Friday, May 17, 2019



NOTHING IS TRUE, EVERYTHING IS PERMITTED Alamut (Bartol novel) - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alamut_(Bartol_novel) Alamut is a novel by Vladimir Bartol, first published in 1938 in Slovenian, dealing with the story ... The maxim of the novel is "Nothing is an absolute reality; all is permitted". ... and the phrase from the novel under an alternative translation: "nothing is true; everything is permitted" is the guiding principle of the game's Order of ...
NOT PUBLISHED IN ENGLISH TILL 2004!
HERE IT IS AS A PDF TO DOWNLOAD https://archive.org/details/AlamutVladimirBartol Alamut is a novel by Vladimir Bartol, first published in 1938 in Slovenian, dealing with the story of Hassan-i Sabbah and the Hashshashin, and named after their Alamut fortress. Bartol first started to conceive the novel in the early 1930's, when he lived in Paris. In the French capital, he met with the Slovene literary critic Josip Vidmar, who introduced him to the story of Hassan-i Sabbah. A further stimulation for the novel came from the assassination of Alexander I of Yugoslavia perpetrated by Croatian and Bulgarian radical nationalists, on the alleged commission of the Italian Fascist government. When it was originally published, the novel was sarcastically dedicated to Mussolini. The maxim of the novel is "Nothing is an absolute reality, all is permitted". This book was one of the inspirations for the video game series Assassin's Creed.
FROM THE NOVEL INTRO Alamut was originally written in 1938 as an allegory to Mussolini’s fascist state. In the 1960s it became a cult favorite throughout Tito’s Yugoslavia, and in the 1990s, during the war in the Balkans, it was read as an allegory of the region’s strife and became a bestseller in Germany, France, and Spain. The book once again took on a new life following the attacks of 9/11/2001 because of its early description of the world of suicide bombers in fanatical sects, selling more than 20,000 copies in a new Slovenian edition. “First published sixty years ago, Alamut is a literary classic by Slovenian writer VladimirBartol, a deftly researched and presented historical novel about one of the world’s firstpolitical terrorists, eleventh-century Ismaili leader Hasan ibn Sabbah, whose machinations with drugs and carnal pleasures deceived his followers into believing that he would deliver them to a paradise in the afterlife, so that they would destroy themselves in suicide missionsfor him. Flawlessly translated into English (and also published in eighteen other languages), Alamut portrays even the most Machiavellian individuals as human—ruthless or murderous, but also subject to human virtues, vices, and tragedies. An afterword by Michael Biggins offering context on the author’s life, the juxtaposition of his writing to the rise of dictatorial conquest that would erupt into World War II, and the medley of reactions to its publication, both in the author’s native Slovenia and worldwide, round out this superb masterpiece. An absolute must-have for East European literature shelves, and quite simply a thoroughly compelling novel cover to cover.” —Midwest Book Review
The Creed | Assassin's Creed Wiki | FANDOM powered by Wikia https://assassinscreed.fandom.com/wiki/The_Creed The exact phrase "Nothing is true; everything is permitted" was taken from the novel Alamut by Vladimir Bartol, a book that served as a primary inspiration for Assassin's Creed.
Urban Dictionary: Nothing is true, Everything is permitted.
https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?...Nothing%20is%20true%2C%20Every... To say that nothing is true, is to realise that the foundations of society are fragile, and that we must be the shepherds of our own civilization.




ILLUMINATUS TRILOGY AND EACH WRITERS BOOKS FOR FURTHER REFERENCES TO HASAN IBN SABBAH AND HIS MOTTO NOTHING IS TRUE, EVERYTHING IS PERMITTED

ILLUMINATUS EXCERPT https://www.penguinrandomhouse.ca/books/165363/the-illuminatus-trilogy-by-robert-shea-and-robert-anton-wilson/9780440539810/excerpt

ALSO SEE WILLIAM BURROUGHS WHO USES THIS PHRASE IN HIS BOOKS Author William S. Burroughs found fascination within the story of Hassan-i-Sabbah and included the motto, "Nothing is true; everything is permitted", and many references to the work in his 1959 post-modern novel, Naked Lunch and The Nova Express. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alamut_(Bartol_novel)

Retaking The Universe: William S. Burroughs in the Age of Globalization
http://cdn.realitystudio.org/images/covers_other/retaking_the_universe/retaking-the-universe.pdf




Introduction—"Nothing Is True, Everything Is Permitted"
https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft0580030m;chunk.id=0;doc.view=print
This study attempts to articulate an alternative to the dialectic of modernism and postmodernism, or (post)modernism for short, that dominates many discussions of American literature in the contemporary period. Such an alternative has already emerged at many points in the development of that literature, only to be misrecognized and recuperated within the dominant mode of reflexive postmodern writing by critics who have apparently been too dazzled by the postmodern and post-structural "ruptures" to see clearly. An alternative to (post)modernism in fact emerges at precisely the same aesthetic moment that the dominant or reflexive form of postmodernism does, in one of its key texts: Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man . Like Ellison's narrator, this alternative has remained largely invisible, despite its very real difference from its dominant counterpart, for many of the same reasons the narrator could not be seen by members of the dominant white culture. Unlike Ellison's canonical book, however, the major texts of this alternative form have only intermittently been recognized for their contributions to the state of contemporary cultural production, and these texts have not yet given rise to an adequate theoretical alternative to (post) modernism. Questions of cultural identity and otherness, of representation and materiality raised by Ellison's novel will help us begin to recognize and theorize this alternative as it takes shape in the novels of William S. Burroughs.
The explicit theoretical elaboration of alternatives to (post)modernism has begun recently in disciplines other than literary criticism, such as the sociology of Bruno Latour (who calls it "nonmodernism")[1] and the political philosophy of Antonio Negri (who calls it "anti-modernity").[2] These particular elaborations derive from the philosophical work of Gilles Deleuze, whose original insights and analyses have produced a critical language that evades the endless squabbling over terminology that marks most discussions of (post) modernism; this evasion also accounts in part for Deleuze's own relative "invisibility" in Anglo-phone critical circles. To make my own project more visible, I have chosen to call my version of the phenomenon amodernism to highlight what seems to me to be its distance from and resistance to the dialectical structure that defines (post) modernism; perhaps it would help to think of it as a heterogeneous third term, like "amoral" in relation to "moral" and "immoral." Amodernism, like the reflexive postmodernism we already recognize, accepts the failure of modernist ends (for instance, the resolution of gender, class, and ethnic conflicts and the concomitant spiritual unification of society) and means (for instance, the regeneration of myth as a centering structure), without taking the additional step of homogenizing all remaining difference into some version of Ferdinand de Saussure's negatively defined linguistic paradigm.[3] In other words, from an amodern point of view the disavowal of mass politics endorsed by Jean-François Lyotard's or Jean Baudrillard's postmodernism is not adequate, since that disavowal remains complicit with capital because it offers no way out of the system of domination that constitutes the present social order. The failure of a specific set of critical and resistant strategies, even strategies as far-reaching and apparently unsurpassable as those deployed under modernism, does not necessarily imply the failure of all such strategies, nor does the "closure of Western metaphysics" require us to jettison every point of our irreducible cultural histories.
This failure and this closure are not inevitable, but rather had to be produced, just as alternatives to them have been and continue to be produced. The task of this study is to trace an alternative trajectory through the literature and history of the contemporary period, a trajectory that participates in the production of new cultural values to replace those that (post)modernism has bankrupted and in so doing gives leverage to the kinds of theoretical writing that Deleuze, Negri, and Latour undertake. This trajectory maps the career of the American writer and artist William S. Burroughs, whose commitment to social transformation in the face of the postmodern evacuation of the political sphere is emblematic, I would claim, of literary amodernism in general. Amodern writers are better known than amodern theorists, though as a result of this notoriety they suffer for their "failures" to meet the criteria defined by the reflexive, formalist strain of postmodernism. From the point of view of this reflexive postmodernism, amodern writers are either lax in their compositional methods or misguided in their political commitments; both of these criticisms have been leveled, by critics and by other novelists, at Burroughs. Amodern literature, if we accept for the moment the bald assertion that it exists, develops from Ellison's promise to emerge from the liminal space of literature with a "plan of living" rather than an endlessly deferred "participation in language games" or an empty "love for the world through language" à la John Barth.

Nothing Is True, Everything Is Permitted : Nietzsche and Dostoevsky https://www.peterlang.com/view/9783035193411/chapter18.xhtml Extract The maxim “nothing is true, everything is permitted” (Nichts ist wahr, Alles ist erlaubt), which was the watchword of the Order of Assassins, an Islamic sect dating from the eleventh to the thirteenth century A.D,202 appears in the fourth part of Zarathustra and in the second essay of the Genealogy of Morality.203 Among the posthumous fragments, this sentence can be found few times in the notebooks of 1884 and ’85.204 As early as 1936, Jaspers (1997 [1936]: 227) warned Nietzsche scholars against the facility with which this maxim could be falsely interpreted: “When removed from context, such a statement – often repeated by Nietzsche – is unintelligible. Taken by itself it expresses complete lack of obligation; it is an invitation to individual caprice, sophistry, and criminality.” In the next sections, I will follow Jaspers’ warning and examine the meaning of Nietzsche’s maxim, inserting it both in its particular (the aphorism and the posthumous fragments in which it appears) and in its wider context (Nietzsche’s philosophy and, more specifically, his position on morality). ← 169 | 170 → 2.1 Zarathustra’s Shadow The sentence “nothing is true, everything is permitted” appears for the first time in the oeuvre in Zarathustra’s speech The Shadow.205 The protagonist of this speech, Zarathustra’s shadow, is portrayed by Nietzsche as “thin, blackish, hollow and outdated.” (Z IV, The Shadow) To Zarathustra, who asks him who he is, the shadow answers that he is “a wanderer, who has already walked much at your heels; always on...

“Nothing is True, Everything is Permitted”. Vladimir Bartol’s Novel “Alamut” – Belated Entry in the Modern Balkan Context
Malamir Spasov
 https://www.academia.edu/34615461/_Nothing_is_True_Everything_is_Permitted_._Vladimir_Bartol_s_Novel_Alamut_Belated_Entry_in_the_Modern_Balkan_Context

" Alamut " (1938) is a novel by Vladimir Bartol (1903-1967) – Slovene author from Trieste. It has been defined as both " marginal literature " and " brilliantly written work ". However, only in the 1980s and 1990s Bartol's novel became the most internationally successful and bestselling work of Slovene literature, partly due to its strangely contemporary relevance. And yet there has been surprisingly little comparison between " one of the most original works of Slovene literature " and the modernistic literary creativity of contemporaries of Bartol's generation elsewhere in Southeast Europe – for instance authors such as Bulgarian Boris Shivachev, Romanians Camil Petrescu, Anton Holban and Mircea Eliade, and even Serbian Miloš Crnjanski. Regrettably, " Alamut " is not translated in Bulgarian or Romanian yet. Apart from the fact that it is a gap which needs to be filled, such a juxtaposing seems to be quite alluring, loquacious and valuable.


ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 22 · 2012 · 2353
original scientific article UDC 821.163.6.09Bartol:316.7
received: 2012-02-20



The inner orient in Slovene literature -

❦ Tatjana Petzer ▶ https://www.openstarts.units.it/bitstream/10077/9902/1/Petzer.pdf
By closely reading and contextualizing Vladimir Bartol’s novel Alamut, the paper approaches Slovenian orientalism and the figuration of an ‘inner orient’ in the beginning of the 20th century. Deriving from orientalist findings, as well as the Western imagination and philosophical thought encouraged by the historical sect of the so-called Assassins, the analysis will focus on textual strategies of self-othering in its relation to European modernity





ORIENTALISM IN BARTOL’S NOVEL ALAMUT – “NOTHING IS TRUE, EVERYTHING IS PERMITTED”

Mirt KOMEL
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Sciences, Kardeljeva ploščad 5, 1000 Ljubljana
http://zdjp.si/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/ASHS_22-2012-2_Komel.pdf
ABSTRACT
The paper presents a study of Vladimir Bartol’s novel Alamut that uses the epistemological framework of Edward Said’s Orientalism. Said’s conception of Orientalism is further developed through the concept of self-Orientalism in both its versions, here labeled as “Oriental” and “Occidental” self-Orientalism respectively. The main hypothesis of the paper states that Bartol’s novel can be interpreted as an example of Orientalism – as well as Occidental self--Orientalism – in literature. Thus, the paper’s primary purpose is to deliver an analysis of Alamut’s Orientalist and self-Orientalist elements.
Key words: Vladimir Bartol, Alamut, Orientalism, self-Orientalism
ALSO CHECK OUT HIS CHAPTER HERE

Slovene Studies 26.1-2
NEVERTHELESS, IS IT ALSO A MACHIAVELLIAN NOVEL?
A REVIEW ESSAY OF 
Michael Biggins. "Against Ideologies: Vladimir Bartol and Alamut" pp.
383-390. In: Vladimir Bartol. Alamut, Seattle: Scala House
Press, 2004.391 pp., $15.61 (cloth), ISBN: 0972028730.

I received a copy of Vladimir Bartol's 1938 novel Alamut for review,
freshly translated into English by a friend of mine, Michael Biggins. This
first translation into English was published a year after the centenary of
the author's birth in 1903. I tackled the task with great pleasure because it
presented a chance to polish up my interpretation of the text; on the
other hand, I found myself in an awkward and (objectively) unfavorable
position because in the preface the translator argues against my own
interpretation of the novel. The following observations will refer more to
Biggins's preface than to the novel itself. In lieu of judging the quality of
the translation, I can offer my own opinion that knowing Biggins's
abilities the publisher could not have found a better translator.

The Biggins study is an exhaustive summary of everything that
Slovene "Bartology" has created so far. It is also the first serious,
detailed, and significant study of Alamut outside Slovenia. Although the
number of translations, especially into French and Spanish, are not
negligible, foreign editions have been accompanied only by superficial
advertising blurbs on the covers or in newspapers. The title "Against
Ideologies " announces Biggins's critical attitude towards any ideological
interpretation of the novel. The study opens with crucial information for
readers unacquainted with the European context and it depicts Slovenia's
tight geographical position and the tense situation before the Second .
World War, when the novel was written. Biggins follows this by stressing
that the novel is a literary work of very high quality, highlighting its moral
and cognitive dimensions. To him it represents an "escape from the mass
political movements" (388). Because escapism is not considered a very
rewarding posture, he defines the novel as "a profound meditation on
[these movements]" (388). 


Alamut

by Vladimir Bartol



Alamut is based on a tale from The Travels of Marco Poloabout a Middle Eastern warlord who converted young men into fearless assassins by tricking them into believing he could transport them to Paradise. Hashish and a hidden garden full of beautiful, virginal women were the secrets of his success. The tale of the bogus Paradise is almost certainly fable rather than fact, but its central figure, Hasan Sabbah,* was a real person. In 1090, he acquired the impregnable fortress of Alamut and used it as a base to revolt against the Seljuk Turks who had invaded Persia and installed themselves as rulers. It may have been one of Hasan's men who assassinated the vizier Nizam al-Mulk in 1092; political assassinations were not uncommon in eleventh century Persia.

Vladimir Bartol, a Slovenian, wrote the novel in 1938 during the rise of the totalitarian dictators Hitler, Mussolini and Stalin. Though his story cannot be reduced to allegory, he clearly intended it as a caution against the use of deception and force to gain power. It is a novel of ideas rather than character. The dialogue tends to be stiff, the characters rather stereotyped. But an eerie correspondence has arisen between the novel's premise and current events, as another stateless organization led by a charismatic and ruthless individual adopts suicide as a weapon. Readers of Alamut may note that the young men who flocked to Hasan's fortress were initially attracted not because of the Paradise fantasy, but because of their lust for revenge against an unjust ruler. 1939, 379 pages.
*variously spelled in English transliterations from the Arabic


Other novels about Hasan Sabbah and the hashishin:

Samarkand by Amin Maalouf, a literary novel by a Lebanese author about the poet Omar Khayyam, in which the young Hasan Sabbah makes an appearance. More info
Casca 13: The Assassin by Barry Sadler, #13 in a series of novels about a Roman soldier present at the crucifixion who is doomed to live forever; this time he finds himself a prisoner of Hasan and his fanatical assassins.
The Walking Drum by Louis L'Amour, an uncharacteristic novel set in medieval Europe and the Middle East from a writer of classic Westerns. More info (VERY GOOD I HIGHLY RECOMMEND IT EP)


Nonfiction about Hasan Sabbah and the hashishin:

The Assassins: A Radical Sect in Islam by Bernard Lewis, 1967. More info

The Secret Order of Assassins by Marshall G.S. Hodgson, 1955. More info






Fantasy Faction Fantasy Book Reviews & Community 
Alamut by Vladimir Bartol (Translated by Michael Biggins) 
‘Nothing is true, everything is permitted.’ - The Supreme Ismaili Motto 
Alamut is an impenetrable fortress which houses a small Ismaili army ruled by the enigmatic Hasan ibn Sabbah. He is a charismatic yet elusive master. The subjects of Hasan ibn Sabbah, also called Sayyiduna, are in awe of their master on many different levels–some of them are scared of him, while others are inspired by his erudition. Regardless of what people think of him, he’s treated and respected as the prophet of Ismaili believers.
The fortress serves as a training camp for the fedayeen–elite assassins who serve the cause with blind passion and fear nothing. One of the new fedayeen is Avani ibn Tahir, who travelled from afar to join Sayyiduna’s army. His grandfather was a famous leader of the brotherhood and he would do anything to follow in his footsteps. Being so young, Avani doesn’t question, but follows the orders of the strict Ismaili faith and discipline.
The story is told from the point of two intertwining worlds which are so close together but separated by secrets. Alamut has parts which are not accessible to anyone but Hasan himself and his private bodyguards. Just over the other side of the fortress there are enormous gardens. These are Paradise Gardens inhabited by the most beautiful girls. The Paradise Gardens are almost an identical copy of the ones described by the Koran where all martyrs goonce they fulfil their purpose as soldiers of the one true faith against infidels.
Halima is a fourteen-year-old girl who, after many misfortunes, ends up in the gardens of Alamut. Together with other girls, she is schooled in many subjects–none of them question anything as they are enchanted by living in an earthly paradise where they feel safe. Their friendships face trials when monstrous jealousy stands in the way. Their schooling is extensive–covering subjects to stimulate their minds as well as creative arts. One of their teachers, Apama, is a ‘retired’ temptress extraordinaire who teaches them how to seduce young assassins into believing they came to paradise to be endlessly pleased by divine houris. In a humorous way, Apama is an icon of seduction, and her knowledge of ‘love’ goes way beyond Kama Sutra.
Everything suddenly changes when Hasan learns of a great army of Sultan coming to reclaim Alamut. The young fedayeen are hastily initiated after affirmation of their unprecedented faith in the brotherhood and their cause. The book is a stunning demonstration of Hasan’s military strategic planning and his charisma which can change the most cowardly and timid boy into a fearless soldier.
As the story gradually unravels, so does the life of Hasan. His philosophical approach to self-proclamation of being a prophet with powers given to him by Allah is very complex. In an utterly compelling and profound way, Sayyiduna explains the meaning of the Supreme Ismaili motto: Nothing is true, everything is permitted. Hasan’s philosophy might be a superior mastermind strategy of gradual world domination, yet on many levels, it tells the story of a very lonely human being. A human being, who after an excruciating journey through a life of youthful inquisitiveness, betrayal and harsh reality of constant battles between religions and supremacies, comes to a point where he is soberly aware of the absurdity of everything around him. He seems very vulnerable in his state of total intoxication with pursuing an understanding of everything, including philosophy, religion, astronomy etc.
Coming to terms with the fickle capacity of human understanding of the world, he initiates an experiment which would prove how gullible and hopeless people are. How easy it is to mould them to fit any purpose. By sending young assassins to the Paradise Gardens, Hasan proveswrong those who thought he lost his mind. He learns of what cruelty he is capable of on the way to fulfilling his dreams and his youthful visions. The paradox of faith and human existence pushes him to extremes, and some of his actions, though affirming his unparalleled status, are tragic. Are any of the fedayeen going to open their eyes in time to learn the truth and fight for their lives? As far as such young warriors are concerned, first love is bound to alter their life experience. It will free some of them and incarcerate others forever.
Vladimir Bartol portrayed the world of Alamut in an intricate language of stunning facts and details, which he must have spent a long time researching. The characters are multidimensional–both in their mundane duties and when they are torn by their demons. Even though there are main characters that lead the story, all the characters in this book are fascinating. They are written in a way the reader can follow, get lost, and find their way to another plot from a different angle while wrestling with an understanding of the force behind the actions. The storytelling is enthralling and flawless. Alamut is a fairy tale set in 11th century Iran.
With all the splendour of Asian kingdoms, Alamut reads like an imaginative tale of One Thousand and One Nights with Machiavellian ideologies, the thrill of battles and moral dilemmas.
Alamut is a book like no other. I bought this book as I heard it inspired the creation of the Assassin’s Creed game, which I love. I didn’t know what to expect, but it exceeded my expectations. Vladimir Bartol created a beautiful story of many dimensions, twists and turns. It is a fascinating and vivid world inhabited by characters haunted by arduous passion, power, melancholy and sorrowful love.
Another aspect of this book is that it’s not only a stunning fairy tale, but also an allegory by means of which Bartol questions fascism in 20th century Europe. Alamut might be read many times and understood in a different way each time. I love the language in which the book was written (I refer here also to the translation by Michael Biggins) and I fell in love with the characters because of their human erroneousness and dreams. Bartol challenged a lot of my opinions and left me thinking for hours.

I would recommend Alamut to anyone who loves a brilliantly written book and enjoys being challenged with every page.

EXCERPT FROM PUBLISHERS POST


Alamut
Nothing is true, everything is permitted. —The Supreme Ismaili Motto
OMNIA IN NUMERO ET MENSURA
(an excerpt from Chapter 3. Page 83-88)
Since that night Miriam became more trusting toward Halima. In their free time she
would teach her writing and have her practice her reading. They both enjoyed this process.
Halima would muster all her ability to avoid embarrassing herself in front of her teacher,
and as a result she made quick progress. Miriam was generous with praise. As an incentive
she would tell her stories from her childhood, about life in her father’s house in Aleppo,
about the battles between the Christians and the Jews, about the wide seas and the ships
that came from far-off lands. Through all this they grew quite close, becoming like older
and younger sisters.
One evening when Miriam entered the bedroom and undressed, she said to Halima, “Stop
pretending you’re asleep. Come over here.”
“What? Over there? Me?” Halima asked, startled.
“Or maybe you don’t want to? Come on. I have something to tell you.”
Trembling all over, Halima crawled in beside her. She lay on the very edge of the bed for
fear of giving away her excitement, and out of some incomprehensible reluctance to touch
her. But Miriam pulled her close anyway, and only at this point did Halima feel free to
press close.
“I’m going to tell you about the sorrows of my life,” Miriam began. “You already know that
my father was a merchant in Aleppo. He was very rich and his ships sailed far to the west,
laden with precious wares. As a child I had everything my heart desired. They dressed me in
exquisite silks, adorned me with gold and gems, and three slaves were at my command. I got
used to giving commands and it only seemed natural that everybody should submit to me.”
“How happy you must have been!” Halima sighed.
“Would you believe that I wasn’t particularly?” Miriam replied. “At least it strikes me 
11
that way now. My every wish was fulfilled immediately. But what kind of wishes? Only
those that could be satisfied with money. The silent, secret ones that a girl’s heart loves to
dream about so much had to stay buried deep inside me. You see, I’d learned the limits
of human powers early on. When I wasn’t yet fourteen, a series of misfortunes befell my
father, one after the other. It began with my mother’s death, which sent my father into
a period of profound grief. He didn’t seem to care about anything anymore. From his
first wife he had three sons who had become merchants in their own right. One of them
lost his entire fortune and the other two stepped in to rescue him. They dispatched their
ships to the shores of Africa and waited for their earnings. But then came the news that
a storm had destroyed their vessels. All three of them turned to their fat

12
Halima sensed a secret approaching and she trembled. She pressed her cheeks, burning
like white-hot iron, to Miriam’s breast and she held her breath.
“My husband,” Miriam resumed presently, “had a habit that deeply injured my modesty.
The fact that I had finally become his property after all completely impaired his faculties.
He would tell his business associates about me, describe my virtues, my modesty, my
physical features in the most vivid terms, and boast that he had become master of
the greatest beauty far and wide. Obviously he wanted them to envy him. You see, he
would tell me repeatedly of an evening about how his friends had gone green with envy
when he described my virtues and his enjoyment of them. You can imagine, Halima,
how much I hated him then, and how revolting I found him. When I had to go to him,
I felt as though I were going to my execution. But he would laugh and make fun of
the greenhorns, as he called his younger associates, and say, ‘Ah, but for money everything
is available, my dear. Even an old hen won’t look twice at a poor man, no matter how
handsome he is.’ All this talking made me terribly angry and bitter. Oh, if I’d known just
one of those greenhorns then, I would have shown Moses how much he was deluding
himself! But what happened was the last thing I would have expected. One day one of my
maid servants pressed a tiny letter into my hand. I unrolled it and my heart began to race
at its very first words. Even today I remember it down to the last syllable. Listen and I’ll
tell you what it said.”
Halima trembled in rapt attention, and Miriam continued.
“The letter said: ‘Sheik Mohammed to Miriam, the flower of Aleppo, the silver-shining
moon delighting the night and illuminating the world! I love you and have loved you
endlessly ever since I heard Moses, your accursed jailer, exalt your beauty and virtues to
the heavens. Just as wine goes to an infidel’s head and intoxicates him, so has word of your
perfection intoxicated my heart. Oh, silver-shining moon. If you knew how many nights
I have spent in the desert dreaming of your virtues, how vividly you’ve stepped before
my eyes, and how I’ve watched you like the rosy dawn ascending. I thought that distance
would cure me of longing for you, but it has only intensified it. Now I have returned and
bring you my heart. Know, flower of Aleppo, that sheik Mohammed is a man and does not
fear death. And that he comes close to inhale the air that you exhale. Farewell!’
“At first I thought the letter was a trap. I called the servant who had delivered the letter
to me and insisted that she tell me everything honestly. She started crying and showed
me the silver piece that some son of the desert had given her as payment for delivering
the letter to me. What sort of son of the desert? I asked. Young, and handsome too. My 
13
whole body trembled. I was already falling in love with Mohammed. Of course, I thought,
how would he have dared to write me the letter otherwise, if he weren’t young and
handsome? And then I suddenly became afraid that he might be disappointed when he
saw me. I reread that letter over a hundred times. By day I kept it next to my breast, and at
night I carefully locked it away in a chest. Then came a second one, even more passionate
and beautiful than the first. I was aflame with my secret love. And finally Mohammed
arranged a nighttime meeting on the terrace outside my window. That’s how familiar he
already was with my surroundings. Oh, Halima, how can I explain to you how I felt then?
That day I changed my mind a dozen times. I’ll go, I won’t go—back and forth endlessly,
it seemed. Finally I decided not to go, and I held to that all the way up until the appointed
time, when I went out onto the terrace, as if obeying a secret command. It was a marvelous
night. Dark and moonless, although the sky was littered with tiny shining stars. I felt
feverish and chilled by turns. I waited on the terrace like that for some time. I was just
starting to think, what if all this is just a ruse? what if someone wanted to play a trick on
me and taunt old Moses? when I heard a voice whispering, ‘Don’t be afraid. It’s me, sheik
Mohammed.’ A man in a gray cloak vaulted over the railing as light as a feather, and,
before I knew it, he had me in his arms. I felt as though worlds were being born and I was
seeing infinity. He didn’t ask if I wanted to go with him. He took me by the waist and
carried me as he climbed down a ladder into the garden. On the other side of the fence
I could see several horsemen. They took hold of me so he could scale the wall. Then he
pulled me up into the saddle with him. Off we galloped, out of the city and into the dark
of night.”
“And all that happened to you?” Halima gasped. “Lucky, lucky Miriam!”
“Oh, don’t say that, Halima. It breaks my heart when I think of what happened after
that. We rode all night. The moon rose from behind the hills and shone on us. I felt
horrible and wonderful all at the same time, like when you listen to a fairy tale. For a long
time I didn’t dare look in the face of the horseman who had me in his embrace. I only
gradually relaxed and turned my eyes toward him. His gaze, like an eagle’s, was fixed on
the road ahead of us. But when he turned to look at me, it became soft and warm like
a deer’s. I fell in love with him so hard that I would have died for him on the spot. He
was a magnificent man, my sheik Mohammed. He had a black mustache and a short,
thick beard. And red lips. Oh, Halima! While we were on the road I became his wife …
They chased us for three days. My stepbrothers, my husband’s son and a whole pack of
armed townsmen. Later I found out that, as soon as they discovered I’d escaped, they 

14
interrogated all the servants. They discovered Mohammed’s letter, and my husband Moses
had a stroke, the pain and humiliation were so great. Both families immediately took up
arms, mounted their horses, and set out in pursuit. We had gotten quite a ways out into
the desert when we caught sight of the band of riders on the horizon. Mohammed only
had seven men with him. They called out for him to drop me so that his horse could
gallop faster. But he just brushed them off. We changed horses, but even so our pursuers
kept getting closer and closer. Then Mohammed called on his friends to turn their horses
around and charge at our pursuers. He set me down on the ground and, saber in hand,
led the seven in their charge. The groups of horsemen collided, and superior numbers
prevailed. One of my half brothers was killed, but so was Mohammed. When I saw
that I howled in agony and started to run. They caught me right away and bound me to
the saddle, and they tied Mohammed’s dead body to the horse’s tail.”
“Horrible, horrible,” Halima moaned, covering her face in her hands.
“I can’t tell you what I felt then. My heart became hard as stone and stayed open to one
passion alone—The passion for revenge. I still had no inkling of the humiliation and
shame that awaited me. When we arrived back in Aleppo I found my husband dying.
Still, when he saw me, his eyes came to life. At that moment he seemed like a demon to
me. His son tied me to the deathbed and lashed me with a whip. I gritted my teeth and
kept silent. When Moses died I felt relieved. It was as though the first part of the revenge
had been fulfilled.
“I’ll only briefly describe what they did with me then. When they felt they’d tortured
me enough, they took me to Basra and sold me there as a slave. That’s how I became
the property of Our Master. And he promised to take revenge for me on the Jews and
the Christians.”
Halima was silent a long time. In her eyes Miriam had grown to the stature of a demigod,
and she felt that through their friendship she had also gained immeasurably.
Finally she asked, “Is it true that Christians and Jews eat little children?”
Miriam, still lost in her terrible memories, suddenly shook loose from them and laughed
aloud.
“It’s not out of the question,” she said. “They’re heartless enough.”

“How lucky that we’re among true believers! 

Thursday, May 16, 2019


'MANY OF THESE JEWS IN NEW YORK KNEW TROTSKY, HE WAS VERY POPULAR'
Trotsky’s day out: How a visit to NYC influenced the Bolshevik revolution
Author Kenneth Ackerman explores the life of the Jewish radical in the weeks leading up to the overthrow of the Russian Provisional Government

By JP O’ MALLEY 19 September 2016

Leon Trotsky in Mexico with some American friends, shortly before his 1940 assassination. (Public domain)


LONDON — Between 1881 and 1917, New York was ballooning into the fastest growing and most ethnically diverse metropolis the world had ever seen.

Jews made up over a fifth of the city’s expanding population of 5.5 million. Most came from the Pale of Settlement — a western region of imperial Russia — fleeing pogroms and violent persecution.

The largest Jewish presence in New York was on the Lower East Side, where Yiddish was the language of the streets, cafes, theaters, cinemas, and the Jewish printing press — which was predominately socialist, left wing, and internationalist in outlook.

In January 1917, a strikingly handsome radical-revolutionary, Lev Davidovich Bronstein — otherwise known as Leon Trotsky — arrived into this vast cosmopolitan-cultural-melting-pot.

Kenneth D. Ackerman, a lawyer and historian based in Washington D.C., has recently published “Trotsky in New York 1917: A Radical on the Eve of Revolution.”

The book recalls Trotsky’s controversial 10 weeks spent in New York before he headed back to Russia to lead the Military-Revolutionary Committee which carried out the overthrow of the Provisional Government in the October Revolution.


Cover, ‘Trotsky in New York 1917.’ (Courtesy)

In several instances throughout the book, Ackerman documents how the Jewish community played a significant role in Trotsky’s life during his brief stay in the city.

“Many of these Jews in New York knew Trotsky as someone who had outspokenly denounced the Tsar for his anti-Semitism,” says Ackerman. “So he was very popular.”

On the first day Trotsky arrived in New York, he gave an interview to Forverts (The Forward), a Yiddish socialist paper that then had a daily readership of 200,000 — a circulation rivaling that of The New York Times.

The interview turned out to be embarrassing for Trotsky when he couldn’t speak Yiddish with the Jewish reporter. The Bronsteins — for reasons of practicality and commerce — spoke mostly Ukrainian and Russian at the family home growing up.

“Trotsky certainly knew some Yiddish words and phrases from just being around other Jewish people,” says Ackerman. “But he never spoke or wrote in Yiddish in any consistent way.”

“For many years after the Russian Revolution, Trotsky was vilified because of his Jewishness,” Ackerman says. “But he didn’t see it as a major factor.”

Trotsky was born Lev Davidovich Bronstein in October 1879 to a farming family at Yanovka in Kherson province. Then called New Russia, the province now lies in southern Ukraine.

‘Trotsky was vilified because of his Jewishness, but he didn’t see it as a major factor’

Trotsky’s father, David Bronstein, was a dynamic farmer who dragged himself up the social ladder from peasant to wealthy land owner in just a few years. The Bronsteins’ wealth was made possible from a new government scheme during the mid-19th century that saw the emergence of Jewish agricultural colonies in Kherson.

Trotsky always viewed himself first and foremost as a Marxist-cosmopolitan-internationalist, and while he certainly didn’t disown his Jewish background, he made very few references to it throughout his life — most likely because he associated his father’s bourgeois status with his Jewish roots.

Trotsky came to New York via Barcelona on board the Montserrat, with his wife, Natalya and their two sons, Leon and Sergei.

He was expelled from Europe for his radical views, which called for a global Marxist revolution and the overthrow of the existing capitalist world order. Trotsky had also served time in prison in Russia — and escaped — for his revolutionary activities.

While Trotsky was well respected in the small clique of sophisticated Marxist intellectuals around the globe, who knew him from his razor sharp journalistic prose, he was largely unknown by the general public or mainstream press when he arrived in New York in January 1917.

Kenneth Ackerman, author of ‘Trotsky in New York 1917.’ (J. Larry Golfer)

But that anonymity soon faded. By October that year, as one of the leaders of the Bolshevik Revolution, Trotsky became a figure with a global impact.

He founded the Red Army, commanding it with vicious blood-thirsty gusto.

And he was a principal figure in the early years of the Communist International — the October Revolution would transform the course of 20th century history, and Trotsky, along with Lenin, played a prominent role in that transformation.

Those epic events, however, were still a few months away. In New York, between January and March of 1917, Trotsky was still building his reputation as a radical intellectual who posed a threat to the capitalist-global-world-hegemony.

And as Ackerman’s book recalls, until April 1917, the United States had still not entered into World War I. Many Jews and Russian emigres in New York — the most anti-war city in the US at the time — publicly voiced their opposition to America’s involvement. These Jews viewed it as helping the Tsar, who had promoted the anti-Semitism that drove them out of Russia in the first place.

Trotsky was among those figures leading the anti-war protests both in public speeches and in newspaper articles that were printed in the New York Yiddish press. This helped create a period of intense paranoia among the political class, especially against Jews and Eastern Europeans across New York, Ackerman explains.

‘Many of the more radical labor leaders were from Eastern Europe’

“In New York in 1917, there was a huge suspicion of socialists, labor leaders, and outsiders,” he says. “Much of this was fed by the labor movement in America, starting in the 1880s. Many of the more radical labor leaders were from Eastern Europe. Emma Goldman — who was Jewish — was also one of the most prominent anarchists at that time. And she was vilified for her political views.”

The city was famous for its exploitative labor — immigrants made up most of the workers, sweat shops were the norm, and people often worked up to 10 hours straight, hoping to earn maybe a dollar for their efforts.

Consequently, a labor movement began to emerge.

“Jews were very active in radical movements and unions,” says Ackerman. “And as Jewish leaders became more visible, Trotsky became exhibit number one.”

Trotsky’s name thus became associated with two major conspiracy theories.

The first was known as the German Libel — the charge that the Bolshevik Revolution was a mere creature of the German military effort to defeat Russia in WWI.

Leon Trotsky (Century Co, NY, 1921 / Wikipedia)

This also stated that Trotsky had received $10,000 from an unidentified German source in the city. Others claimed that if the money had not come from German and socialist immigrants, it potentially could have come from a powerful lobby of Jewish bankers in New York City.

“The second conspiracy theory became known as the Jewish Plot,” Ackerman explains. “The idea was that Jewish bankers paid Trotsky to overthrow the government and create Bolshevism.”

The notion that bankers would finance a radical socialist, whose end goal was to destroy the financial system that gave them extreme wealth in the first place, seems rather preposterous.

However, as Ackerman’s book explains in some detail, the Trotsky-Jewish conspiracy — in 1917 especially — took a very specific form. It centered on the most conspicuous Jewish financier in New York at the time, Jacob Schiff.

Schiff had openly used his wealth to pressure Russia into changing its anti-Semitic polices. Moreover, Schiff had refused to allow his bank to participate in American war loans to Britain or France as long as they allied themselves with Russia. The suggestion of a link between Schiff and Trotsky came directly from the United States government — specifically, its Military Intelligence Division (MID).

Ackerman’s book cites how MID files from this period are rife with slurs against high-profile New York city Jews like Schiff and others, connecting them to Bolshevik leaders.

Ackerman claims these allegations were coming from individuals who clearly had anti-Semitic agendas.

‘The idea was that Jewish bankers paid Trotsky to overthrow the government and create Bolshevism’

“Trotsky was being tracked by British Intelligence at this time,” says Ackerman, “and several of the people the British had on their payroll were people from Russia with clear track records of anti-Semitism. Including, Boris Brasol, who at the time was circulating copies of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion to American and British Military Intelligence, making the case that Jews were running Bolshevism and posing a threat.”

“Schiff had, of course, contributed to groups advocating the overthrow of the Tsar,” says Ackerman. “But once the Tsar was overthrown, Schiff was aligned with the Kerensky government. So he was not aligned at all with Trotsky or the Bolsheviks.”

But this charge of Jewish bankers backing Trotsky and the Bolsheviks didn’t vanish overnight. According to Ackerman, it became part of the lexicon of anti-Semitism throughout the 1920s and 30s.

“That memo from military intelligence leaked,” says Ackerman, “and it was repeated in many places. It became part of Nazi anti-Semitic propaganda and grew over the years.”

Joseph Stalin in July 1941, the year after he ordered the assassination of Leon Trotsky. (Public domain)

As a result of these various allegations and conspiracies, returning to Russia wasn’t easy for Trotsky. After hearing that Nicholas II had abdicated on March 15, 1917, Trotsky sought to immediately travel back to Russia to stir the fires of revolution.

But he was arrested on his return boat journey by harbor police in Canada. They got a tip off from British Intelligence officers by telegram, just before he boarded a ship in New York, heading back towards Europe. Trotsky would be held as a prisoner of war for a month in Nova Scotia.

Eventually he was released.

It wasn’t long before Trotsky was back in Russia, playing a leading role in the October Revolution.

Today, Trotsky’s name is never far from controversy or debate. Both sides of the political spectrum claim their lineage to him. The far-left see his uncompromising ways as a necessary method for implementing drastic political change with speed and commitment. But so too do neoconservatives on the right.

Looking back at his career, which mythology of Trotsky should we believe?

Was he the psychopathic-blood-thirsty-totalitarian, who believed mass violence and red terror was the ultimate price worth paying for a Marxist utopia? Or was he a humane sophisticated intellectual who —despite his flaws— did believe in ideas like social justice, egalitarianism, and brotherhood of fellow man?

“In the early days of the Russian Revolution, Trotsky put all of the elements in place for the Stalinist dictatorship,” says Ackerman. “He was a strong supporter of war communism, the centralization of power in the Bolshevik Communist Party, and he helped create the secret police, the Cheka. All of these things helped to create a dictatorial-communist-state.”

But in later years, Trotsky began to recognize the evil he helped to construct, Ackerman believes.

Consequently, Stalin had Trotsky murdered in 1940, and tried to erase him from Russian history.

“Love him or loath him, though,” says Ackerman, “Trotsky really was one of the truly consequential figures of the 20th century. By setting in motion the Bolshevik Revolution, he changed the world both for good and for bad.”
'The Unwomanly Face of War' records Russian women fighting in WWII
Svetlana Alexievich, whose oral histories of Soviet and Russian lives earned her the Nobel Prize for Literature, collected the stories of hundreds of Soviet women World War II vets.


July 25, 2017
By Bob Blaisdell

In World War II, about a million Soviet women helped their country fight the Nazis. When the war ended, most of those women, who had served as pilots, snipers, mine-detectors, nurses, cooks, and laundresses, quietly went home and resumed everyday life.

Twenty million of their fellow citizens had perished, meanwhile, in those four years. Many of the women tried to forget what they had seen, but for the most part, even 40 years later, they hadn’t.

Svetlana Alexievich – a recipient of the Nobel Prize for Literature and a brilliant practitioner of the art of oral history – lent hundreds of Soviet women veterans an ear in the early 1980s and listened and listened.


The Unwomanly Face of War, Alexievich’s first oral history, was published to acclaim and alarm in the Soviet Union in 1985 and has been reprinted several times there and substantially revised since. It is now available in English in a new translation by Richard Pevear and Larissa Volokhonsky.





In 1941, most Soviet women believed fervently in the national effort (Stalin’s unforgivable crimes and betrayals against his own citizens were as yet unknown to most of the public), but many of the women Alexievich interviewed admitted they had no idea what they were getting into: “At first you’re afraid of death,” said one woman.

But she adds, “In the end only one fear remains of being ugly after death. A woman’s fear.”


If “The Unwomanly Face of War” is less intense than Alexievich’s terrifying “Voices from Chernobyl” or the hair-raising “Zinky Boys,” it is still continually shocking and tearjerking. As is her custom, Alexievich divides her book into loose categories, as among file folders. The themes reveal themselves through repetition: time, memory, identity, womanhood, youth, patriotism.

Alexievich reflects: “I was used to thinking that there was no room for a woman’s life in the war. It is impossible there, almost forbidden. But I was wrong.… Very soon, already during my first meeting with them, I noticed: whatever the women talked about, even if it was death, they always remembered (yes!) about beauty. It was the indestructible part of their existence.... They told cheerfully and willingly about their naïve girlish ruses, little secrets, invisible signs of how in the ‘male’ everyday life of war and the ‘male’ business of war they still wanted to remain themselves. Not to betray their nature.”



One woman recalled to Alexievich how she saved the life of a German soldier at the nightmarish siege of Stalingrad. “There can’t be one heart for hatred and another for love,” decides Tamara Stepanovna Umnyagina in the concluding section. “We only have one, and I always thought about how to save my heart.”

Alexievich believes that revelations come out of conversations – ideally, one-on-one conversations. “If,” explains Alexievich, “besides the storyteller, there was some family member or friend in the apartment, or a neighbor (especially a man), she would be less candid and confiding than if it was just the two of us. ”



Alexievich, one generation the junior of these women, became their confidant, but even so they held back about one area: “What came unexpectedly for me?,” she asks. “The fact that they spoke about love less candidly than about death. There was always this reticence, as if they were protecting themselves, stopping each time at a certain line. Guarding it vigilantly.”



The introductory materials here, in which Alexievich quotes from the journals she kept while working on the project and from her later reflections and dealings with censors, are as compelling as the primary text. She discloses some of her methods and experiences as the collector of these voices: “I listen when they speak.… I listen when they are silent.… Both words and silence are the text for me.”



In this edition, unfortunately, Alexievich has chosen to excise her questions that led to those responses. Another quibble: unlike in the marvelous 1989 Russian edition (published by Sovetsky Pisatel) that features more than 60 photographs of the very “womanly faces” as they were then, there are no photographs in this book.


(SO I HAVE ADDED PHOTOS TO THIS ARTICLE)



The veterans speak much about their appearances, and the images of themselves as the women (or girls) they tried to remain. One phrase Alexievich says she never got over was “I was so young when I left for the front, I even grew during the war.”



PAST IS PRELUDE TO THE FUTURE

 STANLEY KUBRICK FASHION SHOOT 1949

MADONNA CANNES 2019


‘Dutch Girl’ shows Audrey Hepburn’s wartime courage
Another side of Hepburn emerges in Robert Matzen’s book about her difficult childhood and how it shaped her as an actress and as a humanitarian.



‘Dutch Girl: Audrey Hepburn and World War II’ by Robert Matzen, GoodKnight Books, 373 pp.

May 16, 2019
By Terry Hartle

Audrey Hepburn was one of the most celebrated actresses of the 20th century and a winner of Academy, Tony, Grammy, and Emmy awards. She was a style icon and, in later life, a tireless humanitarian who worked to improve conditions for children in some of the poorest communities in Africa and Asia as an ambassador for UNICEF.

But this extraordinary individual was the product of an extremely difficult childhood. Her father was a British subject and something of a rake and her mother was a minor Dutch noblewoman. Both of her parents flirted with the Nazis in the 1930s. Her mother met Adolf Hitler and wrote favorable articles about him for the British Union of Fascists. After abandoning the family in 1935, her father moved to England and became so active with Oswald Mosley’s fascists that he was interned during World War II. As a child, Hepburn rarely saw him.

Hepburn was shipped off to a small boarding school in England where she fell in love with the world of dance. With the outbreak of the war, her mother brought her back to the Netherlands. There, she became a reluctant observer of the brutal Nazi occupation of Western Europe from 1940 to 1945.

Her early life is the subject of Robert Matzen’s latest book, Dutch Girl: Audrey Hepburn and World War II. This is the third book that Matzen has devoted to leading figures of Hollywood’s Golden Age during the war years. As with his earlier volumes, “Mission: Jimmy Stewart and the Fight for Europe” and “Fireball: Carole Lombard and the Mystery of Flight 3,” this book dives deep into a corner of his subject’s life that gets little attention from most biographers. Matzen believes that what Hepburn, Stewart, and Lombard did during the war is interesting in its own right, and that their experiences fundamentally shaped their lives and provide insights into their characters.

That clearly seems to be the case with Hepburn. She was 11 years old when the Germans invaded the Netherlands and made her hometown of Arnhem a primary base of operation. She experienced the full trauma of the war. She saw Jewish people loaded into train cars for deportation. A beloved uncle was executed in retaliation for resistance activities. One of her brothers was deported to a German labor camp and another spent the war in hiding.

Her family suffered from cold, malnutrition, and a lack of medical supplies. Their home was repeatedly damaged by bombing. After the Allies’ June 1944 invasion of Normandy, things got worse. The Dutch railroad workers went on strike to limit the Germans’ ability to resupply their frontline troops. But this also deprived the Dutch population of food. Starvation became commonplace, and at one point during the so-called Hunger Winter, Hepburn was so weak she gave up dancing. Nonetheless, she tried to pass her meager food rations to her mother and relatives.

Things would get worse: Operation Market Garden, the effort by British paratroopers to capture the bridge over the Rhine at Arnhem, brought the war to her front door. There was heavy fighting on the street where she lived while her family cowered in the basement.

Hepburn began helping the Resistance despite the clear penalties for those who were caught. She ran messages and, at one point, her family hid a British soldier and helped him escape. Already a gifted dancer, she performed in benefit events to help raise money for the resistance. These were called “black evenings” because the windows where the events took place were blacked out and silence prevailed. Hepburn would later say of these events that “the best audiences I ever had made not a single sound at the end of my performance.”

After the war, Hepburn moved first to Amsterdam to study ballet with Sonia Gaskell and later to London where she studied with Marie Rambert. She hoped to become a prima ballerina but at 5 feet, 7 inches, she was too tall. Moreover, she lacked the physical stamina for such roles, probably the result of sustained malnutrition during the war. Eventually, she turned to the stage and began dancing as a chorus girl. Before long, she started work as an actress and her career blossomed.

This book, like the others in Matzen’s so-called Hollywood trilogy, is a hybrid. Despite extensive research, it is not a complete biography because it only examines one part of Hepburn’s life, albeit in great detail. Nor is it as fully satisfying as a history because it focuses on events primarily as Hepburn experienced them.

But it offers a wonderfully complete and revealing character sketch of an individual who continues to fascinate millions around the world. Hepburn was, of course, gracious, talented, and elegant. But Matzen makes clear that she also was extraordinarily courageous. While being tested in the most difficult ways imaginable at a very young age, Hepburn demonstrated incredible poise, bravery, and selflessness. Little wonder that, having suffered so much herself as a child, after retiring from acting, she devoted her life to improving the lives of children living in terribly difficult circumstances. This entertaining and enlightening book adds another dimension to the legend of Audrey Hepburn.

'Blood Brothers' details the strange, history-defying friendship of Buffalo Bill and Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull toured with Buffalo Bill Cody’s Wild West show for a four-month period in 1885.



Why, then, did Sitting Bull agree to join the Wild West at all? At that point, after five years of exile in Canada, he was confined to the Standing Rock reservation in South Dakota for his role in Little Bighorn. He saw traveling the country with Buffalo Bill as his best opportunity to meet the American president, a desire he had long harbored, and to otherwise press the case for Indian rights.
Blood Brothers By Deanne Stillman Simon & Schuster 304 pp.
October 26, 2017
By Barbara Spindel

Buffalo Bill Cody’s Wild West toured the world for three decades beginning in 1883, but as Deanne Stillman notes in her intriguing new book, Blood Brothers: The Story of the Strange Friendship between Sitting Bull and Buffalo Bill, the traveling show was most successful during the four-month period in 1885 that Sitting Bull appeared with the troupe. The Hunkpapa Lakota Sioux chief, mistakenly believed by many Americans to have killed George Armstrong Custer at the Battle of the Little Bighorn in 1876, was “the one Indian whose fame was as great as Buffalo Bill’s,” Stillman observes. “Foes in ’76, Friends in ’85” read the caption of the publicity photo of Cody and Sitting Bull that announced the curious collaboration.

Cody’s Wild West was a frontier extravaganza that mythologized America’s recent bloody history, casting white men as the heroes and Indians as the villains. Stillman calls the show, whose climax was a dramatization of Custer’s Last Stand, “an epic spectacle of a vanishing America.” Its creator was many things at once, including buffalo hunter, cowboy, army scout, showman, entrepreneur, and all-around charmer, and "Blood Brothers" brings Buffalo Bill wonderfully to life. His personality, Stillman writes, was “much like the frontier that shaped him – big, exciting, dangerous, with a heart that was elusive and wild.”

In addition, Cody knew how to package himself for the masses. He was so conscious of his entertainment value that, according to Stillman, he once dressed for battle in a “black velvet vaquero outfit, bedecked with lace, silver buttons, and scarlet ribbon,” so that he could don the costume during future performances and truthfully say that he had worn it when he fought the Indians.

While Sitting Bull is more difficult to decipher – he didn’t, after all, have a publicist in his employ – he too was adept at using celebrity to his advantage. He was the Wild West’s highest-paid performer, despite the fact that his role in the show consisted solely of circling the stage gravely on his horse, often as the audience heckled him. He made sure that his contract stipulated that only he could profit from the sale of his photograph and autograph. Still, he gave most of the money away, to friends, relatives, and strangers.

Why, then, did Sitting Bull agree to join the Wild West at all? At that point, after five years of exile in Canada, he was confined to the Standing Rock reservation in South Dakota for his role in Little Bighorn. He saw traveling the country with Buffalo Bill as his best opportunity to meet the American president, a desire he had long harbored, and to otherwise press the case for Indian rights. (Stillman says it’s possible that he met Grover Cleveland during the tour, but the record is unclear.)



The Pioneers: The Heroic Story of the Settlers Who Brought the American Ideal West.

By Danny Heitman Correspondent
In “John Adams,” David McCullough’s acclaimed 2001 biography, he chronicled Adams’ achievements as a Founding Father and chief executive. But one of Adams’ accomplishments, which changed the country, has gotten relatively little attention. During the negotiations that ended the Revolutionary War, the British pressed to make the Ohio River the westernmost boundary of the United States. But Adams held firm, according to McCullough, and the British relented, giving what would eventually become the United States of America ample room to grow. Land, as it turned out, was nearly all the fledgling nation had to offer (notwithstanding that some of it was already occupied by Native Americans). Without cash to reward its revolutionary soldiers, the young government provided veterans with dirt-cheap tracts in its newly acquired Northwest Territory instead. The settling of that frontier, which contained the future states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, is the subject of McCullough’s new book, The Pioneers: The Heroic Story of the Settlers Who Brought the American Ideal West. McCullough’s most arresting books have focused on a single figure, such as Adams, Theodore Roosevelt, or Harry Truman. “The Pioneers,” like “The Greater Journey,” his story of American expatriates in France, involves a lesser-known cast of characters. The story’s main hero is Manasseh Cutler, a New England minister who not only played a pivotal role in the passing of the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, but also pushed for anti-slavery language to be included in it. He’s the kind of man McCullough typically admires – a bibliophile and polymath much like Adams, Roosevelt, and Truman. Cutler, McCullough writes, “had succeeded in becoming three doctors in one, having qualified for both a doctor of law and a doctor of medicine, in addition to doctor of divinity, and having, from time to time, practiced both law and medicine. At one point he looked after some forty smallpox patients and seems to have gained a local reputation for his particular skill at coping with rattlesnake poisoning.”
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Toward A More Perfect Union

Exhibition about how the labor movement shaped New York tells a very Jewish story.




The Grand Demonstration of Workingmen in Union Square in September 1882. Published in Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper/Courtesy Private Collection
The Grand Demonstration of Workingmen in Union Square in September 1882. Published in Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper/Courtesy Private Collection
To strike or not to strike: It was Nov. 22, 1909, and that question was at the forefront of the minds of thousands of workers, many of them recent Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe, who had gathered that day at the Great Hall of New York’s Cooper Union. For hours, the all-male roster of speakers droned on about poor wages and worse working conditions, while also cautioning against the hardship of actually going on strike.   
But a 23-year-old Yiddish-speaking immigrant shirtwaist worker named Clara Lemlich (1888-1982) wasn’t buying it. Shoving her way to the podium, she declared in a fiery voice, “I move that we go on a general strike!
Reacting to the crowd’s roar of approval, Jewish Daily Forward editor Benjamin Feigenbaum asked those present to take a Yiddish oath modeled on a traditional Hebrew pledge: “If I turn traitor to the cause I now pledge, may my hand wither from the arm I now raise.” 
Thus began the Uprising of the 20,000, the largest women’s strike in U.S. history, which, despite its name, brought upwards of 40,000 women to the picket line. 
Iconic labor leader Samuel Gompers, circa 1893. Published in Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper/Courtesy Private Collection
This is only one among many stories chronicled in “City of Workers, City of Struggle: How Labor Movements Changed New York,” the newly opened exhibit at the Museum of the City of New York. And many of them are, like this one, intertwined with the history of the Jews of New York. 
“The Jewish presence really comes through in the early 20th-century, where you have the rise of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union (ILGWU) and the Amalgamated Workers Union (AWU),” exhibit curator Steven H. Jaffe told The Jewish Week, adding that “many of the labor leaders were immigrants themselves or the children of immigrants.” 
That list begins with Samuel Gompers (1850-1924), who came from a poor Jewish family in London and began working as a cigar maker when he was just 10. He continued that work after moving to the United States with his family and settling on the Lower East Side, where he also quickly became active, first, in the cigar makers’ union and subsequently as a founder of the organization that became known as the American Federation of Labor (AFL).    
Workers hand finish garments while managers look on.Courtesy Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation & Archives, Cornell University Burton Berinsky
In the 1880s and 1890s, firebrands like Lemlich began arriving from Eastern Europe, where many had already been exposed to socialist ideas and been involved in labor movements there. Eking out a living from piecework or low-paying jobs, this new wave of immigrants constituted “a new Jewish working class that we particularly associate with the garment trades,” said Joshua B. Freeman, professor at Queens College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York and editor of the companion book to the exhibit, also titled “City of Workers, City of Struggle: How Labor Movements Changed New York.”
Although it was not typical for women at the turn of the 20th century to work outside the home, many Jewish immigrant women were forced to work to help their families make ends meet. Many, says Freeman, “were really girls, 16, 17, 18 years old. … It was a step into independence,” but union involvement also carried the risk of getting arrested or beaten up by strike busters. And Lemlich was not the only Yiddish-speaking Jewish female labor leader. Already, in 1905, six years before the infamous Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire killed 146 mostly female and immigrant workers, Rose Schneiderman (1882-1972) had begun publicizing the safety hazards rampant in such buildings. Later in her long career of labor activism, she was named to President Franklin Roosevelt’s National Labor Advisory Board and also served from 1937-1944 as New York State secretary of the State Department of Labor.   
ILGWU President David Dubinsky rallies voters along Seventh Avenue for Lyndon Johnson, Robert F. Kennedy and Hubert Humphrey. Courtesy Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation & Archives, Cornell University Burton Berinsky
As for the nature of needle work itself, an interactive video game set alongside a vintage 1910s Singer sewing machine invites you to “Try treading the repurposed machine and guiding the ‘fabric’ with your hand as accurately and as quickly as you can.” The goal is to virtually and accurately “sew” three simulated apron edges. Spread your fingers on either side of the far-from-straight seam pictured on the screen, while also treading the foot pedal below, always making sure the needle and the seam line up perfectly. In real life, you were being watched by the bosses for both your precision and your speed. In this video version, you can read the verdict onscreen. “We couldn’t use a single apron,” mine read. “In 1912, your pay might be 0.4 tenths of a cent for that level of performance. In one 53-hour, 6-day work week, you might earn $1.00 ($25.94 in today’s dollars).”
Freeman points out that while many of the needle workers were Jewish, so were a number of the owners and employers, a situation that made many Jewish leaders uncomfortable. Out of this tension emerged a lasting influence for settling labor disputes: the lasting interest in settling labor disputes and the development of mediation and arbitration procedures. Instrumental to that process was future Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis (1856-1941), who in 1910 helped mediate an end to a strike by 60,000 cloak makers. The agreement was solidified in a document titled the Protocol of Peace — a copy of which is on display here.
Beyond the many historic documents, memorable photos, prints, paintings and news clips on display, the exhibit also offers a number of not-to-be missed artifacts that also carry the story of labor in New York further into the 20th century. One favorite: the over-stuffed Rolodex that belonged to Albert Shanker (1928-1997), the longtime president of the American Federation of Teachers and the United Federation of Teachers. As a sign of Shanker’s political power, the Rolodex is open to the entry for then-Gov. Nelson Rockefeller, including phone numbers in Albany and New York, and handwritten annotations for contacting others in his office. Posters and booklets in Yiddish are also here: a 1908 issue of the Yiddish socialist magazine Zukunftand, and a 1927-1928 calendar booklet from the International Union Bank listing both Jewish and American holidays, among others.
The Jewish presence is only one aspect of the larger story of labor in New York City, and it is shown here side by side with the ways in which workers from every background throughout the city’s history have fought for fair treatment and fair pay. In highlighting the centrality of labor to the city from its founding, and ongoing into the future, the exhibit shows the city in all its social, economic, political and cultural diversity. Understand that history, said Jaffe, and you’ll understand New York City. 
“City of Workers, City of Struggle: How Labor Movements Changed New York” runs through Jan. 5, 2020, mcny.org.

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