Sunday, November 28, 2021

Why Big Oil's Pivot to Carbon Capture and Storage—While It Keeps on Drilling—Isn't a Climate Solution

No carbon removal approach—neither mechanical nor biological—will solve the climate crisis without an immediate transition away from fossil fuels.


View of the Tesoro Anacortes oil refinery in Skagit County, Washington on January 15, 2017.
(Photo: Linda, Fortuna future/Flickr/cc)

JUNE SEKERA, NEVA GOODWIN
November 26, 2021 by The Conversation

After decades of sowing doubt about climate change and its causes, the fossil fuel industry is now shifting to a new strategy: presenting itself as the source of solutions. This repositioning includes rebranding itself as a “carbon management industry.”

This strategic pivot was on display at the Glasgow climate summit and at a Congressional hearing in October 2021, where CEOs of four major oil companies talked about a “lower-carbon future.” That future, in their view, would be powered by the fuels they supply and technologies they could deploy to remove the planet-warming carbon dioxide their products emit – provided they get sufficient government support.

That support may be coming. The Department of Energy recently added “carbon management” to the name of its Office of Fossil Energy and Carbon Management and is expanding its funding for carbon capture and storage.

But how effective are these solutions, and what are their consequences?

Coming from backgrounds in economics, ecology and public policy, we have spent several years focusing on carbon drawdown. We have watched mechanical carbon capture methods struggle to demonstrate success, despite U.S. government investments of over US$7 billion in direct spending and at least a billion more in tax credits. Meanwhile, proven biological solutions with multiple benefits have received far less attention.

CCS’s troubled track record

Carbon capture and storage, or CCS, aims to capture carbon dioxide as it emerges from smokestacks either at power plants or from industrial sources. So far, CCS at U.S. power plants has been a failure.

Seven large-scale CCS projects have been attempted at U.S. power plants, each with hundreds of millions of dollars of government subsidies, but these projects were either canceled before they reached commercial operation or were shuttered after they started due to financial or mechanical troubles. There is only one commercial-scale CCS power plant operation in the world, in Canada, and its captured carbon dioxide is used to extract more oil from wells – a process called “enhanced oil recovery.”

In industrial facilities, all but one of the dozen CCS projects in the U.S uses the captured carbon dioxide for enhanced oil recovery.

This expensive oil extraction technique has been described as “climate mitigation” because the oil companies are now using carbon dioxide. But a modeling study of the full life cycle of this process at coal-fired power plants found it puts 3.7 to 4.7 times as much carbon dioxide into the air as it removes.

The problem with pulling carbon from the air

Another method would directly remove carbon dioxide from the air. Oil companies like Occidental Petroleum and ExxonMobil are seeking government subsidies to develop and deploy such “direct air capture” systems. However, one widely recognized problem with these systems is their immense energy requirements, particularly if operating at a climate-significant scale, meaning removing at least 1 gigaton – 1 billion tons – of carbon dioxide per year.

That’s about 3% of annual global carbon dioxide emissions. The U.S. National Academies of Sciences projects a need to remove 10 gigatons per year by 2050, and 20 gigatons per year by century’s end if decarbonization efforts fall short.

The only type of direct air capture system in relatively large-scale development right now must be powered by a fossil fuel to attain the extremely high heat for the thermal process.

A National Academies of Sciences study of direct air capture’s energy use indicates that to capture 1 gigaton of carbon dioxide per year, this type of direct air capture system could require up to 3,889 terawatt-hours of energy – almost as much as the total electricity generated in the U.S. in 2020. The largest direct air capture plant being developed in the U.S. right now uses this system, and the captured carbon dioxide will be used for oil recovery.

Another direct air capture system, employing a solid sorbent, uses somewhat less energy, but companies have struggled to scale it up beyond pilots. There are ongoing efforts to develop more efficient and effective direct air capture technologies, but some scientists are skeptical about its potential. One study describes enormous material and energy demands of direct air capture that the authors say make it “unrealistic.” Another shows that spending the same amount of money on clean energy to r
eplace fossil fuels is more effective at reducing emissions, air pollution and other costs.

Several CCS plans for US power plants have been scrapped

The U.S. government has approved hundreds of millions of dollars for developing commercial-scale power plant CCS projects in the U.S. that ultimately were withdrawn, canceled or shut down. Only one power plant is currently operating with commercial-scale CCS worldwide: Canada's Boundary Dam.


The cost of scaling up

A 2021 study envisions spending $1 trillion a year to scale up direct air capture to a meaningful level. Bill Gates, who is backing a direct air capture company called Carbon Engineering, estimated that operating at climate-significant scale would cost $5.1 trillion every year. Much of the cost would be borne by governments because there is no “customer” for burying waste underground.

As lawmakers in the U.S. and elsewhere consider devoting billions more dollars to carbon capture, they need to consider the consequences.

The captured carbon dioxide must be transported somewhere for use or storage. A 2020 study from Princeton estimated that 66,000 miles of carbon dioxide pipelines would have to be built by 2050 to begin to approach 1 gigaton per year of transport and burial.

The issues with burying highly pressurized CO2 underground will be analogous to the problems that have faced nuclear waste siting, but at enormously larger quantities. Transportation, injection and storage of carbon dioxide bring health and environmental hazards, such as the risk of pipeline ruptures, groundwater contamination and the release of toxins, all of which particularly threaten the disadvantaged communities historically most victimized by pollution.

Bringing direct air capture to a scale that would have climate-significant impact would mean diverting taxpayer funding, private investment, technological innovation, scientists’ attention, public support and difficult-to-muster political action away from the essential work of transitioning to non-carbon energy sources.
A proven method: trees, plants and soil

Rather than placing what we consider to be risky bets on expensive mechanical methods that have a troubled track record and require decades of development, there are ways to sequester carbon that build upon the system we already know works: biological sequestration.

Trees in the U.S. already sequester almost a billion tons of carbon dioxide per year. Improved management of existing forests and urban trees, without using any additional land, could increase this by 70%. With the addition of reforesting nearly 50 million acres, an area about the size of Nebraska, the U.S. could sequester nearly 2 billion tons of carbon dioxide per year. That would equal about 40% of the country’s annual emissions. Restoring wetlands and grasslands and better agricultural practices could sequester even more.

Storing carbon in trees is less expensive per ton than current mechanical solutions.
Lisa-Blue via Getty Images

Per ton of carbon dioxide sequestered, biological sequestration costs about one-tenth as much as current mechanical methods. And it offers valuable side-benefits by reducing soil erosion and air pollution, and urban heat; increasing water security, biodiversity and energy conservation; and improving watershed protection, human nutrition and health.

To be clear, no carbon removal approach – neither mechanical nor biological – will solve the climate crisis without an immediate transition away from fossil fuels. But we believe that relying on the fossil fuel industry for “carbon management” will only further delay that transition.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License

JUNE SEKERA
June Sekera is a Visiting Scholar at The New School for Social Research, a Senior Research Fellow at Boston University’s Global Development Policy Center, and a Senior Research Associate at the Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose at University College London.

NEVA GOODWIN
Neva Goodwin was hired by Tufts University in 1991, and in 1995 joined with Bill Moomaw to found the Global Development and Environment Institute.
Gitxsan hereditary chiefs issue northwest B.C. MLA eviction notice from territory


A group of Gitxsan hereditary chiefs, matriarchs and elders issued an “eviction notice” to Stikine MLA Nathan Cullen on Saturday (Nov. 27), citing failure to ensure the safety of his constituents including the Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en.

Members of the Gitxsan Huwilp Government posted the notice of eviction outside the NDP MLA’s office in Hazelton and said they were evicting him under Gitxsan law, Section 35 of the Canadian constitution and the 1997 Delgamuukw decision of the Supreme Court of Canada. The Stikine MLA’s Hazelton office is one of the two constituency offices he has in the northwest with the other situated in Smithers.

In a phone interview from Smithers, Cullen said that he will be meeting with the chiefs to talk about a way forward in the coming days as the Hazelton constituency office serves an entire community.

“I’m sure we can come to some kind of understanding so that we’re not denying people services that they need, because that doesn’t really help anybody from my perspective,” said Cullen.

Cullen’s eviction comes a week after 29 Coastal GasLink (CGL) pipeline opponents were arrested by the RCMP near Houston between Nov. 18-19. All those arrested were subsequently released with conditions in court last week.

“You failed to ensure the safety of your constituents, including Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en people from the violence and excessive force used by overly armed RCMP at or near Houston B.C. and New Hazelton B.C. during the months of October to November 2021,” read the statement of eviction issued Nov 26.

Cullen, who is also B.C.’s Minister of State for Lands and Natural Resource Operations, was also accused of failing to properly represent the causes and concerns of the Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en people in the legislative assembly.

Failure to leave would lead to Cullen being considered a “trespasser, without permission” on Gitxsan land, said the office of the hereditary chiefs in the statement.

Chiefs of the Gitxsan Huwilp Government claimed that Cullen had not fulfilled any of the promises he made to the Huwilp “directly” during his campaign.

“We’re here to evict Nathan Cullen, the representative of the Stikine region from Gitxsan territory because he failed to stand up for the poor people… Everybody is getting rich from our land and we remain poor,” said a Gitxsan chief from outside Cullen’s Hazelton office.

The group also said that the eviction applies to all “corporations” on their lands, referring to CGL.

“We’re not going to stand by when our land is being poisoned by the pipeline. We are not going to stand by as big corporations come out from other countries and take all our resources while our future generations are going to suffer.”

In 2020 when opposition to the CGL pipeline escalated, Cullen (then federal MP for Skeena — Bulkley Valley) was appointed by B.C.’s Premier John Horgan to play an intermediary role between the provincial government and the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs,” said the notice.

The notice also comes in the wake of heavy police presence in the Gitxsan communities following the arrest of one of its members near the CN rail tracks on Nov. 21. Denzel Sutherland-Wilson was arrested for a blockade set up near the tracks in solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en pipeline opponents. He was released the same day with charges of mischief.

Cullen said that this incident has led to a great deal of stress and strain in the community.

Cullen said group of Gitxsan chiefs (the same ones who issued the eviction notice) reached out to him on Wednesday asking for a meeting with the RCMP, which was arranged. Cullen was to meet with the chiefs on Friday but had to reschedule the meeting to next week, due to a delayed flight back from Victoria.

Further responding to the chiefs’ allegations of inaction against him, Cullen said that he communicates the concerns of his constituency members to the provincial government “each and every day.” He also said that there has been constant dialogue with the chiefs in northwest region about these issues which are “complex,” and “layered.”

“A lot of my work does not take place on Twitter… A lot of it is very sensitive and important and discreet. So I understand that people haven’t seen as much with me making big speeches and tweeting about issues but these are very complex and sensitive issues,” said Cullen.

Binny Paul, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, Terrace Standard
Omicron response should focus on global vaccine equity, not travel bans: scientists

A British Columbia-based researcher says banning travelers from southern African countries in an effort to stop the importation of a new COVID-19 variant is an example of "wishful thinking" that could do more harm than good.

Caroline Colijn, a mathematician and epidemiologist at Simon Fraser University, says the omicron variant has already been detected in countries outside of the targeted region and it's only a matter of time before it's found in Canada.

She says South Africa is to be commended for sequencing the omicron variant and for sharing its data with the rest of the world.

Colijn says she worries countries such as Canada, that responded by imposing travel bans on southern African nations, risk disincentivizing that kind of transparency in the future.

Zain Chagla, an associate professor of medicine at McMaster University, agrees that "blind closures of borders" don't make sense.

He says the omicron variant shows it's time for a more coordinated global response to the COVID-19 pandemic focused on ensuring every person in every country has ample access to vaccines.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 28, 2021.

The Canadian Press
Another pulse crop option for growers?
Lupins offer high protein and resistance to aphanomyces root rot


By Treena Hein
Published: November 26, 2021

Seed multiplication will continue in 2022, with a goal of crop commercialization in 2023. 
Photo: Lupin Platform

Move over soybeans, canola and yellow peas — another high-value crop is in development in Canada to meet the demands of the rapidly evolving plant-based food product market — lupin. It may also represent a strong option for the local and export livestock feed markets.

Grown in ancient times for both food and feed, today lupin is almost all grown for livestock feed, mostly in Australia. Only four per cent of the global 2020 crop was consumed by humans. But recently, in Canada and beyond, lupin flour (made from the high-protein seeds) has begun to be included in baked goods and snacks. Loblaw’s President’s Choice brand has offered a lupin-wheat pancake mix, and in late August 2021, Nabati Foods Global of Edmonton launched a plant-based liquid “egg” product that contains lupin and pea protein. “Nabati Plant Eggz” will soon be available at Sobeys in Quebec and Whole Foods across B.C. and Ontario.

Even if market demand is not yet strong in Canada, lupin’s future looks rosy. It’s a nitrogen-fixing pulse crop that produces comparable yields to peas, with a protein content of 35 to 40 per cent compared to an average of 24 per cent for peas, says Tristan Choi, director of Lupin Platform, an Alberta-based lupin development firm. In addition, the company’s two varieties (bred in Europe) are resistant to aphanomyces root rot, which can reduce yield in some other pulse crops. Lupin Platform has registered a white lupin (Lupinus albus) called Dieta, and a blue (L. angustifolius, also known as narrow-leaved lupin) called Boregine.

The Lupin Platform team plans to market both varieties for food and feed, but each has a focus related to market access. Dieta production will be focused in Manitoba due to its longer growing season and proximity to initial industry customers in Canada and the U.S. Boregine, which has undergone trials involving Alberta Agriculture for most of the last decade, is well-adapted to various areas of Alberta. However, the Parkland areas will be the focus in order to keep transport costs low to the main market livestock feed in Asia.

Crop requirements

Gordon Butcher, CEO Of AgCall, a firm contracted by Lupin Platform to assist with research and commercialization, says a soil pH at or below 7.2 is needed for their blue lupin and less than 7.8 for their white. This is based on information provided by the breeders in Europe.

“Soil pH is considered a default indicator for soil calcium level, with calcium being higher the higher the soil pH. High soil calcium levels negatively affect nodule formation and if high enough, will cause iron deficiency in lupin. And high iron levels in the soil will not compensate or prevent this deficiency.”
A 10-per cent higher protein content may make the lupin price competitive with peas. photo: Lupin Platform

Dieta should be planted the last week of April up to the end of the first week in May and needs about 125 days to maturity, similar to soybean. Boregine’s planting window is similar to Dieta but it matures in 110 to 115 days. Nitrogen requirement is low when the proper inoculant is applied to the seed. A liquid inoculant is now registered because the equipment of Prairie growers is set up for liquid and because it provides improved seed coverage over powder.

Regarding weed control, Butcher says “Registered broadleaf herbicides are still an issue but research is underway and will continue next year. We hope to have a number of new options of registered products when large-scale commercial production gets underway in 2023. With respect to crop insurance, we’re working with insurance companies, but it will take a couple of years of commercial production for crop insurance to move forward.”

Butcher adds that “We know we need to be competitive with peas in order for farmers to be interested. Because lupins have about 10 per cent higher protein than peas, we expect the price to be higher than peas when we get commercial production.”

Outlook for 2022

Butcher says that due to the severe drought in Manitoba this year, Lupin Platform’s seed multiplication has been low and hopefully will increase in 2022.

Next year, a few commercial farmers in Manitoba will also grow a limited acreage of 20 to 40 acres each. Due to the drought, there will not be any certified seed for Alberta growers in 2022.

This year in Manitoba, Red River Seeds and JS Henry and Son Ltd. are multiplying Dieta, and in Alberta, Galloway Seeds, Lindholm Seed Farm and Brian Ellis Seed are doing the same for Boregine.

Lupin Platform is also partnering with Hensall Co-op and two farmers in Ontario to investigate agronomic/economic fit for Dieta.

Grown in ancient times for both food and feed, lupin today is grown almost entirely for livestock feed, and mostly in Australia. photo: Lupin Platform

Although 2021 has been challenging, Choi, Butcher and their colleagues say they are excited about continued development of the value chain from variety development and seed and grain production to the development of value-added processing technologies and end-use markets. “We want Canada to be the supplier of choice for the highest-quality lupin available worldwide,” says Choi.

For more information visit lupinplatform.com.

A grower’s experience

Dane Lindholm of Lindholm Seed in New Norway, Alta., grew 88 acres of Boregine for Lupin Platform this year.

It was the first year for lupins on the farm, and the area had below-average rainfall and extreme heat in the early part of the growing season. The seed was treated with Vibrance Maxx and powdered inoculant (which is being replaced by liquid). Lindholm says there was quick emergence, and “You want to have it in early. We planted April 27. And you don’t want to seed too deep.”

For harvest, Lindholm says the best desiccation timing needs to be worked out so that the stalk and pods are ready at the same time.

“Overall, we were happy with how the plants looked, and there’s definitely a fit for them here,” Lindholm sums up.“Lupins are going to work ... harvest stability is the main issue at this point in my view.”

The forgotten oil ads that told us climate change was nothing

Since the 1980s, fossil fuel firms have run ads touting climate denial messages – many of which they’d now like us to forget. Here’s our visual guide


Illustration: Guardian Design
Climate crimes


by Geoffrey Supran and Naomi Oreskes

Supported by

Thu 18 Nov 2021

Why is meaningful action to avert the climate crisis proving so difficult? It is, at least in part, because of ads.

The fossil fuel industry has perpetrated a multi-decade, multibillion dollar disinformation, propaganda and lobbying campaign to delay climate action by confusing the public and policymakers about the climate crisis and its solutions. This has involved a remarkable array of advertisements – with headlines ranging from “Lies they tell our children” to “Oil pumps life” – seeking to convince the public that the climate crisis is not real, not human-made, not serious and not solvable. The campaign continues to this day.

As recently as last month, six big oil CEOs were summoned to US Congress to answer for the industry’s history of discrediting climate science – yet they lied under oath about it. In other words, the fossil fuel industry is now misleading the public about its history of misleading the public.

We are experts in the history of climate disinformation, and we want to set the record straight. So here, in black and white (and color), is a selection of big oil’s thousands of deceptive climate ads from 1984 to 2021. This isn’t an exhaustive analysis, of which we have published several, but a brief, illustrated history – like the “sizzle reels” that creatives use to highlight their best work – of the 30-plus year evolution of fossil fuel industry propaganda. This is big oil’s PR sizzle reel.
Early days: learning to spin

Humble Oil (now ExxonMobil) was not self-conscious about the potential environmental impacts of its products in this 1962 advertisement touting “Each day Humble supplies enough energy to melt 7 million tons of glacier!”


Life Magazine, 1962
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The truth behind the ad: Three years earlier, in 1959, America’s oil bosses had been warned that burning fossil fuels could lead to global heating “sufficient to melt the icecap and submerge New York”.

Their knowledge only grew. A 1979 internal Exxon study warned of “dramatic environmental effects” before 2050. “By the late 1970s”, a former Exxon scientist recently recalled, “global warming was no longer speculative”.’
‘Reposition global warming as theory (not fact)’

In 1991, Informed Citizens for the Environment, a front group of coal and utility companies announced that “Doomsday is cancelled” and asked, “Who told you the earth was warming … Chicken Little?” They complained about “weak” evidence, “non-existent” proof, inaccurate climate models and asserted that the physics was “open to debate”.




Both ads from the Informed Citizens for the Environment, 1991

The truth behind the ads: Instead of warning the public about global heating or taking action, fossil fuel companies stayed silent as long as they could. In the late 1980s, however, the world woke up to the climate crisis, marking what Exxon called a “critical event”. The fossil fuel industry’s PR apparatus swung into action, implementing a strategy straight out of big tobacco’s playbook: to weaponize science against itself.
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A 1991 memo by Informed Citizens for the Environment made that strategy explicit: “Reposition global warming as theory (not fact).”
‘Emphasize the uncertainty’

Mobil and ExxonMobil ran one of the most comprehensive climate denial campaigns of all time, with a foray in the 1980s, a blitz in the 1990s and continued messaging through the late 2000s. Their climate “advertorials” – advertisements disguised as editorials – appeared in the op-ed page of the New York Times and other newspapers and were part of what scholars have called “the longest, regular (weekly) use of media to influence public and elite opinion in contemporary America”.





Left: New York Times, 1984. Right: New York Times, 1993

Between 1996 and 1998, for instance, Mobil ran 12 advertorials timed with the 1997 UN Kyoto negotiations that questioned whether the climate crisis is real and human-made and 10 that downplayed its seriousness. “Reset the alarm,” one ad suggested. “Let’s not rush to a decision at Kyoto … We still don’t know what role man-made greenhouse gases might play in warming the planet.”





Left: New York Times, 1997. 
Right: New York Times, Wall Street Journal and other publications, 2000

The truth behind the ads: “Exxon’s position”, instructed internal strategy memos from 1988-89, was to “extend the science” and “emphasize the uncertainty in scientific conclusions” about the climate crisis. Or as a 1998 “Action Plan” by Exxon, Chevron, API, utilities companies and others declared: “Victory will be achieved when average citizens” and the “media ‘understands’ (recognizes) uncertainties in climate science”.

ExxonMobil continued to fund climate denial through at least 2018. One of their 2004 advertorials claimed “scientific uncertainties” precluded “determinations regarding the human role in recent climate change”. That was untrue. Nine years earlier, the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change had concluded a “discernible human influence on global climate”. ExxonMobil’s chief climate scientist was a contributing author to the report.
Economic scaremongering

“Don’t risk our economic future,” implored the Global Climate Coalition, a front group for utility, oil, coal, mining, railroad and car companies. This 1997 ad also targeted the Kyoto negotiations and was part of a $13m campaign that was so successful that the White House told GCC: President Bush “rejected Kyoto, in part, based on input from you”.

Global Climate Coalition, 1997
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The truth behind the ad: Put “emphasis on costs/political realities”, instructed a 1989 Exxon strategy memo. Just as the fossil fuel industry funded contrarian scientists to deny climate science, it also touted the flawed economic analyses of industry-funded economists.

The best predictors of fossil fuel industry ad spending are media scrutiny and political activity. Today, economic scaremongering has gone digital, with huge spikes in television and social media ad spending by oil lobbies each time climate regulations loom. In the runup to the 2018-20 US midterm and presidential elections, ExxonMobil spent more on political advertising on Facebook and Instagram than any other company in the world (except Facebook itself).
It’s not our fault, it’s yours

From 2004 to 2006, a $100m-plus a year BP marketing campaign “introduced the idea of a ‘carbon footprint’ before it was a common buzzword”, according to the PR agent in charge of the campaign. The targets of this campaign were the “routine human activities” and “lifestyle choices” of “individuals” and the “average American household”. In 2019, BP ran a new “Know your carbon footprint” campaign on social media.




Both ads were published in various publications from 2004 to 2006.
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The truth behind the ads: Big oil’s rhetoric has evolved from outright denial to more subtle forms of propaganda, including shifting responsibility away from companies and on to consumers. This mimics big tobacco’s effort to combat criticism and defend against litigation and regulation by “casting itself as a kind of neutral innocent, buffeted by the forces of consumer demand”.
Greenwashing: talk clean, act dirty

“We’re partnering with major universities to develop the next generation of biofuels,” said Chevron in 2007. This is also a top talking point of BP, ExxonMobil and others.




The New Yorker, 2007
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ExxonMobil has been trumpeting its research into algae biofuels for more than a decade – from black-and-white print ads (2009) to digital commercials (2018-21).



New York Times, 2009


New York Times, 2018

The truth behind the ads: Greenwashing confers companies with an aura of environmental credibility while distracting from their anti-science, anti-clean energy disinformation, lobbying and investments. The goal is to defend what BP calls a company’s “social license to operate”.

One way fossil fuel companies give themselves a green sheen is to establish – then boast about – what a 1998 API strategy memo termed “cooperative relationships” with reputable academic institutions. Big oil’s colonization of academia is pervasive. Shell’s ongoing sponsorship of the London Science Museum’s climate exhibition comes with a gagging clause prohibiting the museum from discrediting the company’s reputation.

As for algae: America’s five largest oil and gas companies spent $3.6bn on corporate reputation advertising between 1986 and 2015. ExxonMobil has spent more on advertising than on algae research.
‘We’re part of the solution!’

BP “developed an ‘all of the above’ strategy” for marketing energy from 2006 to 2008, “before any presidential candidates spoke of the same”, according to BP’s PR lead.

Big oil continues to promote this narrative of “fossil fuel solution-ism’, including its “all of the above” language, on social media, in Congress and in paid-for, pretend editorials in the Washington Post. To make this spin stick, fossil fuel companies have been calling methane “clean” since at least the 1980s. “Natural gas is already clean,” said API Facebook ads and billboards last year.




One of BP’s many ‘all of the above’ ads grouping oil and natural gas with renewable sources


American Petroleum Institute native advertising in the Washington Post, 2021
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The truth behind the ads: In contradiction to the science of stopping global heating, big oil asserts that fossil fuels will be essential for the foreseeable future. The “all of the above” energy mantra was – as BP’s advertising creative put it – “co-opted by politicians in 2008” and became a centerpiece of the Obama administration’s energy policies. The campaign also positioned methane as a “clean bridge” fuel.

Like “clean coal”, calling methane “clean”, “cleanest” or “low-carbon” has been deemed false advertising by regulators.

Distorting reality in the 2020s and beyond


A Shell TV ad last year featured birds in the sky, fields of wind and solar farms, the CEO of a Shell renewables subsidiary saying she’s “made the future far cleaner and far better for our children”, and not one reference to fossil fuels.

The truth behind the ad: Between 2010 and 2018, 98.7% of Shell’s investments were in oil and gas. Such misrepresentations are industry-wide.

Today, we’re all inundated with ads that leverage a combination of narratives, including those illustrated above, to present fossil fuel companies as climate saviors. It’s way past time we called their bluff.

The narratives highlighted here are a selection of “discourses of climate denial and delay” previously identified by the authors and other researchers. The advertisements selected to illustrate these discourses were identified by the authors based on a review of dozens of peer-reviewed studies, journalistic investigations, white papers, ad libraries, newspaper archives, social media reports and lawsuits.
Australia’s spy agency predicted the climate crisis 40 years ago – and fretted about coal exports

A composite image showing former Australian PM Malcolm Fraser and pioneering scientist 
Graeme Pearman Composite: Getty/Supplied


In a taste of things to come, a secret Office of National Assessment report worried the ‘carbon dioxide problem’ would hurt the nation’s coal industry



Graham Readfearn
THE GUARDIAN
Sat 27 Nov 2021 
The report was stamped CONFIDENTIAL twice on each page, with the customary warning it should “not be released to any other government except Britain, Canada, NZ and US”.

About 40 years ago this week, the spooks at Australia’s intelligence agency, the Office of National Assessments (ONA), delivered the 17-page report to prime minister Malcolm Fraser.

The subject? “Fossil Fuels and the Greenhouse Effect”.

Michael Cook, the agency’s director general, wrote in an introduction how his team had looked at the implications of rising levels of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere “with special reference to Australia as a producer and exporter of coal”.

Cook wrote: “Scientists now agree that if such emissions continue it will some time in the next century lead to a discernible ‘greenhouse effect’ whereby the Earth’s atmosphere becomes measurably warmer with related climatic changes.”
Graeme Pearman, a former CSIRO scientist who was doing work to measure CO2 in the early 1970s. Photograph: Supplied

The agency had several warnings for the Fraser government, but central to the concerns was the potential for the country’s coal exports to be affected.

Those concerns from high levels of government show that from the beginning, the country was seeing the climate change issue through the prism of its fossil fuels.

There were “potentially adverse implications” for the “security of Australia’s export markets for coal beyond the end of the century”.


'What could I have done?' The scientist who predicted the bushfire emergency four decades ago

About 16 years after the ONA report, the Howard government signed the Kyoto protocol to limit greenhouse gas emissions.

John Howard, who was treasurer when the ONA report was released, later refused to ratify that Kyoto deal, saying it would damage the country’s industries, including coal.

ONA was predicting in 1981 that tensions were likely. Sooner or later the “carbon dioxide problem” would “arouse public concerns and so engage the attention of governments”.
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If there wasn’t cost-effective technology “to reduce the carbon dioxide problem” by the end of that century, then concerns could “culminate in pressure for action to restrict fossil fuel usage”.

There was no “anti-fossil fuel lobby” yet that could be compared to “anti-nuclear groups” but some environmental organisations were starting to express concern.

Public attention was only going to increase as more scientific results were published “and are sensationalised by the press and others”.

But in a concluding sentence that could be commenting on the Morrison government’s current defence of fossil fuels from a distance of four decades, the report says: “Australia could well find its export market particularly vulnerable to international policies aimed at limiting the use of coal.”

Dr Robert Glasser, head of the climate and security policy centre at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, said: “It’s the job of intelligence agencies to anticipate these long-term threats and then alert the government.

“In that respect, they were doing their job.”

Former Australian prime minister John Howard refused to ratify the Kyoto deal. Photograph: Mark Baker/REUTERS

The existence of the ONA report – sent to Fraser on 25 November 1981 – is still not widely known.

Scientists working on the issue at the time said they had never seen it until the Guardian sent them a copy. Australia’s longest-serving science minister, Barry Jones, who took up his ministerial role in 1983, also said he had no recall of it.


Glasser says those who have followed the science over decades might not be surprised that Australia’s intelligence was exercised by climate change 40 years ago.

“The science has been clear in terms of a general direction ever since the 1970s – a decade before this report. But we now know the impacts.”

But he says despite the country’s intelligence agency first engaging with the issue 40 years ago, Australia is still “way behind” on the security risks being posed by climate change.

“We are failing to assess the climate and security risks generally, not just in Australia where we can see these simultaneous record-setting compounding events, but even in the region it’s a major security issue.”

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One of the first people outside government to see the document was likely Prof Clive Hamilton, who says he was handed it by a “senior public servant” while he was researching his 2007 book Scorcher on the “dirty politics of climate change”.

“The document was amazingly prescient and remains accurate in its essentials,” said Hamilton

“It was one of those extraordinary things a researcher occasionally stumbles upon. Almost no one seemed aware of the report. It was just gathering dust on a shelf somewhere.”

As well as forecasting problems for the country’s coal industry, the ONA report included qualified forecasts of the potential impacts on the climate.

The area where cyclones could hit could extend as the tropics expand. Sea levels could rise, plants might grow quicker and the polar regions would warm much faster.

There would be global winners and losers, the report said. Canada’s wheat-growing belt could grow, gaining area from the USA as the climate shifted. A loss of permafrost in the USSR and Canada could deliver more agricultural land (permafrost is now melting, with concerns about the release of large amounts of greenhouse gases that could further raise temperatures).

If CO2 levels doubled in the atmosphere, then the ONA thought this could cause between 2C and 3C of warming. That estimate – from 40 years ago – is within the range of the UN’s latest assessment.
Emerging science

But the science and the concerns among Australia’s top scientists had been building well before the ONA report dropped on Fraser’s desk.

Some of the data in the report was drawn from the work of Dr Graeme Pearman and colleagues at CSIRO. Pearman is a pioneering climate scientist who started working on the issue in the early 70s and remembers speaking to ONA staff at the time.

‘I knew they were aware of the issues’: Graeme Pearman in Melbourne last week. Photograph: Darrian Traynor


“I knew they were aware of the issues but I didn’t know how they would play that game,” says Pearman, who is now aged 80 but who saw the report for the first time this week.

“The report does reflect pretty well the state of our scientific understanding at that time. Where it perhaps falls down is that there seems to be no real attempt to evaluate the risks associated with what may unfold.”


The CSIRO had started measuring CO2 levels in the air using instruments in a wheat field in Rutherglen, Victoria, in 1971.

The following year, Pearman and colleagues had put air-sampling equipment on planes – some commercial and some government-owned. More than 3,500 samples were taken.

Pearman was curious about CO2 measurements that had been taken continually since 1958 in Hawaii by pioneering climate scientist Charles David Keeling, of the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in California.

To Pearman’s amazement, the amounts of CO2 in the air above the wheat field and from the aircraft instruments were almost identical to Keeling’s findings from Hawaii

In 1974, Pearman took the Australian air samples in six steel flasks across the world, visiting Keeling’s laboratory in California as well as other scientists doing CO2 measurements in Sweden, Canada, American Samoa and New Zealand.

In 1976, the Australian Academy of Science published a Report of a Committee on Climatic Change that mostly dealt with natural variations in the climate.

But that report included a chapter on “man’s impact on climate”. All past climate changes had been due to natural events “on an astronomic or global scale,” the report said. But then came this sentence: “Human activities are now developing in ways that could have an appreciable effect on the climate within decades.”
Graeme Pearman with a book about climate change that he edited in 1988. 
Photograph: Darrian Traynor
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Four years later, and one year before the ONA report, Pearman edited a book – Carbon Dioxide and Climate: Australian Research that summarised the work going on in Australia. How were the levels of CO2 changing? What could this mean for rainfall? How would plants respond?

“The potential significance of a CO2-induced climatic change is large,” wrote Pearman, but so too were the uncertainties. A lot more work needed to be done.

Pretty ordinary or prescient?

“It is fascinating and remarkable to read how this was being viewed [by the intelligence agency] only 10 years after we started our CO2 and climate work at CSIRO,” says Pearman.

Australia’s longest-serving science minister from 1983 to 1990, Barry Jones, could not recall ever seeing the ONA report, but he wasn’t particularly impressed.


Australia was ready to act on climate 25 years ago, so what happened next?


“I think it’s pretty ordinary,” says Jones, whose latest book is called What Is to be Done: Political Engagement and Saving the Planet.

“They imposed on themselves a very narrow terms of reference,” he said, and was puzzled why the report mentions other greenhouse gases but ignored methane.

Prof Ian Lowe was lecturing students on the future of energy supply at Griffith University in the early 1980s. He also hadn’t seen the ONA report before.
A Queensland coal-fired power station during construction, circa 1980. Australia has been worried about climate change’s implications for fossil fuels for decades. Photograph: Peter Righteous/Alamy

“It’s stamped confidential top to bottom. I was surprised how accurate it was though,” he said.

“The spy agency thought it was important enough to draw it to the attention of our political leadership largely because of what they saw as the commerce implications for the Australian export markets for coal.

“But what’s politically interesting is there was absolutely no response to this warning, even though the expansion of fossil fuels was tragically compromised.”


Author and academic Dr Jeremy Walker, of UTS in Sydney, is researching the history of climate science and energy policy. He’s been reviewing the ONA report as part of a wider project.

“What’s interesting to me is that this was being considered at the highest levels of government, but the security issue is being interpreted in terms of the profitability of the fossil fuel industry. The fossil fuel industry is central to the government’s response – then and now.”
Magnus Carlsen embraces chaos in gripping draw with Ian Nepomniachtchi

Carlsen admits that a blunder almost cost him the game

Draw leaves the 14-game match between the pair level at 1-1



Magnus Carlsen (left) had one particularly dicey moment against Ian Nepomniachtchi, but rode it out. Photograph: Giuseppe Cacace/AFP/Getty Images

Sean Ingle at the Dubai Exhibition Centre
@seaningle
Sat 27 Nov 2021

Magnus Carlsen diced with danger in an entertaining second game of the world chess championships in Dubai before recovering to secure a 58-move draw. It leaves his 14-game match with Ian Nepomniachtchi level at 1-1 going into Sunday’s third encounter.

It was a seesawing struggle, with Carlsen surprising his opponent early before missing a move that left him considerably worse off. However, his Russian opponent failed to find his wave through the thicket of variations and the game ended with a handshake, and a long post-mortem, as the players tried to fathom what happened. “The game was crazy, I had no idea what was going on,” said Nepomniachtchi. “During the game I thought: ‘We both are playing not so well’. But now I start thinking it was just very interesting and very chaotic.”

Carlsen and Nepomniachtchi draw in Game 2 of World Chess Championship – as it happened


Carlsen, who has held the world title since 2013, signalled his fighting intentions by playing the rare move, Ne5, on move eight. It sacrificed a pawn but also meant his opponent was on new ground in a tricky position. Understandably, he was soon behind on the clock. Not only was he playing the Norwegian but also his computer preparation.

“It was a really nice idea, not the most popular, and I had a lot of trouble,” admitted Nepomniachtchi. However, he was able to weave his way through the complications without too much damage and, when Carlsen made a mistake with 20. Rb1, he was left staring at a worse position where he was rook for bishop down.

“At some point I blundered because I didn’t intend to sacrifice quite as much material as I actually did,” admitted Carlsen, who looked visibly the more tired. “After that, I was trying to hang in there, not to lose. The position was very, very interesting.”

But with Carlsen on the ropes, Nepo then gave up a pawn for little compensation and the position became a theoretical draw. “The games have been a bit atypical for both of us,” added the Norwegian. “They are not following any specific pattern. It’s just a fight.”
Nepomniachtchi carefully considers a move.
 Photograph: Giuseppe Cacace/AFP/Getty Images

The result means there have now been 16 draws in a row in world championship games played at classical time controls, dating back five years to game 11 of Carlsen’s match against Sergey Karjakin in November 2016.

That is partly down to the time controls, which currently give players two hours for their first 40 moves and another hour for their next 20. Carlsen has long lobbied for shorter games in his world title matches, arguing that with less time to think there will be even more drama. But for now, at least, the Fide president, Arkady Dvorkovich, is sitting on the fence.

“It’s an interesting dilemma,” he told the Observer. “We started experimenting with shorter controls of 45 minutes at the women’s world team championship and it was very dynamic and exciting. But when it comes to controls for classical chess, we will see.

“On the one hand, it’s exciting to watch shorter games,” he added. “On the other hand when talking about the best players, I would prefer just a few mistakes – while in shorter games you have many.”

A Chess Player Almost Won A Chess Game

By Oliver Roeder
Filed under Chess
NOV. 27, 2021
On the eighth move, Magnus Carlsen ventures a rare play: knight to e5.

ILLUSTRATION BY FIVETHIRTYEIGHT

This article is part of our 2021 World Chess Championship series.

The auditorium in Dubai hosting the 2021 World Chess Championship is reminiscent of the American Museum of Natural History in New York City. Each features a grand, darkened room with a glowing diorama, filled with motionless drama. And in both, a squid and a whale remain deadlocked in their boxes, caught in the middle of a grueling battle.

Magnus Carlsen of Norway, the longtime world No. 1, is defending his title against challenger Ian Nepomniachtchi of Russia, the world No. 5. On Saturday, the two played a roller coaster of a draw in 58 moves over 4.5 hours. They split the point, and the best-of-14 match sits level, 1-1. It has been more than five years since anyone won a regulation game in the World Chess Championship.

Here’s how the computer has seen the ebbs and flows of the games thus far this year:

Carlsen commanded the white pieces in the glass box on Saturday, moving first, with a cream-colored blazer to match. Before the game, the chesserati buzzed, wondering just how he would begin. In the 2018 world championship, Carlsen displayed a fun little pattern across his white games, opening with pawns to d4, c4, e4, d4, c4 and e4, which I assume sounds cool if you play it on a piano.

As it happened, Carlsen played d4 and for the second game in a row sacrificed a pawn to gain an early attacking initiative — perhaps counter to expectations against his famously aggressive Russian opponent. The players entered the Catalan opening. The Catalan is a “clash of concepts,” as explained by former world champion Viswanathan Anand on the official match broadcast: Which is more valuable, black’s extra pawn or white’s budding attack and bishop controlling the board’s longest diagonal?

Two moves later, Carlsen rode his knight into enemy territory, onto the e5 square — a rare, sharp move. When Nepomniachtchi responded, the position they had created had never before appeared on the tournament boards of top-level grandmasters. Shortly thereafter, Carlsen and Nepomniachtchi both walked away to take a brief rest, leaving the novel chess position sitting alone on a table in the box, like a still life in a museum display.

Expert observers admired Carlsen’s attacking chances but knew they wouldn’t come easy. “The position is dangerous and complicated, but it’s not one where white can immediately attack,” said Fabiano Caruana, the American No. 1, on Chess.com’s livestream. “It’s more long-term pressure.”

Despite the complexity, Carlsen appeared comfortable, likely well within his pregame preparation. He played quickly and opened a large time advantage — perhaps counter to expectations against the famously fast Nepomniachtchi.

But the clash of concepts eventually favored the pawn rather than the position, and the long-term investment never paid off. Nepomniachtchi defended and counterattacked with great precision. Around the 20th move, Carlsen sacrificed even more material, trading his rook for Nepomniachtchi’s knight to forestall a Russian equine invasion. On his 24th move, by this point heavily favored by the computer, Nepomniachtchi faced the position below:

The computer suggested the moves pawn-to-g6 or queen-to-e7, or taking the pawn on a4. Instead, Nepomniachtchi moved his pawn to c3, evidently a mistake, allowing Carlsen to reclaim some of his material deficit in the moves that followed. The game simplified (relatively!) after that — the position was roughly level for some 30 moves as pieces quickly left the board. The squid and the whale — I remain agnostic as to who is which — agreed to a draw with a rook and two pawns each.

“I thought I was doing well,” Carlsen said after the game, before admitting that he had simply overlooked the knight invasion that gave him so much trouble.

Nepomniachtchi also recalled the moment: “I thought, ‘Wow, suddenly it’s getting very nice for black.’”

But in the end, another day, another draw, another deadlocked diorama. “In general it was a very puzzling game,” Nepomniachtchi added. “It was very interesting and very chaotic.”

Game 3 begins Sunday at 7:30 a.m. Eastern. We’ll be covering the entire match here and on Twitter, and we’re excited to be puzzled as we stare into the glass box.

For even more writing on chess and other games, check out Roeder’s new book, “Seven Games: A Human History,” available in January.

Oliver Roeder was a senior writer for FiveThirtyEight. @ollie