per it, Muslims (14.2 percent), Christians (2.3 percent), Sikhs (1.7 percent), Buddhists (0.7 percent), Jains (0.4 percent) and Zoroastrians (0.006 percent) have been notified as religious minorities.

As per the report, the violence against religious minorities in India has now attained an “institutional character”. This is because it is carried out by State actors frequently, and where non-State actors are the perpetrators, they do so with the open and tacit support of State officials and agencies.

As per the report, the alleged primary factor behind the incidents was the religious identity of the victim, provocations during religious processions and celebrations of festivals.

What is the framework for hate speech?

The report does not use the word ‘hate speech’ which is defined by the UN Strategy and Plan of Action as “any kind of communication in speech, writing or behaviour, that attacks or uses pejorative or discriminatory language with reference to a person or a group on the basis of who they are, in other words, based on their religion, ethnicity, nationality, race, colour, descent, gender and other identify factors”.

It should be noted that there is no universal definition of hate speech under international human rights law.

Hate speech is carried out by State actors frequently, and where non-State actors are the perpetrators, they do so with the open and tacit support of State officials and agencies.

The report rather uses the term ‘hate crime’ which encompasses hate speech as well. As per the report, hate crime is a criminal act committed against individuals because of their race, religion, colour, national origin, sexual orientation or other personal traits.

Calls to violence are outlawed under various statutes in India, including the Indian Penal Code (IPC), 1860. Hate speech incidents could be tackled Sections 153A (promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, etc) and 295A (outraging religious feelings) of the IPC and under the Information Technology Act, 2000.

Reasons behind the incidents

As per the report, the religious identity of the victim is a major reason behind the incidents. The report finds that 83.3 percent reported victims of hate speech violence are male, while only 16.7 are female.

In one reported incident, a 13-year-old Muslim boy was attacked with a knife because of his religious identity in the Muravpura area of Jaipur. In the first information report (FIR) registered by the local police, it was stated that religious slurs had been used against him by a group of boys.

Since December 2021, Muslim girls have been barred from entering their pre-university in Udupi, Karnataka. On February 5, 2022, the Karnataka government issued a Government Order stating that all government schools will follow a prescribed dress code.

The hijab ban eventually led to the closure of many educational institutions indefinitely and in some cases created serious safety concerns for Muslim female students who were attacked for wearing hijabs.

When the aggrieved Muslim girl students approached the Karnataka High Court, the court upheld the ban. When it was challenged before the Supreme Court, they gave a split verdict on October 13, 2022.

Eventually, the new government led by Chief Minister Siddaramaiah last year indicated his willingness to withdraw the ban. While the status of the ban remains unknown, a report by the People’s Union for Civil Liberties has found that more than 400 Muslim female students were denied entry or were suspended as a consequence of the hijab ban.

While many female students changed their schools, or dropped out, some of them lost their academic year while waiting for the Supreme Court to form a larger Bench to hear their grievances.

In January 2023, the Hindu College in the Moradabad district of Uttar Pradesh denied entry to Muslim female students cladded in the hijab and burqa. The students alleged that the college administration had compelled them to remove their headscarves at the university entrance.

The report also finds that there is a growing phenomenon where religious festivals are increasingly becoming weaponised by Hindutva groups to target religious minorities. In a growing number of cases, the identity of the victim is grouped along with the celebrations of festivals and religious processions taken out during festivals.

For instance, during the consecration of the Ram Temple at Ayodhya, there were nine incidents of violence reported on January 22, 2024 as per the report. The consecration was followed by large-scale processions and celebrations across the country. Six incidents of violence were reported after the consecration.

The alleged primary factor behind the incidents of hate speech is the religious identity of the victim, provocations during religious processions and celebrations of festivals.

Similarly, around the Holi festival in March, seven incidents of violence were reported. In Bijnor, Uttar Pradesh, a Muslim man along with his sister and mother were returning from a doctor’s visit when they were harassed by a mob of men celebrating Holi.

In a video that went viral on social media, the mob was heard saying: “This is a 70-year old tradition. Don’t you know by now that this will happen if you come to Badi Bazar?

It has been reported that the Hindu mob tried to beat the man when he resisted the attack. The men also tried touching his mother and sister inappropriately and raised Hindu religious chants such as “Har Har Mahadev” and “Jai Shree Ram”.

Following the circulation of the video, the local police registered a case under various sections of the IPC. One of the assailants was identified as Aniruddha while the three others were minors. They were eventually arrested. 

In another reported case, a Muslim auto-rickshaw driver was brutally assaulted and beaten and colour was forcefully applied on him by a group of Hindus celebrating Holi in a gated colony ‘Champaner Society’ in Ahmedabad. The group after learning the identity of the rickshaw driver allegedly set his auto-rickshaw on fire and shouted Islamaphobic slurs. 

Apart from these factors, other alleged motivations that continue to be a driving force behind violence and hate speech are religious conversions, cow slaughter and disputes over places of worship.

On February 8, Haldwani Municipal Corporation demolished Maryam Masjid and Abdul Razzaq Zakariya Madrasa in Banbhoolpura locality in an anti-enroachment drive. As a consequence, clashes broke out between police officials and locals following which a curfew and shoot-at-sight orders were imposed by the government. 

Reportedly, seven people were killed, 31 were arrested and over 90 were detained. The local police registered an unnamed FIR against 5,000 individuals. However, the estimates of those killed and injured are much higher than the State’s estimate, the report suggests.

The fact-finding report by the Association for Protection of Civil Rights has found that the demolitions were carried out in the backdrop of the “land jihad” propaganda in Uttarakhand.

The state government led by Chief Minister Pushkar Dhami and radical right-wing groups have constantly created divisive discourse in the name of protecting Uttarakhand’s “devibhoomi” (land of the gods).

Last year, on May 26, two youths, one Hindu and another Muslim, were involved in the abduction of a minor Hindu girl in Purola block of Uttarkashi district. Although the police registered an FIR under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences, 2012, the incident was given a communal makeover by the Devbhoomi Raksha Abhiyan (DRA), a right-wing Hindu group. It circulated posters across the district asking Muslims to leave the town.

The DRA even called a Hindu mahapanchayat for the protection of “sisters, daughters and ancestral heritage” against Muslims. As a consequence, 44 shops belonging to Muslims were closed. Posters threatening “love jihadis” with dire consequences if they do not vacate their shops were found in Purola block and Barkot.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh affiliated Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and its young-wing Bajrang Dal, and Bhairav Sena supported these anti-Muslim protests. Reportedly, they sent a letter to the Tehri district magistrate giving an ultimatum to the ‘people of a particular community’ to leave Jaunpur Ghati (valley) and certain towns of Uttarakhand.

The report finds that 83.3 percent reported victims of hate speech violence are male, while only 16.7 are female.

According to the letter, “members of a particular community are continuously roaming around the villages in the garb of ragpickers, ice cream sellers etc. Due to which, the threat to our betichoti, and roti as well as the heritage of our ancestors is constantly rising.”

Previously, Hindu Yuva Vahini had organised a dharam sansad on December 19, 2021 in Delhi where hate speeches calling for organised violence against Muslims were made.

A similar event was organised from December 17–19, 2021 by Yati Narsinghanand in Haridwar. However, a Supreme Court Bench of Justices K.M. Joseph and Hrishikesh Roy in Shaheen Abdulla versus Union of India & Ors (2022) directed police and authorities to immediately and suo moto register cases against hate speech even if a complaint is not filed.

The Order highlighted that Sections 153A, 153B (imputations, assertions prejudicial to national integration), 505 (statement inducing to public mischief) and 295A of the IPC can be invoked to book hate mongers.

Any violation of these directions will attract contempt, the court’s Order stated. In furtherance of this, an FIR against the organiser was registered and a chargesheet has been filed. In many of the states including Uttarakhand, anti-religious conversion laws have been introduced.

Since 2014, instances of cow lynching have increased exponentially in BJP-ruled states as per the statistics by IndiaSpent database, which records cow vigilantism violence. The data indicates that about 97 percent of such incidents have been reported since the BJP came to power in 2014.

These attacks are often carried out by far-right groups such as the VHP, Bajrang Dal and local gau rakshak samitis (cow protection committees). A significant number of victims involve Dalit and Muslim men.

In 2018, Tehseen Poonawalla and Tushar Gandhi filed public interest litigations seeking directions from the Supreme Court for the Union and state governments to deal with the issue of cow violence. One of the issues raised before the court was that many cow protection legislations allowed individuals to take action in case of violation of any provisions.

The legislation gave immunity from any criminal prosecution if such actions were taken in good faith, for instance, Section 14 of The Rajasthan Bovine Animal (Prohibition of Slaughter and Regulation of Temporary Migration or Export) Act, 1995. The court, however, did not go into the constitutionality of the provisions and focused on implementing preventive measures.

A Bench of former Chief Justice of India (CJI) Dipak Mishra and comprising A.M. Khanwilkar and the present CJI Dr D.Y. Chandrachud pronounced its judgment on the matter on July 17, 2018.

It issued extensive preventive and remedial measures to the Union and state governments. State governments are required to designate a senior police officer, not below the rank of superintendent of police, as the nodal officer in each district. The nodal officer shall be assisted by one officer of the rank of deputy superintendent of police in the district to take measures to prevent incidents of mob violence and lynching.

The police were directed to register a FIR under Section 153A of the IPC along with relevant provisions against persons who disseminate “irresponsible and explosive messages and videos of having content which is likely to incite mob violence and lynching of any kind.

One of the important directives was for the Union and state governments to broadcast on radio, television and other media platforms including official websites that lynching and mob violence of any kind would invite serious consequences under the law.

The report also finds that there is a growing phenomenon where religious festivals are increasingly becoming weaponised by Hindutva groups to target religious minorities.

For remedial measures, the court directed the police to immediately register an FIR if an incident occurs and provided that the nodal officer must be duly informed.

The court also directed state governments to prepare a lynching or mob violence victim compensation scheme in light of Section 357A of the Code of Criminal Procedure within one month from the date of the judgment.

Five years have passed since the judgement was pronounced and there are still legitimate concerns about compliance with the directions. Last year, the Union government informed the Supreme Court that 28 states have appointed nodal officers. Only last year did states such as Madhya Pradesh have approved a victim compensation scheme.

In all these reported incidents, hate crimes could be categorised as physical violence and incidents of harassment that may not give rise to physical violence.

The highest number of incidents reported is that involving physical assault (15) followed by cases of intimidation and harassment (13) and attacks on property (5). Whereas, several incidents involving a combination of the categories were also reported. This showcases the multifaceted nature of hate crimes.

Who contributes to hate speech?

As per the report, political leaders (56 percent) are the primary contributors to hate speeches in India followed by religious leaders (22 percent). The medium used to make hate speeches are public gatherings and rallies, press conferences and assembly sessions.

In a reported incident, BJP Leader of the Opposition in West Bengal assembly Suvendu Adhikari called a Sikh police officer in Bengal “Khalistani”.

During the northeast Delhi communal violence in the backdrop of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, (CAA), 2019 and the proposed National Register for Citizens (NRC) on February 23, 2020, it has been reported that the protests coincided with the Delhi assembly elections where alleged hate speeches and divisive narratives were made against anti-CAA protestors by BJP legislators Kapil Mishra, Anurag Thakur and Parvesh Verma. 

In one of the rallies, Thakur instigated the participants to raise incendiary slogans. When he said, “Desh ke gaddaron ko (the traitors of the country), the crowd responded “goli maaro saloon ko (shoot them).” Gaddar was apparently a reference to the anti-CAA protestors.

The crowd’s response was a throwback to the statement first made by Mishra during a pro-CAA march in the city’s Connaught Place on December 20, 2020 when Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure was imposed.

On February 23, 2020, Mishra called a pro-CAA rally at Maujpur traffic signal, close to Jafrabad metro station where at least 500 people were staging protest against the CAA and gave a three-day ultimatum to the Delhi police to remove the protestors blocking the traffic at Jafrabad and nearby roads. He warned that he would not let another ‘Shaheen Bagh’ be created in Delhi. In the evening, stone pelting incidents were reported near Maujpur.

BJP leader and member of Parliament from West Delhi, Parvesh Verma used another favourite trope of the Hindu Right, the alleged treatment meted out to Kashmiri Pandits by Kashmiri Muslims to rile up the crowd against the protestors. He said, “They will enter your house … abduct your sisters and mothers, rape them, kill them the way militants had treated Kashmiri Pandits.”

The men also tried touching his mother and sister inappropriately and raised Hindu religious chants such as “Har Har Mahadev” and “Jai Shree Ram”.

He added, “Lakhs of people gather there (Shaheen Bagh) and this fire can anytime reach households of Delhi… People of Delhi need to think about it and decide… That’s why today is the moment.”

Conclusion

There are no systematic efforts made to record or document the ever-increasing widespread hate crimes against religious minorities. 

While atrocities against Dalits are recorded under the Schedule Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, there is no similar legislative framework for other religious minorities. 

The findings of the report have also corroborated the report of Washington-based India Hate Lab. Last year, on May 1, the United States Department of State released an annual report on the status of religious freedom in India, titled India 2022 International Religious Freedom Report. The report extensively tabulated incidents of violence in 2022 against religious minorities in India, including killings, assault and intimidation.

In a reported incident, BJP Leader of the Opposition in West Bengal assembly Suvendu Adhikari called a Sikh police officer in Bengal “Khalistani”.

The report found discriminatory practices to which members of religious minority communities are subjected. It quoted the Freedom in the World report that rated India as ‘partly’ free on account of the “discriminatory policies and the rise in persecution affecting the Muslim population”. 

The report by India Hate Lab has warned 2024 to be a ‘critical year’ for hate speech in India.

Gursimran Kaur Bakshi is a staff writer at The Leaflet

Courtesy: The Leaflet


Did Hate Speech Deliver Victories For BJP? 


A Constituency-Wise Analysis


Sabrang India 




BJP’s star campaigners have been notorious for engaging in dog-whistling and hate speech. Did it work this time? Sabrang India’s analysis shows that over 8 seats in Maharashtra, 4 in UP, 2 in Rajasthan.



On April 21, 2024, Prime Minister Modi referred to India’s Muslims as “infiltrators”. On June 4, the BJP lost the constituency where he said those words. People of Banswara preferred another leader signalling a refreshing return to people’s politics, the victor was an Adivasi leader from the Bharatiya Adivasi Party who won the seat with over 80,000 votes!

Rajasthan’s Banswara witnessed a high voltage campaign starting third round of electioneering clearly after the outcome of the first two rounds had not gone the regime’s way. On Sunday, April 22, 2024, Modi, delivering a speech that was worse than his own set worst standards slurred and stigmatised Muslims. The nationwide outrage – including 20,000 complaints to the Election Commission of India for violating laws – did not stop the surge of venom that he continued to utter through the campaign.

In the April 22 speech, in a swipe at the much hailed manifesto of the Indian National Congress (INC) Modi said, ‘they’ will take away women’s Mangalsutras. In his campaign, PM Modi seemed to be conveying to voters that Congress-led governments in the past have given Muslims preferential treatment. He even reportedly referred to the community Muslim community disparagingly as those with “more babies”, saying “Earlier, when their (Congress) government was in power, they had said that Muslims have the first right on the country’s assets. This means to whom will this property be distributed? It will be distributed among those who have more children. It will be distributed to the infiltrators. Should your hard-earned money go to the infiltrators? Do you approve of this?” However, it seems the voters in Banswara did not quite get swayed by this rhetoric. BJP saw a resounding defeat in the Banswara with the new and rising Bharatiya Adivasi Party’s Rajkumar Roat seeing a convincing victory with a margin of 820831 votes over BJP’s Mahendrajeetsingh Malviya. The BAP’s Rajkumar Roat defeated the former state cabinet minister and BJP’s incumbent from Banswara, Kanak Lal Katara. 

The hate-filled speech also saw a detailed complaint  filed with the Election Commission of India by the Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) within days of the April 22 speech. 

In its complaint, CJP stated that Modi’s speech contained targeted and communal slurs against the Muslim community, which led to a polarised voting environment. The complaint cites the Model Code of Conduct, the Representation of Peoples Act, and various sections of the Indian Penal Code, and urged the ECI to take strict action to ensure free and fair elections and to stop hate-mongering against the Muslim community. A few days after, a notice by the ECI was sent to BJP President JP Nadda and notably not Narendra Modi for his speech. 

Also, Sabrang India has been documenting hate speech by BJP leaders and affiliates across the country over the past decade that the party has assumed a brute majority. The BJP set forth an extravagant star campaign across India, unleashing its big leaders including PM Modi, chief ministers such as Yogi Adityanath, Himanta Biswa Sarma, influencers, organisers, and even cynical time-tested tactic of this majoritarian outfit, the voters did not give BJP a victory. Hate speeches did not seem to have achieved the goal. 

In our analysis we have noted that it is in the post 2019 BJP’s second term in the centre from 2019 onwards has marked a sharp rise in hate speeches. These hate speeches, targeted towards religious minorities, have been a means of getting votes by polarising the environment on the BJP’s part. 

How did this tactic fare for the BJP in 2024 in the 18th Lok Sabha elections? The BJP seems to be struggling to form a government despite having earned the largest number of seats, they have lost significant support in a number of significant seats. 

Sabrang India tracks these developments further below to check whether hate speech worked or failed. 

In Maharashtra, in at least 8 seats where hate speech was made, the BJP saw a resounding loss. UP too saw a loss in four such seats, and Rajasthan, Jharkhand, Bihar saw seats which didn’t respond to communal speech as well. 

Rajasthan

Apart from Banswara, one more district in the state saw a resounding defeat where star campaigners were involved. In Barmer, INC’s Umeda Ram Beniwal won against BJP’s Kailash Choudhary by a substantial margin of 417,943 votes. In Barmer, religious preacher Dhirendra Krishna Shastri, and supporter of the call for ‘Akhand Bharat’, had given a speech invoking the bogey of ‘love jihad.’ He urged Hindu brothers to remain ‘vigilant’ against conversion attempts and told Hindu sisters to be alert, regarding people doing ‘love jihad.’ Shastri, who has been accused of assaulting a Dalit person. Had also called for the demolition of mosques in Kashi and Mathura.

Uttar Pradesh

In Ballia, the results also showed a similar rejection of divisive rhetoric as the Samajwadi Party’s Sanatan Pandey defeated BJP’s Neeraj Shekhar by 43,384 votes. The district in UP had seen communal speeches, with the district’s BJP MLA Surendra Narayan Singh asserting that those who refuse to chant Vande Mataram have no right to live in India and should be sent to Pakistan.

“Chanting Vande Mataram may be an emotion. But if you are living in India, then Vande Mataram is a must. It is in Sanskrit and can be translated into Urdu too. Those who do not want to chant it by heart have no right to live in India. If it were up to me, I would send such people to Pakistan within a week after making their passports.”

Uttar Pradesh’s Sambhal too had seen a starry campaign by the state’s chief minister Yogi Adityanath himself, who tried to rouse sentiments of the voters by saying that the Congress will distribute their wealth and give it to ‘Bangladeshi and Rohingya infiltrators’ and that the Congress will allow cow slaughter for Muslims.

Sambhal had also seen instances of horrifying narratives of voter suppression against people of the Muslim community. However, the results spelled a disaster for the BJP whose candidate lost to Samajwadi Party’s Zia ur Rehman by 121494 votes. Jaunpur and Barabanki too had witnessed charged speech in both places by Narendra Modi, however they both saw the defeat of BJP as Samajwadi Party and the INC won in these respective constituencies. 

Maharashtra

Maharashtra witnessed over eight districts which saw a strong campaign which communally charged speech which witnessed the fall of BJP in the election results. 

In Maharashtra’s Nanded, despite a campaign marked by hate speech in June, INC candidate Chavan Basantrao Valwan defeated BJP’s Chikhalikar Prataprao Govindrao by 59,442 votes. Nanded had seen a charged communal speech by serial hate offender Kajal Hindustani, a social media influencer notorious and popular for her communal speech, having seen various cases filed against her earlier. On May 4, she joined a rally where she spoke against secularism encouraging the Hindu community to do ‘love and land jihad.’ 

“In the name of secularism, you are being played. Your brother is sitting like a butcher and is chopping you. In nine states and in many districts, Hindus have become a minority. After the railway and the defence, Muslims own the most land. Our women, temples, land and gau mata are not safe. Nor is the Hindu safe in this country. You have only one nation. Other Hindus are running to India from Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Bangladesh. The Indian government has promised them citizenship. But where will you go? The Hindu is running from here, from Assam, Bengal etc. Till when and where will you run? How much will you run? Our jihadi brother, he is dreaming of Ghazwa e Hind. What is Ghazwa e Hind? Making India an Islamic nation. They are working according to a terrorist, Talibani ideology. What are we doing? We are only raising slogans. Till when will you stay like this, watching your sister get targeted by ‘love-jihad?’ You get prepared, you too do ‘love-land jihad’, do religious conversions.”

Solapur in Maharashtra experienced a high voltage and shrill campaign by the BJP aimed at stirring communal sentiments. Yet INC candidate Praniti Sushilkumar Shinde won by over 74,197 votes against BJP’s Ram Vitthal Satpute. Solapur had also seen BJP’s “star campaigner” and MLA from Telangana’s Ghoshamahal constituency T Raja Singh give an anti-Muslim speech on. In the speech he was seen urging the state’s Chief Minister, Eknath Shinde, to avoid seeking votes from Muslims and instead focus on those who “save Gaumata.” He further called for a boycott of halal-certified goods and demanded the use of bulldozers for demolitions in Maharashtra. “We had heard of land jihad and love jihad. Now we hear of vote jihad,” the MLA stated, referencing Salman Khurshid’s comment encouraging voters to commit to ‘vote jihad.’ He warned against continuing such practices, asserting, “There was a time when ‘you’ did a lot of jihad. Now is not that time anymore because if you do jihad now, Modiji will hammer you (thok denge).”

Maharashtra’s Kolhapur which had witnessed a fiery speech by VHP leader, too was lost by the BJP as Chhatrapati Shahu Shahaji of the Indian National Congress emerged victorious, clinching the win with a substantial margin of 154,964 votes against Sanjay Sadashivrao Mandlik of the Shiv Sena. On May 20, Surendra Jain, General Secretary of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), delivered a provocative speech in Kolhapur, Maharashtra, rife with conspiracy theories aimed at Muslims. Jain asserted, “Wherever Hindus are a minority, they are in danger,” and stoked fears about Muslims and Christians allegedly funnelling money from abroad to convert Hindus. He claimed that Hindus were being deceitfully converted to Christianity, portraying both Muslim and Christian communities as aggressors against Hindus.

The 2024 elections too saw communally charged speeches by candidate Navneet Rana in Maharashtra as well as for the campaign of BJP’s Madhavi Latha Kompella in Hyderabad. However, not did Navneet Rana’s speeches result in little effect, she also lost her constituency in Amaravati that she was contesting for, as the BJP candidate from the Amravati Lok Sabha constituency faced defeat and Balwant Baswant Wankhade of the Indian National Congress won the seat, beating the BJP candidate noted for stirring communal sentiments, Navneet Rana, by a margin of 19,731 votes. 

Sangli, which saw virulent hate speech by BJP’s star campaigner who has been noted to have over a 100 FIRs against him, T Raja Singh, saw the victory of an independent candidate named Vishal Prakashbapu Patil over the BJP’s Sanjay Kaka Patil. Patil, a Congressman had fought as an Independent after Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Udhav Thackeray had refused the Sangli seat to the Indian National Congress (INC). On June 6, two days after the results he became the 100th winner for the grand old party as he re-joined the Congress after his victory. Patil won by a margin of 100053 votes. In Sangli, T Raja Singh has again given an extremely inflammatory speech against Muslims, where he said, “Shoot in the chest of people who do ‘love-jihad’.” He had even reportedly encouraged Hindus to pick up arms at an event in the Maharashtra district reportedly organised by Sakal Hindu Samaj. Yet, as seen in the results these theatrical attempts did little to sway the voters. 

Despite seeing a rally by PM Modi, Maharashtra’s Nashik was claimed by Rajabhau (Parag) Prakash Waje of Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray) with a margin of 162,001 votes, surpassing Shiv Sena’s Godse Hemant Tukaram. On May 15, Nashik saw a high-profile rally by the Prime Minister Narendra Modi claimed that Congress plans to divide the union budget into separate allocations for Hindus and Muslims. Modi asserted that during a previous regime, Congress intended to allocate 15% of the union budget exclusively for Muslims, a plan that he said was halted due to his opposition as the then Chief Minister of Gujarat. “The Congress regime at that time had wanted to spend 15% of the entire budget of India on Muslims only. They had to shelve the plan after strong opposition from me in my role as the Gujarat Chief Minister. But now they are bent on reintroducing their previous agendas,” Modi stated. He further warned that if Congress is elected, it would create two budgets based on religion, a move he vowed to prevent. “If Congress is elected, it will make two budgets on the basis of religion. I will not allow the Budget to be divided as a ‘Hindu budget’ and ‘Muslim budget’ and will not allow quotas based on religion.”

The state’s capital also saw UP CM Adityanath come to Mumbai to campaign for BJP’s Sudhakar Tukaram Sudhawale. He spoke about the how the ‘temple is built, and the BJP will move towards Mathura as well and urged voters to vote for ‘Kamal.’ However, BJP’s candidate lost to INC’s Varsha Gaekwad by 16514 votes. Similarly, Latur had witnessed a rally by PM Modi and it was there that he had claimed Congress had a ‘stamp of Muslim league.’ The BJP lost to INC’s Kalge Shivaji Bandappa by 609021 votes. 

Jharkhand

In Lohardaga, INC candidate Sikhdeo Bhagat secured a victory, defeating BJP’s Samer Oraon. Just a month ago, Loharadaga had seen a similar rally by Modi on May 4 spewing hate. The BJP leader there made several controversial and reportedly inflammatory statements against opposition parties. He accused them of encouraging “infiltrators” to settle on Adivasi land, claiming that these actions threaten the rights and resources of indigenous people. “Infiltrators are being encouraged to settle here; they are being allowed to grab the land of Adivasi people.” He further raised the bogey of love-jihad and spoke about how these people target women and introduced charged terms like ‘land jihad’ and ‘love jihad,’ as well as ‘vote-jihad’, and claimed that the Congress party had aimed to provide religion-based reservations to Muslims, “They want to go against the Constitution of India and give reservation to the Muslims.” However, it seems that this could not get the intended results for the NDA with the BJP losing a solid defeat with 139,138 votes in Lohardaga. In Jharkhand’s Singhbhum too the PM Modi had taken out a rally, discussing how ‘they’ will give people’s wealth to ‘their’ (Congress’) vote bank. Jharkhand Mukti Morcha’s Joba Majhi defeated the BJP candidate by 168402 votes. 

Bihar

It seems the communal rhetoric of the BJP or its allies could not work in Bihar’s Gaya either as, Jitan Ram Manjhi of the Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular) emerged victorious with 101,812 votes over RJD’s Kumar Sarvjeet in Bihar’s Gaya. Just a month before voting, Gaya had seen Pravin Togadia, the leader and president of Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad, deliver a highly charged speech in Gaya, Bihar, on April 3. In his speech, Togadia invoked tropes against Muslims, saying that Islamic forces have historically remained undefeated globally and India is the sole exception for them. He claimed, “For 500 years, the flag of Islam flew over India’s heart, and India stands as the only example in the world where Islamic rule was overthrown and replaced with saffron flags. This was not achieved through charity, donation, or treaty, but through our forefathers’ blood and swords.”

This is not to say that hate has been entirely overcome as the BJP, with its formidable RSS cadres still won 239 seats. However it does mean that a successful focussed campaign by the people supporting a credible opposition can ensure that issues that dominate an election campaign and results reflect the needs and aspirations of wide sections of the people.

Courtesy: sabrang India

 

Broken Dreams, Shattered Hearts Made BJP Lose 'Prestigious' Ayodhya


Abdul Alim Jafri 






Shops and houses of the poor, in which they had been living for generations, were bulldozed and fair compensation wasn’t paid, said locals.


Over 1,100 shops and houses have been demolished on the 13-km stretch of Ram Path in Ayodhya. 

Lucknow: Raju Nishad and Sumit at Guptar Ghat, a favourite hangout point for locals and tourists in Ayodhya, are busy with post-election result conversations with friends. They are upset as a section of people from across the country have accused them of 'Betraying Lord Ram' and defeating the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the election from the Faizabad (Ayodhya) seat, despite the grand Ram Mandir being established under BJP’s rule. But both have not forgotten the mental trauma they went through when their houses, and shops were demolished. No fair compensation was given, and their land was not acquired at par with the market price then, nobody raised voices for them.

"Thousands of people were rendered homeless and are now living on rent and tents on the road. Our shops and houses. in which we had been living for generations, were bulldozed. Our dreams were snatched. We were happy that Ram had come but not at the cost of our livelihood and houses," an emotional Raju told NewsClick

Savita, 50, now runs a beauty product shop on the footpath with her ailing husband because the place where she used to sell ayurvedic medicines has now been converted into Ram Janmabhoomi Path. Her house was near Sugriva Fort, just 200 metres from Ram Janmabhoomi, but it fell under the purview of road-widening and was demolished by the authorities. She says she is still in shock and cries till late at night whenever the scene of her house being destroyed flashes before her eyes.

"Today, BJP is facing the result of the atrocities committed against people here in the name of Ram. How can anyone expect that we will still vote for a government that demolished our houses and shops, which was our only source of income? The people who are cursing the people of Ayodhya will realise our pain only when they become homeless," a distraught Savita, who did not get fair compensation for her house, told NewsClick. 

Another shopkeeper Anil Mishra, whose decade-old stationary shop was demolished during the Ram Path construction, told NewsClick said that Lallu Singh (the BJP candidate and incumbent MP) never listened to their plight, saying this is a matter for the government and he cannot help them. 

"We knocked Lallu Singh's door hundreds of times, pleading that he address our issue and ensure a fair compensation at least, but he never paid attention. Then how do we vote for them? His arrogance is also responsible for his defeat," Mishra told NewsClick. 

Over 1,100 shops and houses have been demolished on the 13-km stretch of Ram Path in Ayodhya. 

There are half-broken shops on the 13-km stretch of what is now called Ram Path—many had been running for generations by the same family. The shop owners have two complaints: first, the compensation given to them is far below the prevailing market rate and second, they worry about having to repay the loans they have taken from relatives to extend their shops after demolition. While the compensation stands at six times the circle rate, after the Supreme Court of India’s verdict on the Ram Janmabhoomi Title suit in 2019, the market rate has gone up by more than 10 times the circle rate.

The incumbent Faizabad MP, Lallu Singh, of the BJP was defeated by Samajwadi Party’s (SP) Awadhesh Prasad in Uttar Pradesh’s Faizabad in the recent Lok Sabha elections– the constituency in which the Ram Mandir has been built. This has left many shocked, including Singh.

Singh got 499,722 votes compared with SP’s Prasad, who bagged 554,289 votes. The margin of defeat was 54,567.

Singh was previously elected to Parliament in 2014 and 2019 when the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance DA bagged 71 and 62, respectively, out of the total 80 seats in UP.

This is significant because Ayodhya is part of the Faizabad constituency, and the Ram Temple was a key electoral pitch for the BJP this time. Prime Minister Narendra Modi held his first election road show in Ayodhya after offering prayers at the Ram Temple on his first visit to the pilgrim city since the January 22 Pran Pratishtha (consecration ceremony) of Ram Lalla.

While addressing a rally, Modi appealed to voters that he wanted a 400-seat (400 paar) mandate for BJP-led NDA to ensure that Congress does not bring back Article 370 in Kashmir and put a "Babri lock" on the Ram Temple in Ayodhya.

According to local residents, several senior BJP leaders were allegedly involved in purchasing land in and around Ayodhya through unlawful means, whereas the government was acquiring land from farmers at throwaway prices.

The affected farmers had held several protests and demanded that when farmers of Noida and other places receive hefty amounts for their land acquired by the government for development purposes, in Ayodhya, they received only a meagre amount.

DECODING BJP’S LOSS 

SP leader Akhilesh Yadav’s new experiment of fielding a Dalit candidate in a general seat like Faizabad, where Ayodhya is located, has resulted in a major setback to BJP, the reverberations of which will be felt across Uttar Pradesh as well as the entire country, as the saffron party has invested heavily in the temple project since its inception and considers it one of its major electoral achievements.

The reason SP gave a ticket to a Pasi candidate is because the Pasi community has the largest Dalit population in Ayodhya. Prasad, a Pasi, has been a six-time MLA, minister and one of the founding members of SP. In terms of numbers, the Pasi community is considered to be the largest in Ayodhya.

On the other side, the BJP gave Lallu Singh a third chance to become an MP. Singh created controversy, when in a speech he spoke about changing the Constitution, which gave a chance to the opposition to make it a poll issue. 

Akhilesh Yadav and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi extensively pitched in their rallies that BJP would change the Constitution if it came back to power. They also raised issues like land acquisition, fair compensation to those houses were demolished, and jobs for youth. 

With the SP fielding a Dalit face in Faizabad, a slogan coined, 'Na Mathura, na Kashi, abki baar Awadhesh Pashi'. It is believed that not only Dalits but also Other Backward Classes or OBCs, such as Kurmis, got united behind the Dalit candidate.

The success of the SP-Congress alliance in dividing BJP's vote bank is another crucial factor in Prasad's victory. By forming an alliance, the SP and Congress effectively consolidated their support base and attracted voters who might have otherwise leaned towards BJP. The significant presence of approximately five lakh Muslim voters in the constituency, who also rallied behind the INDIA bloc, played a pivotal role in securing the win for the SP candidate.

The victory of Prasad, a Dalit candidate, highlights the support he garnered from over 2.5 lakh Pasis in the constituency, overshadowing BJP's Ram temple narrative in Ayodhya.

Meanwhile, rumours are doing the rounds that devotees visiting Ayodhya should not stay there or purchase prasadam from locals, as a “punishment” for defeating BJP.