It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Wednesday, May 02, 2007
Year of the Pig and the Liberal Green Alliance
The last time the Liberals did something stupid was in the year of the monkey and that ended up with a minority government under Paul Martin.
This year we have the marriage of the Liberals and Greens under Dion and May. As Hexagram 31 of the I Ching says for the year of the pig; Some that marry young women get fortunes through it.
Of course this does not say 'good' fortune, just fortunes. And some fortunes can be bad.
The Liberals may have bought a pig in a poke with their alliance with the Greens.
See:
Prince Charles Agrees With Elizabeth May
Green Nazi's
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Whine Me A River
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The loonie's impact is hardest on manufacturers in Central Canada as its impact on western manufactures is being offset by the high demand for their products, Myers said.
There's not much the Bank of Canada can do to help firms deal with the strong dollar, Myers said. However, governments can continue to cut taxes on investments in new machinery and equipment and reduce their regulatory compliance costs, he said.
"The high dollar has forced manufacturers to become super-efficient, but they still face a lot of mandatory overhead costs," he said.
If they are so efficient then they should be able to plow their record profits back into their companies, instead of investing them in the stock market or sending them offshore to tax havens. Of course "super-efficient" is just another way of saying job cuts.
See:
Productivity Myth
Canadian Workers Poorer Today Than Yesterday
Variable CapitalFind blog posts, photos, events and more off-site about:
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A.J. Toynbee
A.J. Toynbee
Toynbee's approach may be compared to the one used by Oswald Spengler in The Decline of the West. He rejected, however, Spengler's deterministic view that civilizations rise and fall according to a natural and inevitable cycle.He expressed great admiration for Ibn Khaldun and in particular the Muqaddimah, the preface to Khaldun's own universal history, which notes many systemic biases that intrude on historical analysis via the evidence.
Toynbee's ideas have not proved overly influential on other historians. Comparative history, to which his approach belongs, has been in the doldrums, partly as an adverse reaction to Toynbee. The Canadian economic historian Harold Adams Innis is a notable exception. Following Toynbee and others (Spengler, Kroeber, Sorokin, Cochrane), Innis examined the flourishing of civilizations in terms of administration of empires and media of communication.
Toynbee, Arnold Joseph, 1889-1975
- The Balkans
A History of Bulgaria—Serbia—Greece—Rumania—Turkey (English) - Turkey: a Past and a Future (English)
Israel Studies - Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 1999, pp. 73-95
Indiana University Press Israel Studies 4.1 _________________________________________________________________ Arnold Toynbee: Pro Arab or Pro-Zionist? Isaiah Friedman * Zionist Dialectics _________________________________________________________________ In the late forties, Toynbee acquired the reputation of being a passionate Arab protagonist and a fierce opponent of the State of Israel; by his own admission he became known as a "Western spokesman for the Arab cause." But during World War I and its aftermath, he was less than sympathetic toward the Arabs. He was greatly disturbed to note that the Syrians, contrary to assurances made by Hussein, as well as by al-Faruqi, remained loyal to Turkey and "their conscripts fought dutifully on her side . . . their leaders are too prudent and the people too peaceable to allow them for a moment to contemplate rising in arms." Early in the War, he ascertained that, in the Turkish Asiatic provinces, there was only "a veritable cockpit of nationalities so mutilated that they have never even achieved that [kind of] unity which is the essential preliminary to a national life." By 1917, when the general Arab uprising had failed to materialize, he concluded that they had no "national consciousness. There are Arabs in name who have nothing Arabic about them but their language--most of the peasants in Syria are such . . ." This view was not unique. The official Handbook prepared in 1918 to guide the British delegates to the Peace Conference gave the following description: The people west of the Jordan are not Arabs, but only Arab-speaking. The bulk of the population are fellahin; that is to say, agricultural workers owning land as a village community or working land for the Syrian effendi.
But, it must be born in mind that liberal democracy and socialism-communism, irrespective of their differences, are not absolute opposites. They are branches of the same spiritual tree. This was, for example, claimed by Spengler and Karl Popper, the two otherwise so different thinkers. Not only that A.J. Toynbee, on his part, shared this opinion, but even he saw in the Russian communism the means of westernization of those parts of the world which are hardly accessible to the western civilization in its original form. The true negation of both liberal democracy and communism is Islamic fundamentalism, which is also an imperialism of high style. It personifies a militant, expansionistic nature of the prophet Muhammad's religion. Therefore, the names "Islamic fundamentalism", "Islamic imperialism" or even "Islam in its authentic form" are equally justified.
According to British historian Arnold Toynbee the decline and fall of
great empires was caused by routine and the lack of creativity among social
elites. On the one hand, those societies lacked a shared vision of the future
– on the other they failed to hammer out generally acceptable values that
could contribute to social stability and lend to a shared identity. Growing
internal divisions led to the demise of authorities and the erosion of the
elites’ control, whereas institutions complied less and less to the needs of
the real social and economic situation. Institutional inertia and the
inability to make strategic choices intensified the systemic incoherencies
that manifested themselves in escalating conflicts of interest, the
particularism of various groups, and the loss of steerability over the system
as a whole.
See:
Ibn Khaldun 14th Century Arab Libertarian
Oriental Origins of Post-modernism
Ibn Khaldun, Oswald Spengler, A.J. Toynbee, Metropole, Metropolis, capitalism, Decline of the West, decadence, Islam, imperialism, globalization,
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Religion and the Market
Protestantism is Capitalism
An Economic Analysis of the Protestant ReformationProtestants explain their religion of capitalism as neo-platonism. The marketplace of vice and virtue, and God gives you free choice. Which is why the Calgary School and the Harpocrites embrace neo-platonism.
"This paper seeks to explain the initial successes and failures of Protestantism on economic grounds. It argues that the medieval Roman Catholic Church, through doctrinal manipulation, the exclusion of rivals, and various forms of price discrimination, ultimately placed members seeking the Z good "spiritual services" on the margin of defection. These monopolistic practices encouraged entry by rival firms, some of which were aligned with civil governments. The paper hypothesizes that Protestant entry was facilitated in emergent entrepreneurial societies characterized by the decline of feudalism and relatively unstable distribution of wealth and repressed in more homogeneous, rent-seeking societies that were mostly dissipating rather than creating wealth. In these societies the Roman Church was more able to continue the practice of price discrimination. Informal tests of this proposition are conducted by considering primogeniture and urban growth as proxies for wealth stability."
Social conservatives want morality to dominate the market while promoting the idea of free choice. Their free choice of course is not for the social good but for oneself, their morality some idealized version of the 1950's as we can see in the debate over child care.
SeeOn balance, I conclude that the market economy allows more people more of the time to achieve more of the goals they set for themselves. I think this is not only arguable from economic theory but seems to me to leap from the pages of history. Conversely, I have learnt that, beyond its essential function as policeman, judge and welfare-provider-of-last-resort, the state is a very ineffective means of enabling people to achieve their ends. It lacks the flexibility and tacit knowledge that is needed to coordinate the revolving kaleidoscope of people's valuations, plans and choices. It has great difficulty in replacing profit with another barometer for measuring the quality of its services. A large state attracts undesirables who use its apparatus as an instrument to exploit others for their own selfish ends.
But it is nonetheless true that market capitalism permits the greedy person, the hedonist and other moral reprobates, at least within the basic rules of property and life, to pursue their chosen ends of self-gratification. In a free society, the possibility of making immoral choices is a real possibility. The sun of liberty rises on the evil and the good, as the rain of misfortune falls on the righteous and the unrighteous.
Yet the liberty to make immoral choices allowed by the free society should not lead us to conclude that immorality is the norm in free societies. To draw this conclusion is to commit a logical fallacy. The liberty to commit immoral acts is at the same time a liberty to perform virtuous deeds. So, in a society where people are free to choose their lifestyles, the heedless acquisition or conspicuous consumption of material wealth, or the pursuit of pleasure for its own sake, need not be preferred choices. I can choose to live for myself or for a higher principle―to pursue extrinsic or intrinsic goals. Even if I choose to make money, it may be for my own pleasure or I could emulate Andrew Carnegie and earn it for the benefit of others.
So a community of monks or nuns, having embraced voluntary poverty and individual ownership, is just as authentically part of the market economy as is the board of directors of a multinational company. Both ways of living are marked by their respect for the lives, rights and property of others, and are thus distinguished from the lifestyle of the swindling business executive, the petty thief, the mafia boss and the hired killer. We can conclude that, if everyone in our free society renounced the possession of anything beyond the mere essentials, or adopted the technology-free lifestyle of the Amish, our society would nevertheless be just as authentic an example of market capitalism as would a community populated with clones of Gordon Gekko.
Understood in this way, market capitalism cannot be equated-as it so often is-with materialism. Materialism is the genuine foe of Christian morality, rather than market capitalism, which can be both friendly and inimical to Christian morality depending upon the choices people make. As I have already mentioned, the very freedom of the market facilitates all sorts of responsible, even self-denying behaviour, which must be set alongside the irresponsible and selfish actions chosen by others. Some observers discern a greater preponderance of materialist attitudes among the less affluent, non-capitalist societies―their more affluent, capitalist cousins having discovered that, 'All that glitters is not gold' and having the time and resources at hand to pursue non-material ends in life.
But, while market capitalism may provide for and even encourage virtue, it cannot guarantee virtuous behaviour. There is another side to the symbiotic relationship between freedom and virtue. The free society confines its legislation to the enforcement of justice. But in order to survive, the free society requires a critical mass of the community to value virtue and to behave virtuously. There must be more than a minimalist adherence to virtue.
We can begin to reflect on the necessity of virtue for freedom by looking more closely at choices-not from an economic, but from an ethical point of view. Our choices have consequences, not just for our material but also for our moral well-being. Our choices live on in us to shape our characters. Good choices make us virtuous while bad choices make us vicious. In other words, as we continue down a path of good or bad actions, we inevitably become different people, for better or for worse.
The latest endeavour of Christianity. God is your financial counselor.
Prince of Peace?
Pauline Origins of Social Conservatism
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CRTC vs The Public Interest
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The former monopolies can now vary rates among customers depending on where they live, and other factors. The companies had asked for permission to vary rates, in order to help them compete with cable rivals such as Rogers Communications Inc., that face no restrictions when they offer local service.
Companies such as Rogers will have about 18 per cent of Canadian telephone customers by the end of the year, according to a report by Convergence Consulting Group Ltd. that was released this month.
Stuart Langford, the sole CRTC commissioner to dissent, said the ruling removes any consumer protection except for clients who subscribe to the most basic service. "Incumbent phone companies can charge whatever they like; the sky's the limit," he wrote. "Consumers are left with two choices: pay or do without."
Monday's ruling will remove any incentive for new entrants to compete with the former monopolies, now that the CRTC "has given incumbent phone companies so much power to crush competition before it even gets started," Langford said.
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Spot The Contradiction
SEE:
Breaking Out Of The Cultural Burka
Catholic Hajib
Watch How You Dress
Why We Fight
The War For Women's Rights
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Now You See It....
"The Conservatives had come from behind to establish a lead and now that lead is gone,'' said Decima CEO Bruce Anderson.
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Censorship is Political
Censored: From Mickey Mouse to the Marx Brothers
Mr. Fox says a common misconception is that censorship activities were focused primarily on sex. He says B.C. censors cast a wide net and employed loose interpretation of the act, censoring for not only sexual morality and political content, but for social and even artistic reasons.
From movies to murals to FOI, censorship lives onWe might think porn was the main concern, but we would be wrong. Porn pretty much kept its knickers on back in the early 20th century.
Instead it was felt necessary to shield British Columbian moviegoers in the 1920s and 1930s from political controversies in the newsreels that used to precede feature films.
See:
Gore Kulture
Cops and Robbers Video
Life Is A Video Game
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Tuesday, May 01, 2007
Another Poll
Not your usual poll on politics this is a poll on sleep, and why I wake up with a crink in my neck....Sleeping painful for many Canadians: Poll
See:
Polls
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Prince Charles Agrees With Elizabeth May
Prince Charles is calling on the world to wage war against climate change, likening it to Britain's battle against Nazi Germany.SEE:
Green Nazi's
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