Black mistrust remains 100 yrs

after Tulsa Massacre

Duration: 00:50 

There's been progress in the relationship between the Tulsa police and the city's Black community in the 100 years since the masacre in 1921. The police chief is now Black, but studies show that Black people still don't trust the police. (May 28)  The Canadian Press

Inside The Exhibition Box: How White Sexual Imperialism Has Trapped Asian American Women

Anouk Yeh 

REFINERY29

 23 hrs ago


On March 16th, 2021, eight people in Georgia were killed in a string of shootings that took place at three different spas and massage parlors: Young’s Asian Massage in Cherokee County, Georgia, and Aromatherapy Spa and Gold Spa, both in Atlanta.

Six of the eight victims — Soon-Chung Park 박순정, Hyun-Jung Grant 김]현정, Sun-Cha Kim 김선자, Yong-Ae Yue 유영애, Xiaojie Tan 谭小洁 and Daoyou Feng 冯道友 — were Asian women; each of the locations that were targeted were Asian-owned. The gunman was white.

The massacre was an unignorable tragedy; it was also a blaring alarm warning of the increasing anti-Asian xenophobia within the United States. In the months leading up to the shooting, anti-Asian hate crimes had been rapidly on the rise. In January, an 84-year-old Thai man, Vichar Ratanapakdee was murdered in San Francisco. Just a few days later a 91-year-old Asian man was assaulted in Oakland. These are just a few of the hate crimes; in just the first three months of 2021, Anti-Asian hate crimes have increased by 169%.

Along with its accompanying media coverage, the Atlanta shootings were also a wakeup call to examine the way white America perceives — and has historically perceived — Asian women, as unimportant, one-dimensional accessories to the broader American narrative.

It was no coincidence that the public knew the shooter’s name, face, and the fact that, according to a member of the police department, he’d been having a “bad day” — before anyone knew a single name of one of the eight victims, a single one of their faces, a single detail about their lives before they were lost forever.

Arguably more infuriating was the media’s obsessive and suggestive attachment to the six Asian women’s jobs as workers at spas and massage parlors, a “customer is always right” industry that has historically been hypersexualized by the white gaze. This hypersexualization of female Asian labor has led to legislation like the 1875 Page Act, which restricted female Asian service workers from entering the United States under the automatic assumption they were prostitutes.

With this in mind, it was only a matter of time before the police and media outlets alike took on a twisted game of victim-blaming, pointing to the victims’ occupational circumstances and the shooter’s alleged Asian “sex addiction” as, if not excuses for the massacre, then at least rationalizations for it, as if the murder of any human could ever be rationalized. Though, it does become a lot easier to do just that when a society-at-large doesn’t grant a group of people their humanity to begin with.

That is precisely what the situation is in the U.S., which is why the Atlanta massacre, specifically, was a jolting reflection of white America’s perception of Asian women as faceless and submissive — mere ”things” to be conquered. As distasteful and distressing as this stereotype is, it is not shocking — to be surprised by it is to be oblivious to American history.

The United States houses a long history of fetishizing and violating Asian women without repercussion, a phenomenon coined by Sunny Woan as “white sexual imperialism.”

The modern foundation of this imperialist relationship between Asian women and white America can be traced to the American military’s history of objectification and sexual abuse in Asia during the 20th century, but the original roots of it twist back further in time, and are as rooted in the founding and westward expansion of this nation.

In 1834, 14-year-old Afong Moy, the first Chinese young woman to arrive in the United States, was brought here by traders Nathaniel and Frederick Carne, and billed as “The Chinese Lady” as part of an “Oriental” museum exhibit.

In the zoo-like exhibition, Moy was instructed to continuously perform an extreme version of her daily routine, all while on display in a glass box. She drank tea and ate rice with chopsticks as white museum-goers peered and commented on her appearance.

Narrators accompanied Moy’s performance, emphasizing her docility and pointing out different parts of her “exotic” physique to audience members.

The fact that the first Chinese woman in America’s ticket to the United States came at the price of her objectification is important to note, because it forever set the precedent for white interaction with Asian women. Moy, and subsequently, all Asian women, being introduced to America as a larger-than-life docile fantasy created an unshakeable association between Asian women and traits like demure, exotic and serving. Following Moy’s arrival to America, multiple companies within the United States began piloting picture bride systems, which gave white American men the power to pick and order women and girls from East Asia like commodities out of catalogues.
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More recently, and particularly throughout the 20th century, the white American gaze has been filtered through a lens of imperialistic contact, spanning the Vietnam War (1955-1975), during which time tktk can you list a couple different more general examples here tktkt, with one notably horrific attack happening in the village of My Lai, where American soldiers pillaged and massacred the community, and raped approximately 20 Vietnamese women and girls. During World War II’s War of the Pacific, American sailors raped countless civilian women during the Okinawa occupation. After WWII, the US occupied Korea up until the outbreak Korean War, inheriting Japan’s WWII comfort women practice of forcefully exploiting Korean civilian women for sex. To this day, the legacy of the American military’s sexual exploitation of Asian women still lives on. Currently, American military bases in South Korea, or camptowns, are still marked by high prostitution rates.

Five months ago, I turned 17 — three years older than Afong Moy was when she first set foot in the United States. Although it has now been almost two centuries since Moy’s exhibition tour across America, instances like the massacre in Atlanta remind me that I, along with every other Asian woman in America, have never truly left the glass exhibition box.

The massacre in Atlanta and every other instance anti-Asian violence, particularly of the last year, reminded me that, whether I’m conscious of it or not, in the eyes of the white gaze, my body is still just another listing in a catalogue. This isn’t just a metaphor, though, this also manifests in my daily life.

During online school, white classmates ask me my thoughts on the Atlanta victims, wondering specifically what I thought about the fact that they worked in massage parlors. These questions are as pointed as the stares Moy must have endured;I feel like I’m being asked to pour tea for an audience of zoo-gooers.

On the street, a man rolls down his window and yells at me: “Ni hao, baby. I would love a piece of that.” I feel like I have an exhibition sign tacked to my back; I wonder what it was like to be one of the women who was force-purchased from a catalogue, unable to hide from unwanted sexual advances. I log onto social media and see the voices of Korean femme organizers being drowned out by articles about Atlanta’s “happy ending” massages, and it feels like I — like every Asian woman in America — am screaming inside our glass boxes, only nobody can hear us. Nobody wants to. The rest of America just sits and watches from outside the exhibit, free to come and go as they please.

The perpetuation of white sexual imperialism keeps Asian women chained to a caricature of white male fantasy; the centuries-long commodification of our bodies has forced us to inherit hyper-sexualized and overly submissive stereotypes that we never would have chosen for ourselves — but history bore us into this exhibition box.

So where do we go from here? Although it’s hard to dismantle centuries of calcified caricature, what isn’t hard — what shouldn’t be hard — is focusing on the humanity of each Asian woman targeted by white supremacy, of telling their stories, of telling our own.

This means honoring all eight of the victims of the Atlanta massacre outside of a lens of residual imperialist violence, and remembering them for who they were in life. Remember them not for their connection to white supremacy, but for the way they lived and the way they loved; remember them for the way they cooked jjigae stew and watched Korean dramas. Remember them for the way they always welcomed customers new and old with a smile and open arms; remember them for the way they were willing to leave motherlands behind in hopes of forging a better future for their loved ones.

This rhetoric also extends to ourselves. During times of increasing anti-Asian xenophobia, it is extremely important that we, as Asian women, hold close all the joyous and nuanced parts of our identities. Oversimplification is the first step towards dehumanization, so proudly claiming every facet of our personal identities is a radical act of protest — especially in a nation that has only ever allowed Asian women to take up one single, objectified narrative. We boldly claim every facet of our identity when our humanity is questioned by a stranger yelling slurs through a car window or reducing an entire social justice movement down to stereotypes, we know that this is not the total of who we are because we have already self-defined who we are.

Nuanced and compassionate storytelling, after all, is the best way of restoring humanity to a community that has historically been violently denied it.

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Plunder of Pompeii: how art police turned tide on tomb raiders

Angela Giuffrida in Rome 

THE GUARDIAN

5/28/2021

© Provided by The Guardian Photograph: Cesare Abbate/EPA

By day, the tombaroli, or tomb raiders, marked out the spot. They used long, pointed tools to pierce the earth , beneath which there was a passage that would take them to Roman homes replete with treasure in Civita Giuliana, a suburb of ancient Pompeii, about 700 metres north-west of the main archaeological park.

By night, they dug a network of tunnels. Each was about 40 metres long, starting from their home or abandoned buildings in the countryside area close to the site, and connected to the passage, from where they hammered through ancient walls as they made their way into the homes to seize their loot.

For years, their cunning methods were successful, allowing the tombaroli, a father and son team, to steal artefacts from the site and sell them on for huge sums of money to art traffickers around the world. Then, in 2012, they were caught in action – by Italy’s art police.

The special squad had discovered a hole covered by metal sheets, earth and crops leading to an illegal excavation, along with three frescoes destined for exportation overseas. The relics were recently returned to Pompeii’s archaeological park.

© Provided by The Guardian A fragment of a fresco from Villa Arianna in Pompeii, recently returned to the Museo Archeologico Libero D’Orsi, in Castellammare di Stabia, Italy. Photograph: Parco Archeologico di Pompei pre/AFP/Getty

“The tombaroli know their dig can either go well or badly,” said Gen Roberto Riccardi, the chief of Italy’s cultural heritage protection squad. “The tunnels at Civita Giuliana were found thanks to intelligence work. The tombaroli are usually people we know and have significant experience … often there are generations of them. But this is not their only work: they usually have farming or building trade activities.”

Related: ‘We go after them like pitbulls’ – the art detective who hunts stolen Picassos and lost Matisses

Looters have been plundering Italy’s cultural sites for decades, but since 2012 their trade has not been as fruitful, owing to an intensified crackdown by Italy’s art police, of whom there are 302 across the country.

In 2020, the squad found 24 illegal digs, arrested 68 thieves and recuperated 17,503 archaeological artefacts. The unit carries out controls of archaeological sites on the ground or above by helicopter. A scuba-diving team also patrols archaeological sites along the Italian coast.

© Provided by The Guardian A fragment of a fresco from the Villa San Marco in Pompeii. Photograph: Parco Archeologico di Pompei pre/AFP/Getty

Among the items retrieved last year and recently brought back to Pompeii were three other frescoes that had been sliced off the walls of Villa Arianna and Villa San Marco – homes that once belonged to noble families in Stabiae, a historical site close to the archaeological park’s main excavations – in the 1970s. The relics were smuggled overseas and it is known that they were eventually bought by English, American and Swiss antique dealers in the 1990s. The items later returned to Italy, where, with the help of an archaeological expert, police were able to identify them among the private collection of a businessman in Milan. The archaeologist also noted that the frescoes had been tinkered with in order to make them more valuable.

“There is a whole network of people involved, starting from the tombaroli, who are in touch with dealers, who in turn agree a price with international traffickers. When there is a significant value, either artistic or historic, the traffickers act,” said Riccardi.

The criminal merchants then create a fake paper trail to deceive buyers into believing that they are buying items derived legally.

In the past, looted relics have ended up in some of the world’s biggest museums. In 1996, the Getty museum in Los Angeles acquired artefacts, including frescoes stolen from Pompeii, that led to the museum’s curator later going on trial in Rome, accused by the Italian government of conspiring to traffic looted art, though the charges were dropped in 2007. That same year, New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art gave back antiques, including statues and vases, that had been illegally excavated and smuggled out of Italy.

© Provided by The Guardian A fragment of a fresco, probably from Villa Arianna in Pompeii. Photograph: Parco Archeologico di Pompei pre/AFP/Getty

Most of the country’s stolen relics end up with buyers in northern European countries and the US, although countries in the far east and Middle East have emerged as prominent markets, too.

Italy’s cultural heritage, including artworks, has an estimated value of €986bn, making it among the preferred prey of traffickers.

The cultural heritage protection squad was established in 1969 on the basis of an article in the country’s postwar constitution stating that the new Republic must protect its landscape as well as historical and artistic heritage. However, the protection and recuperation of the territory’s historical riches dates back much further. In 1816 the Italian sculptor Antonio Canova negotiated with Paris to repatriate artworks stolen by Napoleon Bonaparte. The Duke of Wellington also played a major role in returning items plundered by Napoleon and his army.

The police squad has a database containing about 1.3m files on stolen artworks and archaeological relics.

“The job is a big challenge,” said Riccardi. “But it’s about reclaiming the history and beauty which our art, in the past and present, has given to Italy.”

Yellowstone National Park is hotter than ever, scientists say

Isabella O'Malley 

THE WEATHER NETWORK

29/5/2021

Yellowstone National Park’s famously harsh environment is once again making headlines, this time for the scorching temperatures that are becoming increasingly common at the park.

A study published in Geophysical Research Letters states that summer temperatures are quickly climbing and the month of August 2016 ranked as one of the hottest summers the park has experienced in the last 1,250 years.

Scientists analyzed tree ring data from Engelmann spruce trees to reconstruct the park’s climate from the years 770–2019, which revealed that 2016 was the single-warmest year on record.

© Provided by The Weather Network

Grand Prismatic Geyser with American Bison passing by in Yellowstone National Park. (Daniel Osterkamp. Moment. Getty Images)

The temperature rise since 2000 has been the most intense period of warming on record and four times more intense than the Medieval Climate Anomaly. This historic warming event occurred from 750 to 1,350 when temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere, South America, China, and Australia were up to 1°C higher than those during 1960–1990.

The study says that annual surface air temperatures across the western U.S. have increased by more than 1°C since 1900 and will continue to increase with continued greenhouse gas emissions and other human activities.

The data revealed that a warming trend began around 1450 and continued into the mid 1600s, which was then followed by roughly 250 years of low variability in temperatures. An “intense warming trend” then began in 2000 and the study says it “far exceeds conditions during any other period over the past 1,250 years, particularly during the Medieval Climate Anomaly.”

© Provided by The Weather Network

Buffalo grazing at Hayden Valley, Yellowstone National Park. 

(Manel Vinuesa. iStock / Getty Images Plus)

Twenty years from 1050 to 1070 featured the most extreme warm event, but the period from 2015–2019 is twice as intense, albeit a shorter duration.

“As 2020 rivaled 2016 for the highest global surface air temperatures on record, current and impending projections of increasing anthropogenic warming, especially for the midlatitudes, suggest that the modern warming will likely soon surpass the Medieval Climate Anomaly,” the researchers hypothesize.

The study says that some of the impacts that Yellowstone National Park could experience as the climate changes include increased fire activity, aridification, extreme drought conditions, and declining biodiversity levels.

© Provided by The Weather Network

The Yellowstone River crashing over the Lower Falls in Yellowstone's Grand Canyon. (MorningDewPhotography. iStock / Getty Images Plus)

“Continued warming will likely lead to increased drought conditions and exacerbated fire regimes (e.g., larger, more severe), threatening to push area ecosystems past a tipping point and leading to a major demographic resetting of the Greater Yellowstone Ecoregion,” the researchers conclude.

“During this era of rapid environmental change, there is a dire need for updating tree-ring records that are temperature sensitive. An updated, high-density temperature proxy network would allow for (1) assessing the degree of spatial and temporal heterogeneity of the 21st century warming trend across western North America and (2) disentangling the relationships between long-term temperature variability and broad-scale climate forcing mechanisms.”

Thumbnail credit: Philippe Sainte-Laudy Photography. Moment. Getty Images

A faction of conservatives pushes to build its own climate movement

Alex Seitz-Wald


WASHINGTON — Before he became a climate activist during his freshman year of college, Benji Backer had spoken at the Conservative Political Action Conference, written for right-leaning sites such as TownHall and RedState, and made a name for himself as a conservative commentator on television.

© Provided by NBC News

But like many other young people, he worried about climate change and didn’t see a place for himself in either the conservative movement, which mostly ignores or denies climate change, or the environmental movement, in which major institutes like the Sierra Club tend to align with Democrats.

So in 2017, Backer founded the American Conservation Coalition, which next month is hosting what it bills as the first conservative climate rally.

“We want to plant a flagpole in the sand to say, this is an issue conservatives can and should lead on,” he said. “There is absolutely zero path to a zero emissions, climate change-free future without bipartisanship — and anybody who doesn't accept that isn't taking this seriously.”

The group has grown to more than 220 branches, many of which are on college campuses, with thousands of grassroots members and relationships on Capitol Hill.

The June 5 rally in Miami, a city that could wind up underwater if sea levels continue to rise, will feature like-minded Republicans such as Florida's former Rep. Carlos Curbelo and Miami Mayor Francis Suarez, who has integrated climate adaptation into all of the city’s long-term planning.

“It is no longer an issue of the environment versus the economy; the environment is the economy,” Suarez said. “We hope to serve as a model of how conservative policies can protect the environment, invest in the future, and address the challenges of climate change.”

Backer and others say the partisan divide on climate is starting to narrow as people feel the effects of a warming climate and thanks to a rising generation of millennial and Gen Z voters who are far more likely than older Republicans to say human-caused climate change is real and that the government needs to do more about it.

Outside the left, many who care about the environment are turned off by what they view as the hectoring rhetoric of climate activists, Backer said.

“You have all these groups on the left, and then no groups on the right. That's the market gap that we fit,” he said. “We are really the first and only grassroots movement in this space.”

 Before he became a climate activist Benji Backer had spoken at the Conservative Political Action Conference,

Focusing on more optimistic messages of innovation and local solutions can bring new people into the fold, he said, pointing to billionaire Elon Musk as an example of someone being rewarded in the market while reducing carbon emissions by popularizing electric vehicles.

In rural America, there’s a long history of conservation among hunters and fishermen, going back to former President Theodore Roosevelt, a Republican sportsman who founded the national park system, who now feel alienated by the culture of environmentalism and its often abstract goals.

“There are so many parts of this country that could be brought in if you can just make it about their backyards, something they can have personal buy-in," said Backer, who spent much of last year on a cross-country road trip in a Tesla speaking with local groups. “And with climate change, that's really easy to do that because it's going to affect every community in this country.”

On Capitol Hill, a cohort of mostly young Republican members of Congress are pushing the party from the inside and House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, despite some uneasiness on his right, just released his own climate plan.

It focuses more on government carrots than sticks, such funding for clean energy research, and emphasizes nuclear power and carbon capture technologies, which progressive environments view warily.

“This shouldn't be a partisan issue and it should be something that we can find sensible common ground on,” said Rep. Peter Meijer, R-Mich., a 33-year-old who thinks Republicans can champion a free market approach to climate solutions, told NBC News. “But that requires the Democratic Party to not greenwash economic redistribution efforts and it requires the Republican Party to stop denialism.”

The American Conservation Coalition has faced predictable criticisms from the left and the right, but has overlapping membership with both youth conservative groups like Turning Point USA and relationships with less politicized environmental groups, like the Nature Conservancy.

The group chose Miami for its first rally because it views Florida as an example of conservative leadership on climate.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, a loyalist of former President Donald Trump who is eyeing his own 2024 presidential run, just signed legislation to prepare the state for rising sea levels and more severe storms that won overwhelming support in the GOP-controlled Legislature.

DeSantis notably did not talk much about climate change around the bill, nor does it address carbon emissions, but that may have helped depolarize the issue.

“We can debate all day the whys and how this happens,” Florida House Speaker Chris Sprowls, a Republican, said in response to Democratic criticism that it didn’t go far enough, “but if we just do that and we just debated all day, we wouldn’t do anything.”

Severely beaten Cheyenne tribal councilwoman 'will fight for justice,' father says

Antonio Planas 


The father of an elected member of the Northern Cheyenne Tribal Council in Montana who was assaulted and left for dead said Friday that whoever attacked his daughter did not break her will.

© Provided by NBC News

A battered Silver Little Eagle, 24, was found earlier this month in a Billings hotel room.

“She remains strong. She is going to fight for justice,” said her father, Goldstein Little Eagle. “She is pulling through. She is in recovery and she is healing.”

The councilwoman was elected in November to represent the Lame Deer District, her father said.

Silver Little Eagle’s relatives said in a May 20 statement that her injuries were severe.

“Silver Little Eagle was brutally attacked in Billings, Montana, and left for dead,” the statement said. “Had Councilwoman Little Eagle not been found by a family member, it is very likely she would have died from this violent attack.”

While not confirming Silver Little Eagle's identity, Billings police said this week in a statement that a female victim was found in a room at the Crowne Plaza Hotel on the morning of May 16. Personal property was missing, and her vehicle had been stolen, police said.

Police said they also received a report that a 31-year-old man was "assaulted at the same time and location as the female victim."

Detectives have not found any evidence that Silver Little Eagle's attack was tied to human trafficking or was racially motivated, police said.

No one has been arrested, but police said they wanted to speak to two women, ages 25 and 27, who were identified as “persons of interest.” One of the women apparently knew the man who was assaulted, investigators said.

“There is believed to be a partner family member association between the 31 year old male and the 27 year old female person of interest,” police said in the statement. “Further, it is believed there is some type of association between all parties involved and the crime is not believed to be a random act of violence.”

A department spokesman did not respond to multiple requests for comment Friday.

Goldstein Little Eagle said he expected police to eventually arrest a suspect or multiple suspects.

“Investigators are working hard, and we are keeping up to date with them,” he said. “They are going to make sure that they have everything they need compiled before the very important next step.”

Goldstein Little Eagle said he could not imagine who would want to hurt his daughter, who he described as "a generous soul." Before her election to the tribal council, she provided healing remedies to tribal members sick with Covid-19. She also would often help feed older people, he said.

“She just cares deeply for her Cheyenne people,” he said.

He said his daughter now has a new mission: to empower Native American women who have endured violence.

“There are too many Native women out there that when this stuff happens, it gets thrown under the rug," Goldstein Little Eagle said. "What I see with her story is, it’s going to help someone. It’s going to help others.”

Silver Little Eagle’s assault is “another painful reminder” of the high rate of violence toward Indigenous women in Montana, her family said in its statement.

“We recognize that behind these statistics are real women – sisters, daughters, mothers, and tribal leaders!" it said. "Native women continue to face ongoing violence, and this must stop!”

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, using 2018 data from the National Vital Statistics System, said homicide was the sixth-leading cause of death among American Indian and Alaska Native women between the ages of 1 and 44.

The family statement said Silver Little Eagle has been the victim of threats, cyberbullying and defamation since the assault.

Her father said she is no longer online. But she said in a Facebook post before the attack that in times of cruelty and hatred, prayer, compassion and kindness win.

“That just hit me,” her father said, his voice cracking. “She was beaten so badly.”ore the attack that in times of cruelty and hatred, prayer, compassion and kindness win.

“That just hit me,” her father said, his voice cracking. “She was beaten so badly.”

An estimated 2,600 Latinos were killed by police in the past six years, report says

By Nicole Chavez, CNN 

While the true scope of the impact of police brutality is difficult to quantify, a new report indicates that more than 2,600 Latinos were killed by police or died while in custody in recent years.

© Kamil Krzaczynski/Getty Images Protesters march through Logan Square neighborhood during a rally on April 16, 2021 in Chicago.

The report released Thursday by UnidosUS in partnership with a group of researchers, scholars, activists and family members of Latinos killed by police, indicates that deaths of people of color are severely undercounted and much more needs to be done to produce an accurate database that collects ethnicity information.

As part of its initial effort and awareness of the limitations of its method, the newly formed group, the Raza Database Project, analyzed eight national databases that track police killings and use a combination of news reports and public records. Researchers took a closer look at entries that were identified as "White," "Other," or "Unknown" and compared the names to the surname datasets from the 2010 US Census to spot any individuals who may have been misidentified.

Between 2014 and May 9 of this year, there were a total of 15,085 people who died in police custody or were killed in encounters with officers, according to the report.

After the group's analysis, the number of Latinos increased about 24% from 2,139 to 2,653, the report states.

The number of deaths of Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders and Native Americans also increased significantly.

But these findings should not be considered final as its method may lead to both overcounting and undercounting, the report said.

Roberto Rodriguez, the project's director, said that the group's estimates are not comprehensive but they offer a more accurate look, especially because of the gaps in government-level data collection.

The group noted the numbers likely still undercount Latinos and other people of color because they may not have surnames of Hispanic origin.

In recent years, a number of activists and media outlets have taken it upon themselves to collect data of police violence because there is no federal database of information.

But they have found that law enforcement agencies often lump individuals into broader racial categories and not ethnicities.

"There's no standardization of how people are labeled and there's no centralization," said Rodriguez, who is also an author and former associate professor at the University of Arizona. "All of these groups are doing the government's work."

Janet Murguía, president and CEO of UnidosUS, said the group's findings are a "disturbing" indication that over-policing in communities of color might be more widespread than previously thought.

"The numbers we already knew about are unacceptable; these new numbers are unconscionable," Murguía said in a statement. "This data demands immediate consideration by those in Congress who are working on much-needed law enforcement reform legislation to ensure that their solutions truly reflect the scope of the problem."

Rodriguez said the group plans to expand the findings released Thursday and launch more efforts to delve into the issue of Latinos killed by or while in custody of law enforcement.

The report was released as calls for police accountability among the Hispanic community have increased in recent months following the deaths of Latino boys and men in police encounters.

In Chicago, 13-year-old Adam Toledo and Anthony Alvarez, 22, were killed by officers at the end of separate foot chases in March.

The two deadly shootings sparked outrage and protests in Chicago, with community members demanding changes to the Chicago Police Department's practices and policies, and prompted Mayor Lori Lightfoot to announce last month the city's police department must implement a foot pursuit policy by the summer.

Meanwhile in California, the family of Mario Gonzalez Arenales seeks justice for the 26-year-old who died on April 19. He died in police custody in Alameda, California, after being restrained for about five minutes at a local park. Officers were answering separate calls about a man who appeared to be intoxicated and a possible theft.

Next week, the family of Sean Monterrosa will host a series of events to honor his life and raise awareness to the issue of police brutality among Black and brown people. Monterrosa, 22, was shot and killed by an officer in Vallejo, California, last year, just a week after George Floyd's death in Minneapolis.

California Attorney General Rob Bonta recently announced the state will review Monterrosa's case.

Unusual bobcat tree den found in California fire burn zone

THOUSAND OAKS, Calif. (AP) — Biologists studying Southern California bobcats found a mother and three kittens this spring in an unusual den in a cavity up in a tree in an area intensely burned by a huge 2018 wildfire west of Los Angeles, the National Park Service said.

Bobcat “denning” in a tree is unusual, according to biologist Joanne Moriarty.

Their dens are usually found in hollow areas of thick chaparral or coastal sage or in woodrat nests made of piles of sticks and leaves.

Scientists believe the bobcat used the cavity because little vegetation has grown since the Woolsey Fire ravaged the Santa Monica Mountains and Simi Hills, the park service said Thursday.

The mother was first captured in the Simi Hills more than a year after the fire. A radio tracking collar was placed on her and she was given the designation B-370 in the study of how bobcats survive in a region where wilderness is fragmented by urban development.

Moriarty suspected B-370 was denning but was having trouble finding her last month.

“Then I look up into this little tiny hole in the tree, and her face is just poking out at me," she said.

Moriarty used a remote camera held on an extension pole to see the kittens.

The Associated Press

Alaska official backs key approval for proposed gold mine

Donlin Gold is owned by subsidiaries of Canada-based NOVAGOLD Resources Inc. and Barrick Gold Corp. 


JUNEAU, Alaska (AP) — A proposed gold mine in western Alaska has won a key approval, with a state official rejecting an administrative law judge's findings that the state Department of Environmental Conservation lacked “reasonable assurance” the project would meet Alaska water quality standards.

Department Commissioner Jason Brune, in a decision Thursday, defended the analyses done by the department's Division of Water and upheld its issuance of a so-called certificate of reasonable assurance for the Donlin Gold project. Brune said the issuance was supported by “a reasonable basis in law and substantial evidence in the record.”

Brune’s decision can be challenged in court.

Olivia Glasscock, an attorney with Earthjustice who is representing the Orutsararmiut Native Council, said Friday that a decision on next steps had not been made. The council had challenged the issuance of the certificate, leading to the findings last month by an administrative law judge.

Brune was not bound by those findings.

Critics of the proposed mine have raised concerns about possible impacts to water and salmon habitat.

Mark Springer, executive director of the Orutsararmiut Native Council, in a statement said the mine "would be a direct threat to water quality, to the many fish that traverse these waters, and to the Kuskokwim way of life.”

Donlin Gold LLC, in a statement, cited the scientific work that’s been done surrounding the project and said it would not operate “without demonstrated compliance with the State’s water quality standards.”

Donlin Gold said it commended the department “for standing up for responsible natural resources development which benefits all Alaskans.”

Donlin Gold has proposed an open-pit, hard-rock gold mine about 145 miles (233 kilometers) northeast of Bethel and about 10 miles (16 kilometers) north of the tiny community of Crooked Creek.

The developer has estimated the project will take three to four years to build once necessary approvals are secured and that the project could produce an average of about 1 million ounces of gold a year during operations, according to the state Department of Natural Resources.

Donlin Gold is owned by subsidiaries of Canada-based NOVAGOLD Resources Inc. and Barrick Gold Corp. It secured key authorizations in 2018 from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and the U.S. Bureau of Land Management.

Becky Bohrer, The Associated Press

First Nation laws on First Nation land codes to be enforced by provincial justice mechanism

Two Saskatchewan First Nations will be working with the province to enforce the First Nations' laws on their reserves.

The pilot project involves Whitecap Dakota First Nation and Muskoday First Nation and is expected to get underway this September.

A memorandum of understanding was signed in 2019 in response to the growing frustrations about First Nations having laws that were neither recognized nor enforced on the reserves. Work on the MOU stalled with the onset of the coronavirus pandemic in 2020.

The former chiefs “initiated some discussions with the province trying to find a way to access the provincial justice mechanisms in order to give more teeth to our laws going forward,” said Murray Long, advisor to Whitecap Dakota.

Long was part of a panel on the National Online Conversations on Indigenous Laws held May 25. The webinars promote dialogue between Indigenous governments and the federal government on “how to address the challenges of creating effective and affordable enforcement systems for Indigenous laws.”

The event was hosted by Andrew Beynon, director of land code governance for the First Nations Land Management (FNLM) Resource Centre.

Under the FNLM framework agreement 100 First Nations govern their lands and many have made advances in law making and retaken control over their lands and environment. However, they still face difficulties with the enforcement of their laws.

The pilot project aims to deploy provincially designated Community Safety Officers (CSOs) on reserve with provincial courts having the jurisdiction to adjudicate First Nations laws.

“It’s your own law written on your land code that’s going to be enforced, not a provincial law that’s going to be enforced or brought down on your community… (and it’s) being recognized through the provincial court system and adjudicated through the provincial court system,” said Dean Bear, land governance director at Muskoday First Nation.

Although the federal government has been kept informed of the progress on the MOU, Bear pointed out that the RCMP were reluctant to recognize First Nations laws written on the land code and the Court of Queen’s Bench was also reluctant to recognize the authority of First Nations that had signed the FNLM framework agreement.

“The next thing you do, you look to an alternative (and it) has to be through the provincial courts,” said Bear.

Long admits that the relationship between First Nations and Saskatchewan has often been one of “distrust and a struggle” and Bear adds that many First Nations are “leery” about using the provincial system, but both men stressed that this is what works right now.

“This is really a symbiotic relationship where each needs the other to make this work particularly in an expedient context,” said Dale Tesarowski, an executive director with Saskatchewan Justice.

“It’s not that we’re taking jurisdiction. We’re sharing jurisdiction. We’re taking First Nations laws and applying provincial process to them to ensure that they are enforced and followed.”

To that end, CSOs will be recruited from the First Nations communities so they will have a connection to community members and leadership. They will undertake provincial training through an existing program and the province will pick up the price tag. However, the operational costs will be carried by the bands.

“Largely with this pilot you’re trying to utilize each others strengths to a certain degree and the CSO program provides a lot of the infrastructure the First Nation may need,” said Dusty Ernewein, legal counsel with the Saskatchewan law firm McKercher.

Once CSOs complete their training, they will be designated under the Police Act as special constables and have the status of peace officers under Saskatchewan law, said Tesarowski.

“The community will create expectations through their laws and CSOs will be the first mechanism for ensuring that people do so,” he said. “It puts them at the forefront in terms of enforcing First Nations laws.”

As for the provincial courts, Beynon noted that the Land Advisory Board Research Council had suggested that the courts inform new court registrars, private sector lawyers and prosecutors of the new standing of First Nations laws.

Tesarowski said he could not compel the courts to do anything.

“If things role out they way I would like them to, all of the different (judicial) players … will be fully aware of what’s going on anyway. They’ll know that there are First Nations laws. They’ll know what First Nations laws actually say. They’ll know that the enforcement of those First Nations laws by CSOs, for the most part, is authorized, and that those CSOs will be protected through provincial designation,” he said.

Tesarowski is hoping that it will eventually go a step further with people from First Nations communities being the ones hearing the case.

“We want … (that) there be perhaps some kind of joint appointment for justices of the peace, either through the Land Management Act or the Indian Act or through a provincial appointment process,” he said.

The general agreement for the pilot project is targeted for Sept. 30.

“How that agreement takes effect may be in some cases may be just going out and starting to do the stuff,” said Long. “We will figure that out as we go, but the idea is to be practical and not get into a long, detailed agreement that everyone fights over.”

He added that the province may need to make some legislative changes.

Windspeaker.com

By Shari Narine, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, Windspeaker.com, Windspeaker.com