Showing posts with label P3. Show all posts
Showing posts with label P3. Show all posts

Monday, May 07, 2007

Canadian Shooters Use Long Guns


Revisiting A Canadian Tragedy

Revisiting A Canadian Tragedy

As America grieves the victims of the Virginia Tech massacre, we take you back to 1975, when a shooting spree at a school in Brampton, Ontario, shocked the country. We bring you eyewitness accounts, and we'll find out what we've learned.

CBC Sun Day report ran this amazing piece of forgotten history. I left the following comment on their web site;

"I too did not know about the Brampton tragedy and I thank you for using this opportunity to present this in light of the Virgina Tech massacre. I note that the comment made by Carole MacNeil was that the first such shooting in a school occurred here in Edmonton in 1959. "

The situation between these high school shootings and the later Taber, Dawson and Virginia Tech massacres show we do not have enough psychological counseling prior to such incidents, rather we provide it after the fact.

The other point to remember is that so far all the shootings in Canada including Edmonton, Brampton, the Lapine shooting in Montreal, the Taber shootings, and Dawson College, unlike the situation in the U.S., were all done using long guns, rifles.

The same long guns that the Harpocrites don't want registered. Because after all law abiding duck hunters and farmers use them too.


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Friday, April 27, 2007

Minister of P3


Greg Weston of the Sun chain has an excellent piece exposing the insider deals in Public Works to sell off government buildings, which began under the Liberals, and then lease them back. Which makes about as much sense as selling your house and then paying rent.


It was only a matter of time.

The moment Stephen Harper appointed a corporate investment banker to be public works minister in charge of government contracting with thousands of Canadian corporations, political controversy was sure to follow.

The inevitable storm engulfed senator-minister Michael Fortier this past week after a company publicly complained about losing a $400-million contract bid to one of Fortier's former investment banking clients.

While there is no evidence of fiddling by Fortier or his team, the opposition parties are justifiably asking that the newly created Integrity Office review the contract award, if only to lift all suspicion from the minister and reassure the public.

For all the same reasons of probity and protecting reputations, maybe the ethics folks might also want to review what could be the largest government real estate deal in decades.

Fortier announced in March that public works is ready to sell $1.5 billion of federal office buildings that the government would then lease back for the next 25 years.

$6M IN COMMISSIONS

Last September, Fortier's department awarded the contract for the real estate sell-off to the investment banking arms of the Royal Bank (RBC) and the Bank of Montreal (BMO), a deal expected to generate at least $6 million in commissions.

The key player in BMO's winning bid, for instance, was Rick Byers, managing director of the firm's government investment banking group.

Byers is highly qualified for the job as an expert in government privatizations, having had lead roles in projects such as the $1.5-billion spinoff of the air traffic control services at Canadian airports.

But Byers also happens to have been a prominent Conservative party fundraiser and organizer who has twice run for a federal seat under the Tory banner in the Ontario riding of Oakville, and is a candidate for the Ontario PCs in the provincial election this fall.

Byers' political ties to the current public works minister go back to the 1998 Conservative leadership race when Fortier ran against Joe Clark and lost by a mile.

In 2003, the two investment bankers backed Scott Brison's bid for the PC leadership -- Byers was the campaign chairman for Ontario, Fortier assumed the same role for Quebec.

One of Brison's chief fundraisers was another highly respected investment banker named Michael Norris, then head of RBC's investment banking operations and now the firm's deputy chairman.

It all begins with the appointment of investment Banker Michael Fortier to the Senate as the unelected Minister of Public Works and goes downhill from there.

The Public Works changes now throw into disarray the procurement-reform process, which is intended to generate savings of $2.5-billion over five years. The savings have already been built into the government's books and Prime Minister Stephen Harper mandated Mr. Fortier to find the savings.

But before more reforms are made, the minister wants answers on two issues raised by The Globe and Mail this week, a senior Public Works official said: a trip to London by two high-ranking advisers that was marred by missed and cancelled meetings; and a consulting contract with A.T. Kearney Ltd. that was supposed to be worth $15-million over four years but has cost $24-million in only nine months.

“The minister has asked for a full report on the A.T. Kearney contract to see whether we obtained value for money,” the official said. “Why did we spend more in one year than what we had planned over four years? There was obviously a management problem.”

The contract was awarded in November by the previous Liberal government, but most of the cost increases occurred after the Conservatives came to power this year.


The Liberals began the overhaul at Public Works, an initiative known as The Way Forward, which is supposed to save $3.5 billion over five years. The Harper government endorsed the reforms, but Mr. Fortier took a different course from the Liberals, who considered selling much of the government's real estate holdings, and issued a tender call for advisers on how to manage the portfolio. That contract will be awarded soon.

The Tories continued the course started by the Liberals for procurement reform until Mr. Fortier faced a near revolt from small suppliers over a tender call for temporary help agencies that called for the use of reverse auctions.



It turns out that this is another case of the Government commissioning a study that it does not want to share. The study being done by party pals of the government,and Minister Fortier, who would benefit from the sale and leasing of these buildings. It replaces the previous Liberal contract with A.T. Kearny and the Tipple Rotor non report.

The two consultants hired by Fortier will profit from this for their employers, two of Canada's biggest banks, the lucrative fees they make kick backs to stalwart Conservative political operatives.

Public Works Minister Michael Fortier rejected demands from opposition members yesterday to refer a controversial plan to sell off nine federal buildings to the newly created Integrity Office.

Fortier also refused to release a report from two banks giving advice on the prospective sale and lease-back of the buildings, estimated to be worth $1.5 billion.

Those two banks would also earn a commission on the future sale of the federal buildings, Fortier confirmed to a Commons committee yesterday.

Officials would not disclose the details of that commission.


Like the guys who went to England to learn from New Labours P3 failures paid for secretly by the PMO, were hired as government consultants. And thanks to the power of the PMO, their report paid for by taxpayers also remains secret.

Hon. Michael Fortier: Let's deal with the gentlemen and the visit
to London. I had a report from the deputy on what the business trip
was about, and I'll let him talk about this in a second.
With respect to A.T. Kearney, there is no report. They were hired,
as you pointed out earlier, more than 18 months ago through a fair
RFP open process. Big numbers. I totally agree with you. Where I
come from, $19,000 is a lot of money. The original contract was for
$19 million with the ability to go to $24 million. The media reports
talk about the contract being seven or eight or nine or ten times what
it was supposed to be. The reality is it was signed by the former
minister, and the number that he authorized is the number that was
spent.

Ms. Peggy Nash: Excuse me, Mr. Minister, you say there was no
written report that came out of this $24 million contract. What did
come out of it?

Hon. Michael Fortier: They were advising the department in
three or four specific areas. One was to actually look at these savings
and see how they could be generated. They were looking at $20
billion of procurement through 50 to 60 departments, and they were
helping the department literally collect data and strategize on the
reform itself.

The reform is not just about saving money. We've talked about it.
It's about proceeding with procurement in a smarter and more
transparent fashion.

Ms. Peggy Nash: When there were reports of the two
representatives who spent a week in London and cancelled
meetings—I don't know if they actually succeeded in meeting with
anyone there—the media reported that you had asked for a report.
Did that happen?

Hon. Michael Fortier: I spoke with the deputy. The deputy
reported to me on what the situation was.


This is not "New", the Harper Government of Canada really is becoming all too tiresome in its predictability for autarchy and secrecy.

During an appearance before the Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates, the Minister refused repeated requests by opposition Members of Parliament for an investigation into this apparent conflict of interest. The review would be conducted by the Public Service Integrity Office, an office created by the minority Conservative government as one of its new "accountability" measures.

"This government talks a good game about accountability, but they apparently forgot to send the memo to their Senator-Minister, who apparently believes he is above oversight," said Mr. Rodriguez.

Kathryn May, The Ottawa Citizen

Published: Wednesday, April 25, 2007

Public Works Minister Michael Fortier says he won't ask the integrity office to investigate complaints that he was in a conflict of interest over the awarding of a $400-million technology contract because he has never been involved in the selection of bidders since he took the job.

"I have not directly or indirectly been involved in the selection and awarding of any contract, not just this contract, since I was sworn in as minister of public works in February 2006," he told the Commons government operations committee yesterday.

Last week, Ottawa-based TPG Technology Consulting raised concerns that Mr. Fortier may be in a conflict of interest over a $400-million contract it lost to competing bidder CGI Group Inc., for which Mr. Fortier worked during his previous career as an investment banker. TPG alleges the bidding process was stacked in favour of CGI, even though it offered the lowest price.


TPG Concerned that Minister Fortier Doesn't Support an Investigation into Suspicious Contract

    OTTAWA, April 25 /CNW Telbec/ - TPG Technology Consulting Ltd.'s
president, Mr. Don Powell, is concerned that a number of recent statements
made by Mr. Michael Fortier, Minister of Public Works and Government Services
Canada (PWGSC), suggest the Minister is turning a blind eye to the
circumstances surrounding the pending award of a $400 million contract for
technical services. Otherwise, his department would be more willing to
investigate the potential conflicts of interests and possible breaches of
protocol surrounding this process.
"The Minister keeps stating that nothing went wrong and that he doesn't
want an inquiry into the process, but an inquiry would give other individuals
the opportunity to come forward and state once and for all what happened,"
said Mr. Powell.
"We thought this new government would welcome whistle-blowers and be
ready to investigate their claims to ensure the fairness and transparency of
the process, but the opposite seems to be happening!" Mr. Powell said.
"How can they say there's nothing wrong without even looking at what we
have? We thought the 'shoot, shovel and shut up policy' wouldn't be part of
the Conservative's agenda."
Mr. Powell said PWGSC has not seen the evidence obtained by TPG, but has
worked hard to discredit TPG's concerns.

Where is the accountability?

Mr. Powell states that he is ready to divulge information to an
independent body that will offer protection to involved individuals so that
they can feel safe in coming forward to share their concerns about this
process.
An independent inquiry is the only way to determine whether this contract
process was conducted in a fair, open and transparent manner.




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Wednesday, April 11, 2007

Public Pensions Fund Private Partnerships


The battle of publicly funded pensions funds, your money and mine, being used in collaboration with private equity firms, hedge funds, to do leveraged buyouts needs to be seriously addressed, since those who pay into these funds have no controlling say over the fund managers.

As Robert Blackburn of New Left Review has written, the pension funds created over the past fifty years are huge new source of capital available for use to shore up capitalism.

But it is still public money, from union or public sector and government pensions. But without any meaningful corporate regulations giving the owners of these funds, us, any say in how they are invested. The democratization of public and institutional funds needs to be on the agenda of unions, the left, and the public. While institutional funds like pension funds call for their rights as shareholders, they do not allow their own shareholders the same rights of representation.

Teachers' BCE campaign gaining support

Some of BCE Inc.'s largest shareholders are lining up behind the Ontario Teachers Pension Plan and pledging to support the pension fund if it attempts to lead a takeover of the telecommunications company or even oust its embattled senior management.

Teachers, exasperated with BCE's weak stock performance under chief executive officer Michael Sabia, has already approached U.S. buyout firm Providence Equity Partners Inc. to explore a bid for the company worth close to $40 a share, according to sources.

That hefty price -- about a 30-per-cent premium to where BCE was trading last month -- could be enough to sway many of the company's long-suffering investors if Teachers decides to act. Although it chose not to submit a formal bid after BCE indicated it wasn't interested in selling, Teachers ratcheted up the pressure on the company in a regulatory filing this week by signalling its intentions to shift from a passive investor to an active one. Several investors said the only way BCE may be able to fend off an unwanted suitor now is for Mr. Sabia to step aside.

He said Teachers, like many investors, has become frustrated by what it views as unresponsive management and the glacial pace of Mr. Sabia's turnaround strategy.

In a filing with U.S. regulators on Monday, the pension fund said it was "exploring its options" regarding BCE, and sources confirmed it has been in contact with several buyout firms and pension funds in both Canada and the United States about the prospect of a takeover. The filing came less than two weeks after it was revealed that BCE had spurned another advance from private equity titan Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Co., which has allied itself with the Canada Pension Plan Investment Board.

These sources described the KKR advance as a "wake-up call" for Teachers, which is bent on leading any privatization effort of the Montreal-based parent of Bell Canada. One person familiar with the matter said the $106-billion pension fund is dismayed by the cool reception its proposals have received from both Mr. Sabia and BCE chairman Richard Currie. Mr. Sabia and Mr. Currie could not be reached for comment.

"At some point the shareholders will speak," said one person familiar with Teachers' plans. "Boards of directors are supposed to represent the shareholders at the table."

See

P3

AIM High

Your Pension Dollars At Work

P3= Public Pension Partnerships



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Monday, April 09, 2007

Nuclear P3 Meltdown

Ah the joy of Private Public partnerships. The irony here is that the Bruce Plant is also owned by public pensions funds, private interests and the Power Workers Union. Originally mothballed by the Harris government, it was sold to a consortium of public private interests to pay for the expensive repairs Bruce needed to get it back online.

Robin Jeffrey’s determination created the opportunity that spawned Bruce Power and has led to a revitalization of nuclear power in Canada. The Bruce Power transaction received a Gold Award from the Canadian Council for Public Private Partnerships for “Excellence and Innovation in Infrastructure” and received the Financial Times Global Energy Award for “Successful Investment Decision of the Year” of 2001.

Local support wasn't a given for Hawthorne when he first came to the Bruce station, in 2000, as part of a team of experts imported by British Energy, a U.K. utility that leased the plant from the Ontario government that year. The 1970s-era station — which consists of eight Canadian-made Candu nuclear reactors — had languished and faltered under public-sector management. The provincial government had decided to see if private managers could do a better job running a major part of the nuclear fleet that supplies almost half of Ontario's electricity. To lure experienced nuclear managers to the province, Ontario's Conservative finance minister at the time, Jim Flaherty, offered British Energy a 17-year lease on terms critics considered too sweet for an asset the public borrowed billions to build.

Financial concerns involving its operations outside of Canada led British Energy PLC to withdraw from Bruce Power in 2003. As a result, the Cameco Corporation increased its share of Bruce Power to 31.6%, while new partners TransCanada PipeLines and BPC Generation Infrastructure Trust (a trust owned by the Ontario Municipal Employees Retirement System [OMERS]) each acquired a 31.6% share. The facility’s two primary unions retained their original 5.2% share.

With the McGuinty government promise to eliminate coal fired plants, Bruce coming back online at 'any cost' was a priority. And the cost was of course to the taxpayers of Ontario.


Ontarians would have saved $1.5 billion on their hydro bills over the next 25 years had the government negotiated a smarter deal to refurbish the Bruce Power nuclear station, the provincial auditor general says.

Electricity generated by refurbished reactors at a privately operated nuclear station will cost hydro consumers in Ontario 44 per cent more than the going market rate as a result of the government's failure to drive the best deal possible, the province's auditor says.

Auditor-General Jim McCarter said in a report released yesterday he recognizes that the province was not in a strong bargaining position when it cut the 2005 deal with Bruce Power, the privately owned consortium that operates the nuclear station on Lake Huron.

As a result, his report suggests, the government made too many financial concessions at the expense of electricity consumers.

The government will pay Bruce Power 7.1 cents a kilowatt hour for electricity produced from reactors the company plans to refurbish. This is significantly higher than the average market price of 4.9 cents consumers have paid over the past five years and experts' projections of future prices, the report says.



See:

nuclear power


Environment


Hydro

Energy Probe


CANDU


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Saturday, March 24, 2007

P3 Failure In Alberta

What raving leftist said this?

"Although it appears that ideology has ruled over common sense. Monopolies have to be rigorously regulated. When they aren’t – the Edmonton Regional Airports Authority and CLS being two obvious examples – they get out of hand. Having the private sector market alcohol has led to competitive pricing, extended business hours and a huge ramp up in selection. It hasn’t been all bad. Even though the trend recently has seen the mom-and-pops being squeezed out by the big chains."

Neil Waugh in the Edmonton Sun on the failure of the current privatization monopoly in liquor distribution in Alberta.

You see when the government privatized its liquor business it sold off its buildings at fire sale prices, and sold the rights to its lucrative government run distribution business, warehousing and trucks included, to a private company. But that company also maintained the State's monopoly. And as a P3 it is not subject to the usual checks and balances that even the promoters of P3's say need to be in place.

The Alberta Liquor Association called it the “disastrous warehouse mess.” The Alberta Hotel and Lodging Association said it’s had a “serious and negative impact” on its members.

Meanwhile, the Canadian Restaurant and Foodservices Association notes that the outfit running the province’s liquor distribution monopoly “enjoys” a deal where there is “no risk of losing market share due to poor service.”

But more to the point, the new Alberta Tories’ first dive into the P3 shark tank appears to have popped its top.

All this and a whole lot more was revealed in a damning report by Pricewaterhouse Coopers into what’s wrong with the province’s liquor distribution system released by the government yesterday. The very first line of the report warned that “a simple, expedient solution to Alberta’s current liquor supply chain challenges does not exist.”

But at least we may now get a liquor warehouse and distribution operator, that has a contract with Alberta taxpayers with performance measures and penalties. Because right now Connect Logistics Services has a sweet deal where “no incentives or disincentives exist for good/poor performance,” the report determined.

But the Pricewaterhouse report is a clear warning that public/private partnerships aren’t the dream team that the PCs would have us believe. Especially if no one is willing to keep a firm hand on the private partner.

But now the Stelmach government is determined to charge ahead. Ring roads are going to be run as P3s under long-term contracts. There’s talk of “bundles” of schools turned over to the private sector. The new Calgary hospital was originally shopped around as a P3. There were no takers. The liquor warehouse report may have just told us why.
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Privatization



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AIM High

Having been burned with government bureaucrats running the Alberta Government Venture Capital fund (VenCap) it was sold off by the Ralph regime to Onex corporation in 1995.
It had potential, and even with a deficit its shares were worth $8 on the TSX. Which was not bad for the time. But the debt and defict hysteria led the government to sell off this potential golden goose.

In terms of publicly-funded venture capital funds, Alberta’s experience has not been positive. Vencap was established by the Alberta government with funding of $240 million and the objective of investing in venture capital. Vencap experienced many of the same problems as LSVCCs – a lack of good investments and a reluctance to take risks. As a result, a relatively small percentage of Vencap’s equity ended up in new Alberta ventures. The Alberta Opportunity Company faced similar problems in operating a program to support investments in start-up knowledge-based industries.


Yet its deficit was still underwritten by the Heritage Trust fund five years later, the Ralph regime was panic driven, selling off all government services it could at fire sale prices..

December 2000: All of the loans made to provinces from 1977 to 1982 have been paid back on time and without any missed payments. The only project loans left on the Heritage Fund books are Vencap and Ridley Grain Ltd. for a total of $98.8 million, which represents 0.8% percent of the Heritage Fund's total portfolio.



The Government is
a risk averse regime that would rather underwrite private capitalists than use it's own capital.

Institutional investors key to growth of city's tech sector

Unlike other provinces and public pension funds, including the federal CPP, Alberta was more interested in selling off government assets and services to the private sector, than developing its capital base with the Heritage Trust fund and its other investment funds.

Risk adverse, wanting to divest itself of any economic responsibility, "we are not in the business of business", the government finally has realized it is a capitalist state and should be investing its social capital. However its social capital is not just the Heritage Trust fund, but public sector pension funds as well.



In a move predicted to earn up to an extra $500 million a year, the Stelmach government plans to create a new provincial Crown corporation to oversee $70 billion worth of financial assets.

The Edmonton-based investment powerhouse will be the fifth-largest pool of managed capital in Canada.

It would be exceeded in size only by the Caisse de depot et placement du Quebec ($143.5 billion), the Canada Pension Plan Investment Board ($111 billion), the Ontario Teachers' Pension Plan ($96.1 billion), and the B.C. Investment Management Corp. ($76.3 billion).

AIM Corp. would assume responsibility for managing the $16.3-billion Alberta Heritage Savings Trust Fund, several public endowment funds -- including the Alberta Heritage Foundation for Medical Research -- and a basket of public-sector pension funds.

The latter includes the $13.5-billion Local Authorities Pension Plan (LAPP), the province's largest public pension fund, and the $5.7 billion Public Service Pension Plan, among several others.

A recent study for the government concluded a stand-alone organization would be the best way "to achieve investment excellence," Alberta Finance said in a brief news release.

"The proposal follows best practices for top public sector investment funds such as the Canada Pension Plan, the B.C. Investment Management Corporation and the Ontario Teachers' Pension Plan."


During the Ralph regime everything not making money was sloughed off and contracted out or privatized. In order balance out the reduction in royalties and taxes coming in from the Oil industry, in the nineties the PC's found that like many governments they were carrying pension debt. As the third party to the Local Authorities Pension Plan(LAPP) which covers all MUSH employees and management in Alberta, they never contributed to the plan, rather like other governments they put all pension earnings into general revenues.

In the late nineties with a deficit and debt crisis, they looked at the debt they owed the LAPP and hived it off in plans to allow the contributors, employees and management as well as MUSH employers, to run it. Without of course the governments missing contribution. This left the LAPP in a deficit situation, causing its members to have to pay for the governments debt owed them.

In return for paying down the governments debt to the LAPP the members of the plan were offered investment autonomy, with moves to privatize the plan under membership control. Which was not a bad thing. It removed statist bureaucracy and red tape at a time when the market was booming, and as a fund managed by employee representatives from unions, management and professional associations, and employers. The board was in place, and hired its own CEO,and investment managers, as well as holding a series of input meetings with the membership, both for feedback and for an explanation as to how the funds would be managed.

In a short five years the LAPP was out of debt and the members actually paid less then was expected and in fact got a payback for overpayment's of the government debt. The reason? Bre-X. While the Bre-X swindle saw many make fortunes on the largest run of a penny stock to a $200 share in the shortest period in Canadian mining history, even for the mining scandals of the sixties, many also lost fortunes as the shares collapsed under the salting scandal that ensued. But not the LAPP they made money off Bre-X, and other investments. Because they were autonomous and now were no longer risk adverse, that is they were investing to make up the deficit, while maintaining the capital for their fiduciary responsibility to their retirees.

Once out of debt and making money, as they have for a decade, the government realized it was selling the golden goose if it allowed full autonomy, it reigned in its plans to privatize the LAPP. It remained under autonomous management but was still a subject to regulation by the Finance Department.

Had it been allowed full autonomy it would have made even more money. As it was with partial autonomy, and its own investment policies and managers it went from a deficit to $13. 5 Billion in assets.

Seeing it had a golden goose again, the Government has refused out right autonomy and has moved away from privatization of LAPP. Which may be the reason for it not wanting to talk about how it is looting public pension funds to underwrite its new investment corporation.

I almost missed it, but there it was, posted on the Alberta finance department's website.

The cryptic, one-page news release outlined a bill, introduced in the legislature Tuesday, to create a new provincial Crown corporation called Alberta Investment Management Corporation, or AIM Corp.

It will boast roughly $70 billion in assets.

That was it. There was no fanfare. No press conference. No grandiose quotes about the cosmic significance of this bold initiative from Alberta Premier Ed Stelmach, or Finance Minister Lyle Oberg. In fact, the latter didn't even respond to my followup call Wednesday. A department flack did.

The release itself was so blandly written it appeared designed to put reporters to sleep.

There is an irony here in that the ultimate capital partner in government P3 projects is not private hedge funds, nor private industry, but public pension funds. The Alberta government will find itself funding its own P3 projects with its new AIM Corporation. Just as governments world wide are being funded by Canadian institutional pension funds. And these same pension funds are crying about not having more government real estate and infrastructure projects in Canada to invest in.


See

P3

Your Pension Dollars At Work

P3= Public Pension Partnerships



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