Monday, October 31, 2022

WITCHY/BITCHY

Witchy_bitchy-

Witchiness and bitchiness are two feminist tropes that refuse to die. What is their historical importance, and what might come next, particularly if we wholly welcome rather than refute these gendered stereotypes?

Though manifestos are derived from a genre rooted in presentness, classic feminist texts nevertheless show us  possibilities just out of our sightline, waiting to be discovered.

We bring you two feminist texts excerpted from Burn It Down! Feminist Manifestos for the Revolution edited by Breanne Fahs, from the WITCHY/BITCHY section of the book.

We start with a classic second-wave radical feminist text written by the Women’s International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell (W.I.T.C.H.), a group that resurfaced in Portland, Oregon, and throughout the United States after the election of Donald Trump. We then hear from Joreen (aka Jo Freeman) in her well-known BITCH Manifesto, a key effort in reclaiming the word “bitch” and turning it against the oppressors.
 

W.I.T.C.H. Manifesto – 1968, W.I.T.C.H. (Women's International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell)

WITCH is an all-women Everything. It’s theater, revolution, magic, terror, joy, garlic flowers, spells, It’s an awareness that witches and gypsies were the original guerrillas and resistance fighters against oppression—particularly the oppression of women—down through the ages. Witches have always been women who dared to be: groovy, courageous, aggressive, intelligent, nonconformist, explorative, curious, independent, sexually liberated, revolutionary. (This possibly explains why nine million of them have been burned.) Witches were the first Friendly Heads and Dealers, the first birth-control practitioners and abortionists, the first alchemists (turn dross into gold and you devalue the whole idea of money!). They bowed to no man, being the living remnants of the oldest culture of all—one in which men and women were equal sharers in a truly cooperative society, before the death-dealing, sexual, economic, and spiritual repression of the Imperialist Phallic Society took over and began to destroy nature and human society.

WITCH lives and laughs in every woman. She is the free part of each of us, beneath the shy smiles, the acquiescence to absurd male domination, the make-up or flesh suffocating clothing our sick society demands. There is no “joining” WITCH. If you are a woman and dare to look within yourself, you are a Witch. You make your own rules. You are free and beautiful. You can be invisible or evident in how you choose to make your witch-self known. You can form your own Coven of sister Witches (thirteen is a cozy number for a group) and do your own actions.

Whatever is repressive, solely male-oriented, greedy, puritanical, authoritarian—those are your targets. Your weapons are theater, satire, explosions, magic, herbs, music, costumes, cameras, masks, chants, stickers, stencils and paint, films, tambourines, bricks, brooms, guns, voodoo dolls, cats, candles, bells, chalk, nail clippings, hand grenades, poison rings, fuses, tape recorders, incense—your own boundless imagination. Your power comes from your own self as a woman, and it is activated by working in concert with your sisters. The power of the Coven is more than the sum of its individual members, because it is together.

You are pledged to free our brothers from oppression and stereotyped sexual roles (whether they like it or not) as well as ourselves. You are a Witch by saying aloud, “I am a Witch” three times, and thinking about that. You are a Witch by being female, untamed, angry, joyous, and immortal.

W.I.T.C.H. (Women’s International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell) is a New York City–based radical feminist group founded in October 1968 by socialist feminists or “politicos” Robin Morgan, Peggy Dobbins, Judy Duffett, Cynthia Funk, Naomi Jaffe, and Florika. The group opposed the idea that radical feminists should only campaign against patriarchy alone. Instead, they argued that feminists should fight for a range of left-wing causes to bring about wider social change. The group was known for theatrical public actions such as hexing Wall Street in 1968 and protesting a bridal fair in 1969.

BITCH Manifesto – 1968, Joreen

BITCH is an organization which does not yet exist. The name is not an acronym. It stands for exactly what it sounds like.

BITCH is composed of Bitches. There are many definitions of a bitch. The most complimentary definition is a female dog. Those definitions of bitches who are also homo sapiens are rarely as objective. They vary from person to person and depend strongly on how much of a bitch the definer considers herself. However, everyone agrees that a bitch is always a female, dog, or otherwise.

It is also generally agreed that a Bitch is aggressive, and therefore unfeminine (ahem). She may be sexy, in which case she becomes a Bitch Goddess, a special case which will not concern us here. But she is never a “true woman.”

Bitches have some or all of the following characteristics.

1) Personality. Bitches are aggressive, assertive, domineering, overbearing, strong-minded,

spiteful, hostile, direct, blunt, candid, obnoxious, thick-skinned, hard-headed, vicious, dogmatic, competent, competitive, pushy, loud-mouthed, independent, stubborn, demanding, manipulative, egoistic, driven, achieving, overwhelming, threatening, scary, ambitious, tough, brassy, masculine, boisterous, and turbulent. Among other things. A Bitch occupies a lot of psychological space. You always know she is around. A Bitch takes shit from no one. You may not like her, but you cannot ignore her.

2) Physical. Bitches are big, tall, strong, large, loud, brash, harsh, awkward, clumsy, sprawling, strident, ugly. Bitches move their bodies freely rather than restrain, refine and confine their motions in the proper feminine manner. They clomp up stairs, stride when they walk and don’t worry about where they put their legs when they sit. They have loud voices and often use them. Bitches are not pretty.

3) Orientation. Bitches seek their identity strictly thru themselves and what they do. They are subjects, not objects. They may have a relationship with a person or organization, but they never marry anyone or anything; man, mansion, or movement. Thus Bitches prefer to plan their own lives rather than live from day to day, action to action, or person to person. They are independent cusses and believe they are capable of doing anything they damn well want to. If something gets in their way; well, that’s why they become Bitches. If they are professionally inclined, they will seek careers and have no fear of competing with anyone. If not professionally inclined, they still seek self-expression

and self-actualization. Whatever they do, they want an active role and are frequently perceived as domineering. Often they do dominate other people when roles are not available to them which more creatively sublimate their energies and utilize their capabilities. More often they are accused of domineering when doing what would be considered natural by a man.

A true Bitch is self-determined, but the term “bitch” is usually applied with less discrimination. It is a popular derogation to put down uppity women that was created by man and adopted by women. Like the term “nigger,” “bitch” serves the social function of isolating and discrediting a class of people who do not conform to the socially accepted patterns of behavior.

BITCH does not use this word in the negative sense. A woman should be proud to declare she is a Bitch, because Bitch is Beautiful. It should be an act of affirmation by self and not negation by others. Not everyone can qualify as a Bitch. One does not have to have all of the above three qualities, but should be well possessed of at least two of them to be considered a Bitch. If a woman qualifies in all three, at least partially, she is a Bitch’s Bitch. Only Superbitches qualify totally in all three categories and there are very few of those. Most don’t last long in this society.

The most prominent characteristic of all Bitches is that they rudely violate conceptions of proper sex role behavior. They violate them in different ways, but they all violate them. Their attitudes towards themselves and other people, their goal orientations, their personal style, their appearance and way of handling their bodies, all jar people and make them feel uneasy. Sometimes it’s conscious and sometimes it’s not, but people generally feel uncomfortable around Bitches. They consider them aberrations. They find their style disturbing. So they create a dumping ground for all who they deplore as bitchy and call them frustrated women. Frustrated they may be, but the cause is social not sexual.

What is disturbing about a Bitch is that she is androgynous. She incorporates within herself qualities traditionally defined as “masculine” as well as “feminine.” A Bitch is blunt, direct, arrogant, at times egoistic. She has no liking for the indirect, subtle, mysterious ways of the “eternal feminine.” She disdains the vicarious life deemed natural to women because she wants to live a life of her own.

Our society has defined humanity as male, and female as something other than male. In this way, females could be human only by living vicariously thru a male. To be able to live, a woman has to agree to serve, honor, and obey a man and what she gets in exchange is at best a shadow life. Bitches refuse to serve, honor or obey anyone. They demand to be fully functioning human beings, not just shadows. They want to be both female and human. This makes them social contradictions. The mere existence of Bitches negates the idea that a woman’s reality must come thru her relationship to a man and defies the belief that women are perpetual children who must always be under the guidance of another.

Therefore, if taken seriously, a Bitch is a threat to the social structures which enslave women and the social values which justify keeping them in their place. She is living testimony that woman’s oppression does not have to be, and as such raises doubts about the validity of the whole social system. Because she is a threat she is not taken seriously. Instead, she is dismissed as a deviant. Men create a special category for her in which she is accounted at least partially human, but not really a woman. To the extent to which they relate to her as a human being, they refuse to relate to her as a sexual being. Women are even more threatened because they cannot forget she is a woman. They are

afraid they will identify with her too closely. She has a freedom and an independence which they envy and challenges them to forsake the security of their chains. Neither men nor women can face the reality of a Bitch because to do so would force them to face the corrupt reality of themselves. She is dangerous. So they dismiss her as a freak.

This is the root of her own oppression as a woman. Bitches are not only oppressed as women, they are oppressed for not being like women. Because she has insisted on being human before being feminine, on being true to herself before kowtowing to social pressures, a Bitch grows up an outsider. Even as girls, Bitches violated the limits of accepted sex role behavior. They did not identify with other women and few were lucky enough to have an adult Bitch serve as a role model. They had to make their own way and the pitfalls this uncharted course posed contributed to both their uncertainty and their independence.

Bitches are good examples of how women can be strong enough to survive even the rigid, punitive socialization of our society. As young girls it never quite penetrated their consciousness that women were supposed to be inferior to men in any but the mother/helpmate role. They asserted themselves as children and never really internalized the slave style of wheedling and cajolery which is called feminine. Some Bitches were oblivious to the usual social pressures and some stubbornly resisted them. Some developed a superficial feminine style and some remained tomboys long past the time when such behavior is tolerated. All Bitches refused, in mind and spirit, to conform to the idea that there were limits on what they could be and do. They placed no bounds on their aspirations or their conduct.

For this resistance they were roundly condemned. They were put down, snubbed, sneered at, talked about, laughed at and ostracized. Our society made women into slaves and then condemned them for acting like slaves. It was all done very subtly. Few people were so direct as to say that they did not like Bitches because they did not play the sex role game.

In fact, few were sure why they did not like Bitches. They did not realize that their violation of the reality structure endangered the structure. Somehow, from early childhood on, some girls didn’t fit in and were good objects to make fun of. But few people consciously recognized the root of their dislike. The issue was never confronted. If it was talked about at all, it was done with snide remarks behind the young girl’s back. Bitches were made to feel that there was something wrong with them; something personally wrong.

Teenage girls are particularly vicious in the scapegoat game. This is the time of life when women are told they must compete the hardest for the spoils (i.e. men) which society allows. They must assert their femininity or see it denied. They are very unsure of themselves and adopt the rigidity that goes with uncertainty. They are hard on their competitors and even harder on those who decline to compete. Those of their peers who do not share their concerns and practice the arts of charming men are excluded from most social groupings. If she didn’t know it before, a Bitch learns during these years that she is different.

As she gets older she learns more about why she is different. As Bitches begin to take jobs, or participate in organizations, they are rarely content to sit quietly and do what they are told. A Bitch has a mind of her own and wants to use it. She wants to rise high, be creative, assume responsibility. She knows she is capable and wants to use her capabilities. This is not pleasing to the men she works for, which is not her primary goal.

When she meets the hard brick wall of sex prejudice she is not compliant. She will knock herself out batting her head against the wall because she will not accept her defined role as an auxiliary. Occasionally she crashes her way thru. Or she uses her ingenuity to find a loophole, or creates one. Or she is ten times better than anyone else competing with her. She also accepts less than her due. Like other women her ambitions have often been dulled for she has not totally escaped the badge of inferiority placed upon the “weaker sex.” She will often espouse contentment with being the power behind the throne—provided that she does have real power—while rationalizing that she really does not want the recognition that comes with also having the throne. Because she has been put down most of her life, both for being a woman and for not being a true woman, a Bitch will not always recognize that what she has achieved is not attainable by the typical woman. A highly competent Bitch often deprecates herself by refusing to recognize her own superiority. She is wont to say that she is average or less so; if she can do it, anyone can.

As adults, Bitches may have learned the feminine role, at least the outward style but they are rarely comfortable in it. This is particularly true of those women who are physical Bitches. They want to free their bodies as well as their minds and deplore the effort they must waste confining their physical motions or dressing the role in order not to turn people off. Too, because they violate sex role expectations physically, they are not as free to violate them psychologically or intellectually. A few deviations from the norm can be tolerated but too many are too threatening. It’s bad enough not to think like a woman, sound like a woman or do the kinds of things women are supposed to do. To also not look like a woman, move like a woman or act like a woman is to go way beyond the pale. Ours is a rigid society with narrow limits placed on the extent of human diversity. Women in particular are defined by their physical characteristics. Bitches who do not violate these limits are freer to violate others. Bitches who do violate them in style or size can be somewhat envious of those who do not have to so severely restrain the expansiveness of their personalities and behavior. Often these Bitches are tortured more because their deviancy is always evident. But they do have a compensation in that large Bitches have a good deal less difficulty being taken seriously than small women. One of the sources of their suffering as women is also a source of their strength.

The trial by fire which most Bitches go thru while growing up either makes them or breaks them. They are strung tautly between the two poles of being true to their own nature or being accepted as a social being. This makes them very sensitive people, but it is a sensitivity the rest of the world is unaware of. For on the outside they have frequently grown a thick defensive callous which can make them seem hard and bitter at times. This is particularly true of those Bitches who have been forced to become isolates in order to avoid being remade and destroyed by their peers. Those who are fortunate enough to have grown up with some similar companions, understanding parents, a good role model or two and a very strong will, can avoid some of the worse aspects of being a Bitch. Having endured less psychological punishment for being what they were they can accept their differentness with the ease that comes from self-confidence.

Those who had to make their way entirely on their own have an uncertain path. Some finally realize that their pain comes not just because they do not conform but because they do not want to conform. With this comes the recognition that there is nothing particularly wrong with them they just don’t fit into this kind of society. Many eventually learn to insulate themselves from the harsh social environment. However, this too has its price. Unless they are cautious and conscious, the confidence gained in this painful manner—with no support from their sisters—is more often a kind of arrogance. Bitches can become so hard and calloused that the last vestiges of humanity become buried deep within and almost destroyed.

Not all Bitches make it. Instead of callouses, they develop open sores. Instead of confidence they develop an unhealthy sensitivity to rejection. Seemingly tough on the outside, on the inside they are a bloody pulp, raw from the lifelong verbal whipping they have had to endure. These are Bitches who have gone Bad. They often go around with a chip on their shoulders and use their strength for unproductive retaliation when someone accepts their dare to knock it off. These Bitches can be very obnoxious because they never really trust people. They have not learned to use their strength constructively.

Bitches who have been mutilated as human beings often turn their fury on other people—particularly other women. This is one example of how women are trained to keep themselves and other women in their place. Bitches are no less guilty than non-Bitches of self-hatred and group-hatred and those who have gone Bad suffer the worse of both these afflictions. All Bitches are scapegoats and those who have not survived the psychological gauntlet are the butt of everyone’s disdain. As a group, Bitches are treated by other women much as women in general are treated by society—all right in their place, good to exploit and gossip about, but otherwise to be ignored or put down. They are threats to the traditional woman’s position and they are also an outgroup to which she can feel superior. Most women feel both better than and jealous of Bitches. While comforting themselves that they are not like these aggressive, masculine freaks, they have a sneaking suspicion that perhaps men, the most important thing in their lives, do find the freer, more assertive, independent, Bitch preferable as a woman.

Bitches, likewise, don’t care too much for other women. They grow up disliking other women. They can’t relate to them, they don’t identify with them, they have nothing in common with them. Other women have been the norm into which they have not fit. They reject those who have rejected them. This is one of the reasons Bitches who are successful in hurdling the obstacles society places before women scorn these women who are not. They tend to feel those who can take it will make it. Most women have been the direct agents of much of the shit Bitches have had to endure and few of either group have had the political consciousness to realize why this is. Bitches have been oppressed by other women as much if not more than by men and their hatred for them is usually greater.

Bitches are also uncomfortable around other women because frequently women are less their psychological peers than are men. Bitches don’t particularly like passive people. They are always slightly afraid they will crush the fragile things. Women are trained to be passive and have learned to act that way even when they are not. A Bitch is not very passive and is not comfortable acting that role. But she usually does not like to be domineering either—whether this is from natural distaste at dominating others or fear of seeming too masculine. Thus a Bitch can relax and be her natural non-passive self without worrying about masticating someone only in the company of those who are as strong as she. This is more frequently in the company of men than of women but those Bitches who have not succumbed totally to self-hatred are most comfortable of all only in the company of fellow

Bitches. These are her true peers and the only ones with whom she does not have to play some sort of role. Only with other Bitches can a Bitch be truly free.

These moments come rarely. Most of the time Bitches must remain psychologically isolated. Women and men are so threatened by them and react so adversely that Bitches guard their true selves carefully. They are suspicious of those few whom they think they might be able to trust because so often it turns out to be a sham. But in this loneliness there is a strength and from their isolation and their bitterness come contributions that other women do not make. Bitches are among the most unsung of the unsung heroes of this society. They are the pioneers, the vanguard, the spearhead. Whether they want to be or not this is the role they serve just by their very being. Many would not choose to be the groundbreakers for the mass of women for whom they have no sisterly feelings but they cannot avoid it. Those who violate the limits, extend them; or cause the system to break.

Bitches were the first women to go to college, the first to break thru the Invisible Bar of the professions, the first social revolutionaries, the first labor leaders, the first to organize other women. Because they were not passive beings and acted on their resentment at being kept down, they dared to do what other women would not. They took the flak and the shit that society dishes out to those who would change it and opened up portions of the world to women that they would otherwise not have known. They have lived on the fringes. And alone or with the support of their sisters they have changed the world we live in.

By definition Bitches are marginal beings in this society. They have no proper place and wouldn’t stay in it if they did. They are women but not true women. They are human but they are not male. Some don’t even know they are women because they cannot relate to other women. They may play the feminine game at times, but they know it is a game they are playing. Their major psychological oppression is not a belief that they are inferior but a belief that they are not. Thus, all their lives they have been told they were freaks. More polite terms were used of course, but the message got thru. Like most women they were taught to hate themselves as well as all women. In different ways and for different reasons perhaps, but the effect was similar. Internalization of a derogatory self-concept

always results in a good deal of bitterness and resentment. This anger is usually either turned in on the self—making one an unpleasant person—or on other women reinforcing the social clichés about them. Only with political consciousness is it directed at the source—the social system.

The bulk of this Manifesto has been about Bitches. The remainder will be about BITCH. The organization does not yet exist and perhaps it never can. Bitches are so damned independent and they have learned so well not to trust other women that it will be difficult for them to learn to even trust each other. This is what BITCH must teach them to do. Bitches have to learn to accept themselves as Bitches and to give their sisters the support they need to be creative Bitches. Bitches must learn to be proud of their strength and proud of themselves. They must move away from the isolation which has been their protection and help their younger sisters avoid its perils. They must recognize that women are often less tolerant of other women than are men because they have been taught to view all women as their enemies. And Bitches must form together in a movement to deal with their problems in a political manner. They must organize for their own liberation as all women must organize for theirs. We must be strong, we must be militant, we must be dangerous. We must realize that Bitch is Beautiful and that we have nothing to lose. Nothing whatsoever.

Joreen (aka Jo Freeman) (1945–) is an American feminist, political scientist, writer, and attorney. She first became active in organizations working for civil liberties as a student at the University of California, Berkeley, in the 1960s. An early organizer of the women’s liberation movement, she founded the Westside group in 1967 and went on to earn a Ph.D. in political science from the University of Chicago in 1973. She taught at the State University of New York for four years and worked as a Brookings Institute Fellow. She continues to write about politics and the public sphere today.

 

DER SPIEGEL 
Anatomy of an Uprising
The Women of Iran Have Had Enough


The death of university student Jina Mahsa Amini has triggered a wave of protests across Iran. For the last five weeks, the women of the country have been leading the way, but people from all walks of life have joined them. Are they the force that could bring down the regime?


For dancing in the streets freely. For our fear of kissing our loved ones. For my sister, your sister, our sisters.
- From the protest song "Baraye" ("For"), by Shervin Hajipour

When night falls over Tehran, the people elevate their voices, says Anoush. They step out onto their balconies or head up to the rooftops. Someone begins chanting: "Death to the dictator!" And: "Woman! Life! Freedom!" Others join in, until the streets of the Iranian capital are filled with their calls.

It's been like this for the last five weeks. Ever since the 22-year-old Jina Mahsa Amini died on September 16 after the Iranian morality police took her into custody for allegedly "unislamic" dress, women across the country have been rising up – joined by a significant number of men – against the Islamist dictatorship.

Anoush, in her mid-20s, is one of these women. She has chosen a pseudonym to avoid putting her relatives in danger. She has become part of a revolt that has pushed the Islamist regime against the wall to a degree not seen since the mullahs took power in 1979. It is a revolt launched by women. In a state that systematically oppresses women, they are fighting for their freedom and against a theocratic regime that is held in contempt by much of the population

Jina Mahsa Amini, the woman whose death, likely at the hands of Iran's morality police,
triggered the nationwide protests. Foto: Social Networks / ZUMA Wire / IMAGO

Anoush says she comes from a middle-class family in northern Iran. Her parents are conservative Muslims, she says, and have consistently warned her against any form of activism and beseeched her to never join a protest. Anoush works as a teacher and enjoys traveling in her free time, she says, and has made trips to Prague, southern Germany and Istanbul. Photos in social media show a young woman with hair that varies between colorful and black, long and short. Instead of wearing a hijab, she ties colorful scarves around her head that barely cover her hair at all. Her body is covered in tattoos that she is unable to show back home.

She is reachable via WhatsApp when the internet allows for it, the regime doing what it can this autumn to either block the web entirely or to at least restrict access. Anoush tells her story in perfect English. Later, in the middle of the night, a long message arrives in which she excuses herself for having been so emotional.

She was arrested for the first time when she was 18, Anoush says. It was during her first year at the University of Tehran, and she was stopped on the street by the morality police because of her inadequate hijab. Too much hair was visible and the hijab wasn’t large enough, she was told.
Two women in black veils grabbed her by the shoulders and shoved her into a van full of a number of other women. Anoush says she was then berated by the morality officers, who accused her of being paid by the West to dress like a whore and damage Iran. "I couldn’t stop crying,” she says.

She was kept at the station for five hours on that occasion, she says. The police filed a criminal complaint and took photos of her, with the sign she was forced to hold reading: "insufficient hijab." Ultimately, she was given a choice: Either she could sign a document saying that she would never again do such a thing and call her parents so that they could bring her long, Islamic clothing. Or she could opt for jail.

For Anoush, the arrest was just one of many painful experiences as a woman in Iran. She remembers being beat up at school for wearing makeup or for showing her hair. She tells the story of a wedding that ended with the bride in tears because the police had stormed the reception and arrested the groom after alcohol was served. She talks about being prevented by the police from entering the university because her ankles were visible. Of being forced to wipe off her lipstick because it might provoke men. Over the phone, she says she could tell such stories for hours.

Already for the last six months, she says, she has frequently taken off her hijab while in public. "I am no longer that intimidated 18-year-old girl." Following Amini’s death, Anoush says, she simply couldn’t stand it any longer. "When the women of Iran decided to take to the streets against this dystopia – how could I not have participated?"

She says she has taken part in six demonstrations since then. Initially, she would wear a diving mask to protect her from the teargas, but she says she no longer does. Thus far, Anoush has been able to avoid the police at each of the protests she has participated in, disappearing into shops or into the apartments of older Iranians who keep their doors open for the protesters. "We are more afraid of being arrested than being killed," Anoush says. "When they arrest you, you don’t know what will happen to you. Sometimes, you can lie your way out again, and sometimes they torture you to death."

Despite the fear, though, Anoush senses that things are changing. "Now, when we go out onto the streets without a hijab, nobody can stop us any longer. There are too many of us," she says. Before the protests started, Anoush had wanted to leave Iran. But now, she says, she has understood that it’s not the country she hates, but the Islamic Republic. "For the first time, I have the feeling that the country belongs to us."

The protests continue to grow larger and larger, with schoolgirls and university students now involved, but also a number of men and even vendors in the bazaar. They are taking place in all regions of the country, in most of Iran’s large cities and even in the holy city of Qom. It is a movement that includes people from all layers of society and not just the upper classes in the capital, like previous protest movements.

In Tehran, young women are tearing off their hijabs on the street and cutting off their hair in protest. In the city of Mashhad, students are chanting: "We’re fighting! We’re staying! We’re taking back our country!" In Karaj, schoolgirls chased an officer from the schoolyard – and a video shows another group of girls holding up their middle fingers to a photo of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

Following the manipulated presidential election in 2009, millions of Iranians took to the streets against the regime. It quickly came to be called the Green Revolution, but it was rapidly and violently put down. There were also protests in 2017/2018 against soaring food prices.

This time, though, the anger runs far deeper and is much more categorical. It is aimed at the Islamist regime itself, against its model for society, against the way it treats Iranian citizens, against the lack of future prospects and against the discrimination of minorities. It is no longer about reforms. The goal is that of getting rid of the regime in its entirety.

The regime is attempting to strike down the protests but has thus far not been successful. And even if it does manage to choke off the protests with brutality and mass arrests, the anger will persist.

Already, the women have managed to deal a blow to one of the most brutal dictatorships in the world, one which invests billions each year into its security apparatus. A dictatorship that has perfected its machinery of oppression and which throws the most intelligent people in the country into torture prisons.

Western clichés frequently portray Muslim women either as victims or fanatics, but the Iranian uprising is showing just how great their yearning for freedom and self-determination is. It is an inspiration for millions of women who suffer under patriarchal structures – in the Middle East and beyond.

Very little information about the uprising makes its way to the outside world, and what does come out is generally in the form of shaky mobile phone videos hastily filmed on street corners or from balconies. But there aren’t many of them, in part because the mullahs have largely shut down the internet, but also because there is an understanding among the protesters themselves that such videos are dangerous. The regime systematically uses them to track down demonstrators and arrest them.

Bild vergrößernFoto: Instagram

Thus far, the protest movement has remained unstructured and there are no clear leaders.

DER SPIEGEL has maintained contact with around two dozen protesters over the last several weeks. The interviews have sometimes been conducted in writing with the help of encryption software, and sometimes by voice messaging, but rarely by phone. Sometimes, days will pass between sending a question and receiving a response. And as with Anoush, the real names of all of our interview partners must remain undisclosed for safety reasons. Many of the accounts are fragmentary – and yet they nevertheless provide a deep look into the inner workings of this revolt. Together, they combine to form an anatomy of an uprising.

The woman whose death triggered everything hadn’t planned to challenge the regime. On the early evening of September 13, Jina Mahsa Amani, a 22-year-old from the Kurdish region in of northwestern Iran, stepped out of the subway in Tehran. Her mother would later tell an Iranian journalist that her daughter had been wearing a long robe and a hijab.

Amini was there to visit relatives and to buy clothes for the university semester that was about to commence. It was, in fact, just a normal shopping trip – until, that is, she caught the attention of the morality police. They pulled her into their car, according to the account provided later by Amini’s younger brother Kiarash. He says he had wanted to intervene, but the police grabbed his arm and twisted it behind his back. He had to watch helplessly as his sister was taken away, together with other women whose clothing had been deemed "unislamic.”

Just a few hours later, Amini fell into a coma, and three days after that, she died. A photo shows the young woman lying in the hospital, with blood on her left ear.

The Iranian regime claims that Amini died of organ failure, allegedly as a consequence of an underlying health condition, which her family refutes. A video allegedly shows Amini staggering at the police station and trying to steady herself by grabbing a chair before collapsing. But there is much to indicate that she was a victim of violence: An eyewitness told Iranian journalists that Amani said while in custody that she had been hit in the head in the police car. Hackers leaked images of a CT scan that allegedly shows Amini’s fractured skull. Her family says that she also had wounds on her legs and that her face was swollen. For most people in Iran, it is clear what happened to her: The morality police killed her.

Amini is from the city of Saghez, located not far from the Iraqi border. She is known there by the first name Jina, which is what her family also calls her. In official identification papers, for which only Persian names are allowed, she is called Mahsa.

Pictures show a woman with soft features wearing dark red lipstick, her hijab loosely bound over her head, if she’s wearing one at all. Her relatives told journalists that Amini was not politically involved and had dreamed of leading a quiet, happy life. Her father is a civil servant and her mother a homemaker. An activist from Saghez says that Amini had yearned for a time when women and men could be free, and that she was a proud Kurdish woman. But according to all that is known about her, she never wanted to become a hero. And certainly not a martyr.

On the morning of Amini’s funeral, hundreds of furious people gathered in Saghez. Some of the mourners waved their headscarves and chanted: "Death to the dictator!" Their meaning was clear: Ayatollah Khamenei, the leader of the Iranian Revolution.

It’s no accident that the protests got their start in the Kurdish region of Iran. Resistance against the regime has a long tradition here. "Jin! Jiyan! Azadi! Woman! Life! Freedom!" – the demonstrators’ battle chant is actually a Kurdish rallying cry, deeply rooted in the Kurdish freedom movement or, more precisely, in the Kurdish women’s movement.

As they are in all countries in the region, the Kurds of Iran, who comprise around 10 percent of the population, are watched closely by the state. Just last year, there was a broad wave of arrests in the Kurdish areas, their demands for more self-determination and for the recognition of their culture being seen as a problem by the Iranian state. The uprising, which began in response to the death of a young, Kurdish woman, is also significant for Kurds in other countries of the Middle East, where they are also an oppressed minority. The most astounding element of the uprising is how quickly it spread to the rest of the population.

In Sanandaj, which is also located in the Kurdistan province, only just a few hundred people initially gathered on the market square in the wake of Amini’s death, chanting "Jin! Jiyan! Azadi!" Another mantra was: "Today it’s Jina. Tomorrow it’s us!"

Kaveh, an electrician in his early 30s, participated in these early protests. He and his wife Mina, a graphic designer, felt that it was impossible for them to remain silent. "Each of us could be killed tomorrow if we do nothing," he says.

But it wasn’t just the memory of Mahsa Amini that drove them to the streets. Economic suffering in the country is also a significant factor. And the lack of self-determination. The tight corset and the lack of prospects. Years of pent-up fury.

“For the first time, I have the feeling that the country belongs to us.”

The regime’s response came after two or three days. Security personnel rode toward the demonstrators on motorcycles, Kaveh and Mina among them, and struck everyone they could reach. Older people were also beaten, as were teenagers and children. Kaveh says they saw one man who had been beaten in his car, his brain splashed on the glovebox and blood dripping onto the asphalt.

One evening, police went after the couple on a bridge, with drones filming from above. "We know who you are. We will come get you at your homes at night." That was their message. "But we didn’t give up," says Mina. "We fled into the small streets of the nearby neighborhood."

Since then, their protest has resembled urban warfare. They sneak through the city streets, changing their clothes several times each day and with a constant eye to escape routes – which always involve just barely avoiding the regime’s minions.

What began in the Kurdish region quickly expanded to the capital and then to towns and cities across the country and throughout all of society – women and men, poor and rich, young and old, Muslim women, homosexuals.

Baran, for example, a young artist who likes reading history and who said over the phone that she has been waiting for a moment like this one for several years. For the first time, she says, she has joined protests with her entire family; for the first time, men have thrown their support behind the women. The fear has switched sides, she says: "We can sense that the regime is growing fearful."

Then there is the homemaker from Tehran who no longer dares to protest on the street after being shot in the leg by security during one demonstration. But she continues doing what she can from her home. "Every night at 9 p.m., we go to our window or onto the roof and sing," she says over the phone. "Everyone knows," she says, that 9 p.m. is the time for protesting. In some Telegram channels, merely posting the number 9 is enough. It means: "Turn out, sing, and don’t forget to wish death on Khamenei at 9 p.m."

Sahel is another, a feminist from Rasht in northern Iran who was hit in the back by eight shotgun pellets right at the beginning of the protests. Fearful of the regime’s henchmen, she received treatment at home from friends. Now, she is back at it. In a series of voice messages, Sahel recounts in her soft voice what she has experienced and describes how demonstrators who have never before taken to the streets are now learning how to build barricades. They are, she says, watching videos from Hong Kong to learn from the resistance movement there.

Nono, a non-binary person from Gilan Province in northern Iran, has been taking part in the protests from the very first day. "I am dreaming of a future in Iran in which nobody is discriminated against and where people are free to decide what they want to do and who they want to be," Nono says in a voice message.

Armin is a student from Shiraz who took part in the protests against high food prices back in 2019. That year, the regime killed hundreds of people within just a few days, after which, says Armin, it was clear that not even the so-called reformers within the ruling apparatus could be counted on. "We backed down that time,” says Armin. But everything is different this time around. "Now, we have hope.” The protests, he says, will continue until the regime collapses.

Mehdi, a 43-year-old father of a teenager, gets in touch via email. He has been demonstrating since the very first calls for protest went out, he says, adding that he has been filled with loathing for the regime for years because of its corruption and because they suffocate the populace. "We are reminded almost every week that this dictatorial regime robs us of the chance to lead normal lives.”

Mehdi says that the murder of women and girls by the morality police triggered this uprising. But in the future, he adds, there will be hundreds of additional reasons for Iran’s citizens to take to the streets. All you have to do, he says, is listen to the song by Shervin Hajipour.

Shervin Hajipour composed what is essentially the anthem for the recent protests. His song with the famous lyric "baraye," ("for") has been clicked on 40 million times on Instagram. The lyrics are made up of tweets about the protests expressing the desire of Iranians for a better life and their yearning for freedom and joy. He sings about the intellectuals imprisoned in Iran, collapsed buildings and polluted air. It is a raw, painful song – but really, it is a scream of outrage.

Hajipour was imprisoned for the song, but then released on bail. He was forced to apologize on his Instagram account for the political instrumentalization of the song – in response to which users proposed adding "coerced Instagram stories" to the lyrics.

How does Mehdi show that he is unhappy with life under the regime? "I write protest posts on social media. I sing from the windows of my home." Younger people are more courageous, he writes in admiration, going out on the streets and calling for the death of the dictator. "This protest is much stronger than anything I’ve seen in the last 20 or 30 years."

Three things are important to keep the revolt going, he says: Keeping people’s hope alive and strengthening their will to resist; free access to the internet; and the support of various groups in society – including oil industry workers, teachers and university professors, businesspeople and, of course, Iranians in exile who are in contact with foreign governments.

The rebels on the streets of Iran are facing off against a regime that has spent decades developing a highly efficient system for controlling and oppressing the populace. A key part of that apparatus is the Gasht e-Ershad, the morality police that is suspected of having killed Amini. The Gasht e-Erhad is a special unit attached to the normal police force and includes thousands of officers, some of whom are women. They are considered to be the enforcers for the regime and its interpretation of shariah law. That means that members of the unit are charged with ensuring that Islamic morals and precepts are upheld and with arresting people, mostly women, whose clothing is considered to be inappropriate.

What makes the morality police so important for the regime’s survival is that they represent a clear distinction to the previous regime of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini hoped that the Islamic revolution of 1978/1979 would bring the period of secularism to an end, once and for all. Iran, to be sure, was ruled by a dictatorship before Khomeini grabbed power, but there were laws on the books protecting the rights of women. It wasn’t uncommon to see Iranian women wearing miniskirts on the streets of Tehran. Just a few months after the founding of the Islamic Republic, these laws were suspended. For Khomeini, women not wearing a hijab were "naked."

The obligatory hijab and societal control over the bodies of women was and continues to be a key element of the mullah regime’s identity. "If you take that away from them, what else do they have?" asks the Iranian-American author Roya Hakakian, who is also Jewish.

Since their founding in 2005 under the ultra-religious President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the morality police are thought to have filed charges against millions of women for not wearing the hijab "properly.”

It is unclear, though, just how committed the men and women from the morality police are to their "work." There are, to be sure, some members of the unit who are convinced of the ideology behind their activities, but the BBC was recently able to talk to a member of the morality police who wasn’t convinced at all. "They expect us to force them inside the van. Do you know how many times I was in tears while doing it?" the man said. And: "I want to tell them I am not one of them. Most of us are ordinary soldiers going through our mandatory military service. I feel so bad."

In addition to the morality police, there are also the Revolutionary Guards, sometimes called the Pasdaran. They are considered to be a powerful element of the country’s military and are thus under the control of the revolutionary leader. The Revolutionary Guard Corps was founded by Khomeini in 1979 to defend the newly established Islamic Republic from possible coups and against defectors from the regular army. The political system is firmly rooted in mutual distrust. The task of the Revolutionary Guards is to prop up the system no matter what – and to defeat "deviationist movements," overseas as well.

The latter is taken care of by the Pasdaran elite unit known as Quds Force, which has expanded Iranian influence into Iraq, Syria (where it fought successfully against the Islamic State), Lebanon and Yemen. It is for that reason that a number of countries believe they are under threat from Iran, Israel first among them, a country that is particularly concerned about the construction of an Iranian nuclear bomb. The fact that Iran also represents a security risk to Europe was just recently demonstrated by the delivery of suicide drones to Russia which have been deployed in Ukraine.

The U.S. classifies the Revolutionary Guards as a terrorist organization, but the European Union does not. EU foreign ministers have now imposed a fresh set of sanctions against Iran, primarily aimed at preventing certain Iranian officials from traveling to Europe and at freezing assets – though the punitive measures primarily affect the morality police.

The 190,000 members of the Revolutionary Guards inside Iran are also feared by the population – and have become so powerful and so interwoven with the country’s political and economic structures that some experts say Iran isn’t actually a theocracy under the control of Shiite clerics at all, but a military state under the control of the Pasdaran. The Pasdaran are thought to own stakes in dozens of companies in a variety of different sectors, including the oil, gas, automotive, textile and chemical industries along with banks, construction firms and tourism companies. As the population is oppressed and grows poorer, the military is amassing all the wealth it can through the exploitation of the country.

The Revolutionary Guards send out the Basij to do their dirty work, a kind of rapid response force that, together with the police, has been quashing any form of protest on the streets, using batons and firearms, since the Green Revolt in 2009. But it appears that the Basij, which is thought to have 600,000 members, is failing to get the upper hand on the current wave of protests, such that the Revolutionary Guards are now being increasingly seen on the streets of Tehran and other cities.

It’s unlikely that the security forces will switch sides and join the protesters. Their loyalties are clear. Whether they are with the morality police, the normal police, the army, the Basij or the Revolutionary Guards, they are there to protect the Iranian revolution and not the people. "They care about protecting the system, not about protecting Iran,” says historian and Iran expert Afshon Ostovar. They also benefit from the system the way it is: Their power and wealth hinge on the survival of the system, so anything that threatens the system is also a threat to the security apparatus.

Iranians in the diaspora tend to agree on very little. Being deeply divided when it comes to the homeland is, of course, hardly uncommon for exile communities, but it is particularly true of Iranians abroad. Still, there is one thing they share: Few with Persian roots have been left unmoved by the images coming out of their home country, the homeland of their parents and grandparents.

Millions of Iranians live outside Iran, with the largest communities in the United States, Canada, Germany, France, Britain and Sweden. Many are political refugees who left their country after the Islamic Revolution or during the first Gulf War.

Most who DER SPIEGEL spoke to fear for family and friends back home. They are torn between cheering their loved ones on and urging caution. They are glued to their TVs, computers and phones, soaking up every video and scrap of information they can find on social media. And some of them have served to amplify the revolt, spreading news and voices from Iran around the world while those in the country suffer from insecurity and uncertain communication.

Many in the diaspora also surprised at themselves. Suddenly, people are attending demonstrations and solidarity rallies who would not have seen much point in them before. Even people who have a more sober view of their country of origin are wondering: Might things really change this time?

Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei (center) with armed forces commanders: Every form or protest has been quashed. Foto: Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader / AP


"The regime has been there for more than 40 years, and Iranians still can’t get used to it,” says Iris Farkhondeh, who lives in Paris. "The generation of young people who are now carrying out the revolt haven’t experienced revolution or war. But they feel the deprivation of their freedom very strongly. Not having freedom is even harder to bear when you are confronted on your phone with the images of women who are free to move and express themselves,” she says, referring to the popularity of Instagram, TikTok and other social networks in Iran.

Western governments are also now getting to know another side of Iranians in exile: They are now demanding that governments adopt a clear stance. They are demonstrating in many European capitals, they have gathered for a sit-in in front of the Foreign Ministry in Berlin, they have held rallies in front of the Islamic Center Hamburg, considered to be an offshoot of the Iranian regime, and they have written open letters and addressed petitions to the German parliament. They are calling for a reorientation of Iran policy, an end to appeasement.

In addition to all the concern and political demands, there is also a lot of pride. In their origins. Pride in the fact that the whole world is now witnessing their courage.

Elnaz Rekabi: The athlete has become a hero to many Iranians since she competed in Seoul without wearing a hijab. Foto: Rhea Kang / AFP

The revolt has given birth to new icons, including the climber Elnaz Rekabi, 33, of Tehran.

Protesters in Iran have seen Rekabi as a hero since she competed without a headscarf at the Asian championships in Seoul last Sunday. Videos show her competing with a black hair band, her hair tied in a braid, wearing dark pants and a white shirt. Her braid swings back and forth as she clambers up the competition wall.

It is mandatory for Iranian female athletes to wear the hijab during competitions. IranWire, a London-based diaspora news site founded by a former Newsweek journalist, reported afterward that Rekabi had been lured to the Iranian Embassy under a pretext, and her passport and mobile phone had been confiscated. On Tuesday, a new post appeared on Rekabi’s Instagram account: a story without a photo, just white writing against a black background. It had the feel of an obituary. Rekabi addressed her compatriots with a request for forgiveness "for the worries” she had caused. She said that she had not intentionally climbed without a headscarf and that excitement and bad timing were to blame because she had been called out to climb earlier than she had been expecting. She added that she was now on her way home with the team "as planned.”

It is unclear, however, under what conditions Rekabi wrote the message or whether she is even its author. Observers have interpreted the lines as a coerced statement. IranWire has reported that Rekabi’s brother has been arrested in Iran.

When Rekabi returned to Tehran on Wednesday morning, a cheering crowd was waiting for her at the airport. Rekabi wasn’t wearing a hijab, but she did hide her hair in a black hoodie and under a baseball cap. She looked exhausted and gave an interview to state television in which she repeated what she had already written. Then she was taken away in a van – observers fear to the Evin Prison for political detainees.

It wouldn’t be the first time that the mullahs have set an example with a sports star. Wrestler Navid Afkari, for example, was executed in September 2020 after participating in a protest two years earlier. The regime claimed he had murdered a security official, but his confession had been forced through torture. Former national soccer team player Ali Karimi was also reportedly charged in absentia with "collusion and assembly against national security” for showing solidarity with the women’s protests.

Athletes are role models in Iran, especially for young people. What they say and do carries weight, and it isn’t unusual for several million fans to follow them on social media. The pressure exerted on them by the regime is correspondingly intense.

Weightlifter Parisa Jahanfekr fled Iran for German in the spring because she could no longer stand the regime's oppression. Foto: privat


Parisa Jahanfekr, 27, has experienced that pressure firsthand. The weightlifter fled Iran for Germany in the spring because she could no longer stand the regime’s oppression. She now lives in the town of Neubrandenburg. In an interview by video, her hair is exposed and she is wearing red lipstick and a pink sweater. "Female athletes aren’t supposed to show themselves without the hijab in Iran, so that their fans don’t get a taste of those freedoms and rebel against the system.” Be it photos or videos, everything is controlled. Anyone who makes a mistake, she says, is kicked off the team.

When Jahanfekr criticized the accommodations at an Olympic qualifier event, the federation banned her from competition for several months. "I had to explain myself before a committee. They cursed at me and said I was tarnishing and shaming the association.”

Jahanfekr has almost completely cut off contact with her family in Iran to make sure she doesn’t endanger them. But she is now taking part in demonstrations against the mullahs in Berlin. She recently posted a video of herself on Instagram cutting her hair in protest. "The younger generation has decided not to be a servant anymore,” she says.

It is mainly Iran’s Generation Z – school children and college students – who are taking to the streets. They're also the ones dying.

As of mid-October, Amnesty International had registered the names of 144 men, women and children killed by security forces nationwide. Twenty boys between the ages of 11 and 17 are among the victims, according to this count, and three young women aged between 16 and 17. The human rights organization is looking into other cases. "The death toll will rise,” said Raha Bahreini, an Iran expert with Amnesty International.

Nearly half the children and young people killed belonged to the oppressed Baluchi ethnic minority. They died on the deadliest day since the protests began – September 30 – in Zahedan, the capital of Sistan and Baluchestan province. Security forces crushed a protest there after Friday prayers, leaving a reported 66 people dead. Amnesty International has reported that people wanted to show solidarity with the nationwide protests and demand accountability for the alleged rape of a 15-year-old girl by a police commander.

A group of people who had just come from their prayers, gathered in front of the police station that day. According to Amnesty’s research, security forces fired live ammunition, metal pellets and tear gas at the crowd from the roof of the police station. The organization reported that plainclothes security forces also fired from the rooftops of nearby houses.

The regime is attempting to cover up its acts of violence. After the "bloody Friday,” security authorities described the demonstrators as "terrorists” and "rioters” who had been looting and pillaging. Detainees were forced to make purported confessions on camera.

The security forces have been particularly shifty in the case of two slain girls who have become icons of the protests: Sarina and Nika, both 16. According to state propaganda, they both jumped from skyscrapers of their own accord.

Sarina Esmailzadeh was killed during a protest by brutal blows to the head. The official version of events is that she committed suicide. Foto: Amnesty International


Meanwhile, 16-year-old Sarina Esmailzadeh was reportedly killed by brutal blows to the head during a protest in Karaj in the Alborz province. Officials handed her over to shocked relatives, with her body shrouded and instructions to bury her immediately. Security forces monitored the funeral and forced her mother to spread the official narrative that she had committed suicide. Otherwise, media have reported, the regime had threatened to kill Esmailzadeh’s brother.

Nika Shakarami: Her cheekbones, teeth and nose were broken. The authorities secretly removed her body from the morgue. Foto: twitter

Sixteen-year-old Nika Shakarami suffered a similar fate. She disappeared on September 20 after participating in protests in Tehran. The family spent nine days searching for her in vain until the authorities summoned them to a morgue in Tehran province. Shakarami’s cheekbones, teeth and nose were broken. Before the family could bury her, the authorities secretly removed the body from the morgue and buried her in a different location. Officials then intimidated the family, temporarily taking Nika’s aunt and uncle into custody and forcing them to corroborate the official narrative on state television.

The regime knowns only one means of dealing with its opponents: intimidation and force.

The place the protesters fear more than any other is Evin Prison, which is located on the northern outskirts of Tehran. The regime has been holding many of the country’s brightest minds there for years. Activists and lawyers sometimes share cells with environmentalists and students. The density of intellectuals is so high that some jokingly refer to the prison as "Evin University.” The current Iranian president, Ebrahim Raisi, once personally worked behind the prison’s walls. In 1988, countless defendants were convicted and executed in the prison in mock trials within the course of a few months. Raisi was one of the prosecutors at the time.

The prison has dozens of solitary confinement cells, interrogation rooms and its own execution yard. The prisoners are often interrogated for hours, and some are tortured. Time and again, inmates die because they don’t receive medical care in time. Amnesty International calls the prison the "waiting room of death.”

Since the protests began, Evin Prison has been even more crowded than usual. Human rights activists from the organization Iran Prison Atlas believe that authorities have apprehended hundreds of protesters in recent weeks. According to reports from inmates, the women there sleep close together in cramped dormitories with bunk beds. The younger ones let the older ones sleep on the lower bunks. Families regularly wire money to the women so that they can buy food and make phone calls. The conversations are recorded. Any wrong word can lead to another charge.

Thanks to such open displays of cruelty, Evin has become a symbol for Iranians. The prison represents the brutality of a regime that has quashed every single uprising in the past. When it was suddenly engulfed in flames last Saturday, Day 30 of the protests, many demonstrators and activists thought it was intentional: Was the regime trying to kill its opponents?

To date, it isn’t clear how many prisoners died in the Evin fire. The regime is reporting eight dead and 61 injured. But relatives believe there were far more victims. The question of responsibility hasn’t been cleared up either. On Monday, the head of Iran’s judiciary blamed foreign agents. Many Iranians, however, suspect the regime is behind it, although the circumstances behind the fire are still unresolved. They believe the government to be capable of anything – including that it might want to set an example after weeks of protests.

For older Iranians, in particular, the development is evocative of the beginning of the Iranian Revolution: On August 19, 1978, the Cinema Rex movie theater in Abadan in western Iran went up in flames. The perpetrators barricaded the doors from the outside before setting the fire, and as many as 470 people died. The shah blamed "Islamist Marxists” for the arson attack, while the opposition blamed the secret police. The attack led to violent protests that quickly spread across the country. In the end, the revolution swept the shah from his throne.

Will the same thing happen this time around? Although the protests are now entering their sixth week, many Iranians remain skeptical that the movement will succeed in toppling the regime.

Two different scenarios seem conceivable.

In the first, the protest movement brings down the dictatorship. Nary a Western government would rue the end of Islamist rule. A democratic Iran could change the entire region. However, it is anything but a foregone conclusion that this would happen after a successful revolution. A military regime could also follow the mullahs – or chaos.

"We are prepared to sacrifice our lives for freedom."

The second, more probable, scenario is that the regime’s henchmen will crush this uprising as well, and that the same gravely silence that has followed previous protest movements will again grip the country. The leadership wouldn’t emerge strengthened from such a victory – and, knowing its vulnerability, it would be all the more likely to secure the support of authoritarian countries in the future. Iran is currently delivering drones to Russia, already a de facto ally, for use in the Ukraine war, and is likely to follow them up with short-range missiles. And then there's China, on which Tehran could be pinning its hopes in the long term for technological and economic cooperation. As long as no singular domestic event, like the death of the revolutionary leader, alters the situation, tensions will continue, making the regime more unstable and, at the same time, potentially more aggressive.

If that happens, the 2022 protest movement would go down as another in an increasingly crowded series of Iranian uprisings, following in the footsteps of the student unrest of 1999, the Green Revolt of 2009 and the bloodily suppressed protests of 2019. But the next one could soon follow, because the social unrest in the country won’t disappear.

At the moment, neither side seems ready to back down, neither the regime nor the protesters. The protests have already gone on for much longer than many thought possible.

In Sanandaj in the Kurdish region, Mina and Kaveh are still attending the demonstrations, even though Kaveh was grazed in the face by a bullet during a protest in early October.

Women started the revolt, but it has long since grown to be about much more than the hijab, says Mina. She says the protesters are standing up against the Islamic Republic and for democracy. "We are prepared to sacrifice our lives for freedom. We will never again be the same people we once were.”
Protest Chants, a Riot and Gunshots: How a Prison Fire Unfolded in Iran

The cause of the fire last weekend remains unclear, but witnesses and families of prisoners say that the authorities had been bracing for unrest in the notorious Evin Prison in northern Tehran.


The aftermath of the Oct. 15 fire in Evin Prison, on Monday.Credit...Majid Asgaripour/Wana News Agency, via Reuters

By Farnaz Fassihi
Oct. 21, 2022


On the morning of Saturday, Oct. 15, Mehdi Hashemi Rafsanjani drove up the mountain road to the grim prison in northern Tehran where he is serving a 10-year sentence for financial corruption. He was returning after a brief furlough.

Swarms of anti-riot security forces, holding batons and guns, had taken position in the leafy area outside Evin Prison, a feared institution that has been a watchword for the torment and execution of those who have displeased the Islamic Republic’s rulers.

Mr. Hashemi Rafsanjani, the son of a former president, was stunned when prison authorities told him to return home until further notice, according to family members. The authorities told him they could not guarantee his safety in the section where he was being kept, Ward 7.

The clashes that day in Ward 7, coming against a backdrop of nationwide antigovernment protests, started in the afternoon, became more intense at dusk and then spread to other wards.

By 8 p.m., security forces were responding with concussion grenades and tear gas and firing pellets and live bullets at prisoners.

By 9:30 p.m., the prison was ablaze, with huge flames and clouds of smoke billowing into the night sky.

The government has said that eight prisoners were killed and 61 injured, and that the fatalities resulted from smoke inhalation. But human rights groups, including Amnesty International, say the casualties could be much higher and note that some prisoners suffered bullet wounds. The prison has suffered extensive damage and thousands of prisoners were transferred to other facilities.

This account of what transpired at Evin Prison is based on interviews with families of prisoners, lawyers representing them, residents of the area and accounts by activists and witnesses published in Persian media, as well as videos circulating on social media and a report by Amnesty International.

Important details remain unclear, including who started the fire and why. Video footage shows individuals pouring what appears to be fuel on the roof of a building, intensifying the fire. The compound has guard towers but the people on the roof do not come under attack in the video.

It does seem clear, according to witness accounts and comments by at least one lawmaker, that prison authorities had advance knowledge of a pending crisis on Saturday and had prepared for a violent confrontation.

Debris in Evin Prison the day after the fire. The prison suffered extensive damage and thousands of prisoners were transferred to other facilities.Credit...Koosha Mahshid Falahi/Mizan News Agency, via Agence France-Presse — Getty Images


“Security agencies and the National Security Committee had warned key institutions about the potential of unrest and given them instructions,” Javad Karimi Ghodoosi, a conservative lawmaker, told Iranian media on Tuesday. “At Evin the security forces were placed on full alert.”

Government and judiciary officials have said the unrest was orchestrated by inmates and “enemy agents,” some of whom attempted to escape. Officials said several inmates set fire to a building that housed the sewing workshop and the fire spread to a textile warehouse.

More on the Protests in IranA Women-Led Uprising: Casting off their legally required head scarves, Iranian women have been at the forefront of the demonstrations, supplying the defining images of defiance.
Economic Despair: While Iranians have a range of grievances to choose from, the sorry state of Iran’s economy has been one of the main forces driving the protests. Strikes by oil-sector workers joining the protests could damage it further.
Memorials: Back-to-back memorial services for Mahsa Amini and Nika Shakaram, whose deaths have become symbols of the uprising, appear to be galvanizing protesters and breathing fresh momentum into a national movement led by women and young people.

But former prisoners said the workshop door is locked every day after 5 p.m. and that inmates have no access to the facility.

For five weeks, protests have rocked Iran, led by women and young people, demanding an end to the Islamic Republic in the aftermath of the death of a young woman, Mahsa Amini, in the custody of the morality police. The government has cracked down with violence and mass arrests but has so far failed to crush the movement.

Evin was not immune from the events on the streets of Tehran and other cities. Many prisoners had been staging demonstrations and sit-ins and chanting some of the anti-government slogans that have been a feature of the uprising.

Amnesty International said in a report on Tuesday that it had gathered evidence that “raises serious concerns that the authorities sought to justify their bloody crackdown on prisoners under the guise of battling the fire and preventing prisoner escapes.”

Evin Prison is located on the slopes of mountains towering over Tehran, and for as long as the Islamic Republic has ruled, it has symbolized its iron fist. Generations of politicians, writers, activists, journalists, artists and dissidents have passed through its doors. They have been interrogated and tortured. Some have been executed.

In the week leading up to the fire, tensions were brewing in the prison. The authorities enforced new restrictions and intensified interrogations. Snipers appeared on the walls.

Men and women inmates staged protests during their outdoor breaks echoing the same slogans chanted outside: “Death to the dictator,” and “Women, Life, Freedom.”

On Friday, an uproar erupted in Ward 8 when five political prisoners, including a well-known writer, were forcefully transferred to a remote prison, the witnesses and the families of prisoners said. As word spread, other sections of the prison, including the women’s ward, joined in, chanting slogans in solidarity.

To intimidate them into silence, riot police marched through the yard shouting “Heydar! Heydar!” a Shia religious battle cry.

For weeks, protests have rocked Iran, led by women and young people demanding the ouster of autocratic Islamic leaders, prompted by the death of a young woman in the custody of the morality police.
Credit...Associated Press


Then Saturday started ominously.

At the women’s ward, Alieh Motalebzadeh, a journalist and women’s rights activist who was being held there with Narges Mohammadi, a prominent human rights activist, heard sirens all morning. Both Ms. Motalebzadeh and Ms. Mohammadi’s telephone privileges have been revoked, according to their husbands.

“She said the sirens sounded suspicious and they didn’t know what was going on,” Ms. Motalebzadeh’s husband, Sadra Abdollahi, a filmmaker, said in a telephone interview from Tehran. He said he was also in direct contact with other prisoners. “Everyone tells me the circumstances on Saturday were extremely violent, like a war zone.”

Ms. Motalebzadeh was hospitalized after attempting suicide on Thursday, following an argument with a female prison guard who told her that she and other women inmates deserved to be killed in the prison unrest, Mr. Abdollahi said.

During their morning outdoor break, some of the women chanted anti-government slogans and banged on a rusty door that leads to a guard post. Guards flashed laser lights on their bodies to scare them. Some women overheard conversations among female guards of plans for riot police to attack the men’s ward.

That afternoon, skirmishes broke out in Ward 7, a three-floor structure where over a thousand inmates are kept, mostly criminal offenders convicted of theft, gang violence, drug smuggling and financial crimes. The inmates chanted anti-government slogans and rattled the bars of their cells, according to families, activists and lawyers.

The unrest at Ward 7 intensified and by dusk, anti-riot police and prison guards had entered the ward, clashing with inmates and flinging tear gas into the cells. In the haze of smoke and chaos the inmates broke through the doors to the yard and the adjacent door that connects Wards 7 and 8.

By 8 p.m., the security forces opened fire. Trapped in the yard and with bullets flying, some of the prisoners tried to escape the clashes but were shot, handcuffed and beaten on the head and face with batons, according to families, lawyers and the Amnesty report. Hundreds of prisoners, including those with gunshot wounds, were dragged into a gymnasium and beaten.

Mohammad Khani, a social researcher, was shot in the waist area with live bullets and has since developed a life-threatening infection. Yashar Tohidi, an aerospace engineering student, was shot in the thigh and has been hospitalized for extensive bleeding. The situations of both men, who were in prison on charges of acting against national security, were described by lawyers.

Hossein Ghashghaei, a writer serving a two-year sentence on charges of conspiring against national security, described a feeling of shock and anxiety among his cellmates in Ward 4 as they heard the commotion and gunshots, according to an account of his that was published on social media.

“In total shock we heard seven sounds of massive explosions that added to our confusion, our many questions and endless anxiety,” Mr. Ghashghaei wrote. “We were telling each other don’t get near the windows, you may get shot.”

Emad Sharghi, a dual national Iranian American businessman held on murky spying charges, was in Ward 8, adjacent to Ward 7, where the riots broke out. Around 8 p.m. he briefly called his sister, Neda, in Washington to say he was alive. Ms. Sharghi said she heard chaos and loud shouting in the background and what sounded like gunshots.

“I was imagining him trapped in his cell suffocating and burning to death from the fire,” Ms. Sharghi said, describing her emotions after seeing videos of Evin on fire hours after the call.

Mr. Sharghi remained in his cell at Ward 8, trapped in the chaos of bullets, smoke and flames for several hours, and was moved to another building around midnight when things had quieted down, according to his family.

Prison guards moved faster to remove Siamak Namazi, another Iranian American dual national being held on spying charges, from Ward 4, where clashes were reported including doors broken and tear gas fired. He was extracted along with a prominent politician who had murdered his wife, and along with two former officials serving terms for financial corruption: a senior judge and the brother of former President Hassan Rouhani.

The five men were all transferred to a ward inside Evin controlled by the intelligence branch of the Revolutionary Guards Corps, according to lawyers.

At the women’s ward, the prisoners heard gunshots and screams, and smelled the smoke from the fire, raising hopes that protesters had reached the prison and that they might be set free. They began chanting anti-government slogans and banging on the doors.

Their optimism faded when riot police raided the ward, pointing guns at them and hurling tear gas inside cells. A senior prison official prevented the forces from entering the cells and beating the women.

One woman inmate fainted. Many were coughing and having difficulty breathing. Access to medical care was denied, the prison was in chaos and nobody was allowed to move. The guards locked the gates to the cells and the doors.

“Their spirit has plummeted. They are trapped in a confined space with guns pointing at them,” Taghi Rahmani, the husband of Ms. Mohammadi, said in an interview from Paris.

“Their aim was to create fear, among the prisoners, the families and society that you are not safe no matter where you are,” he said.


Prisoners on Monday in Evin Prison, which has long symbolized the iron fist of the Islamic Republic. Generations of politicians, writers, activists, journalists, artists and dissidents have passed through its doors.Credit...Wana News Agency, via Reuters



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Farnaz Fassihi is a reporter for The New York Times based in New York. Previously she was a senior writer and war correspondent for the Wall Street Journal for 17 years based in the Middle East. @farnazfassihi