Friday, February 14, 2020








Labour Relations in the Global Fast-Food Industry
Edited By Tony Royle, Brian Towers

First Published2002


eBook Published2 August 2004

Pub. locationLondon

Pages 240 pages

eBook ISBN978020300577

The fast-food industry is one of the few industries that can be described as truly global, not least in terms of employment, which is estimated at around ten million people worldwide. This edited volume is the first of its kind, providing an analysis of labour relations in this significant industry focusing on multinational corporations and large national companies in ten countries: the USA, Canada, the UK, the Netherlands, Germany, Australia, New Zealand, Singapore, and Russia.

The extent to which multinational enterprises impose or adapt their employment practices in differing national industrial relations systems is analysed, Results reveal that the global fast-food industry is typified by trade union exclusion, high labour turnover, unskilled work, paternalistic management regimes and work organization that allows little scope for developing workers' participation in decision-making, let alone advocating widely accepted concepts of social justice and workers' rights.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter 1|6 pages
Introduction
ByTONY ROYLE, BRIAN TOWERS
View abstract GET ACCESS


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Surrealism and its Discontents 
Denis Hollier 
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 A second-generation surrealist, recruited by André Breton in the early 1930s when still at high-school, Roger Caillois participated in the movement’s activities during the period of Le surréalisme au service de la révolution, before becoming, with Georges Bataille, one of the founders of the Collège de Sociologie. 2 At the turn of 1955, Caillois published a particularly bitter attack on ethnography in the Nouvelle Nouvelle revue française, under the title ‘Illusions Against the Grain.’ 3 Responding to Claude Lévi-Strauss’s Race and History, 4 a booklet released under the aegis of UNESCO, Caillois denounced the ethnologist’s refusal to rank cultures hierarchically, according to their supposed positions on a single, continuous scale of development. According to Caillois, LéviStrauss (who published Tristes tropiques only a few weeks later) 5 was merely the most recent and visible representative of a profession – ethnography – which, while claiming to criticise ethnocentrism, was in fact practising an undercover reverse-Eurocentrism, since for ethnographers their native culture (that of the West) remained the polarizing axis, even though they were committed to qualifying it negatively as often as they could. Most surprisingly, Caillois’s conclusion traced the source of ethnography’s crime against Western civilisation to surrealism, claiming that the latter was imbued with a cultural resentment that led it systematically to ridicule everything the West complacently prided itself on. Having denounced the ethnologist as a traitor, Caillois stripped away his mask and exposed... a surrealist!

Papers of Surrealism, Issue 10, Summer 2013
Sea of Dreams: André Breton and the Great Barrier Reef Ann Elias
 ‘The Treasure Bridge of the Australian “Great Barrier”’ is an underwater photograph in Mad Love (1937). André Breton’s caption tells us the source was the New York Times but not who the photographer was. The research informing this article reveals the coral reef is not Great Barrier in the Pacific but the Bahamas in the Caribbean. The photographer is J.E. Williamson. I establish the provenance of this photograph and argue for its centrality to surrealist aesthetics. I discuss the image’s many possible symbolisms but also argue that Breton’s desire was to construct Great Barrier Reef as the uncanny Pacific of his imagination. 

The Pope of Surrealism himself—an informative, intelligent, readable study



https://www.nytimes.com/1971/05/30/archives/andre-breton-magus-of-surrealism-by-anna-balakian-illustrated-289.html

By Leo Bersani
May 30, 1971

Our favorite intellectual game is to announce revolutions of consciousness. From Charles Reich's parlor game theory of consciousness‐on‐the move to the cataclysmic view of history implied in Michel Foucault's brilliant “Words and Things,” con temporary thinkers have been generously satisfying the appetite for conclusive endings and wholly fresh beginnings which, as Frank Kermode has argued, characterizes Western attempts to impose design and purpose on experience. As it becomes more and more difficult to imagine solutions—for the self and for society—which are not merely repeti tions of the problems they are meant to solve, modes of magical thought help to smother our painful sense of historical entrapment. Apocalyptic thinking provides a glamorous fiction of escape from inescapable history.

To return to surrealism now is a little like looking at ourselves from a distance. Surrealism was the most spectacular announcement in our century of a revolution both psychic and social, and it is no accident that the slogans and manifestoes of May, 1968, in Paris were more reminiscent of surrealist verbal fireworks than of the more austere dialectical re flections on revolution and rebellion of either Sartre or Camus. Contem porary recipes for revolution often blend attacks against capitalism and nationalism, psychic trips designed to expand consciousness, the deter mination to free women from their economic and psychological enslave ment to the “bourgeois rationalism” of a male‐dominated society, and an interest in the occult, in mysterious, correspondences between personal destiny and objective forces or laws. These ingredients, so familiar to us today, were also the principal ele ments of a surrealist program in which the exploration of dreams, the reading of Tarot cards and a battle against economic oppression often seemed to have equal dignity in an enterprise of total human liberation.

For all its “relevance,” surrealism has been rather neglected in Amer ica. Anna Balekian's new book is therefore particularly welcome. Miss Balakian, professor of French and comparative literature at New York University, has written an informative, intelligent and commendably readable study about the Pope of Surrealism himself— its uncompro mising, often tyrannical director and most articulate spokesman, André Breton. Miss Balakian surveys both the life and the work, with a strong emphasis on the exposition of Bre ton's thought. Her point of view is almost unreservedly sympathetic, and while I would myself have been in clined totake a more critical per spective on both Breton's personality and his achievements, Miss Balak ian's judicious book bath documents her own admiration and gives us the evidence for a somewhat less sym pathetic appraisal.

Surrealism as a movement had its ups and dawns, but from 1919—the year of “Les Champs Magnétiques,” the experiment in automatic writing which Breton called the first surreal ist text—to Breton's death in 1966, the continuity of surrealism was guaranteed by the leader's active faith. Through all the defections and the heresies, the Church was always alive in his person. Even after World War II, when the fortunes of sur realism were particularly low, Bret on's apartment in Paris once again became the central office for surreal ist research. And among the recent recruits or admirers were some of the major figures in contemporary French writing: Yves Bonnefoy, Julien Gracq, Malcolm de Chazal, and André Pievre de Mandiargues. Breton could add these names to the extraordinarily impressive list of writers and painters who had already been attracted, however briefly, to surrealism. To mention just a few of these artists—Paul Eluard, René Char, René Magritte, Giorgio di Chirico, Max Ernst—is to recognize at once the unique importance of surrealism in twentieth‐century cul tural life. It was the most powerful magnet for artistic genius in our century. And the magnetizing power of surrealism—its ability to draw so much original talent into its field— is, as Miss Balakian rightly suggests, inseparable from the intellectual and moral authority of its charismatic leader.

Breton had always emphasized the collective nature of the surrealist adventure. Indeed, the originality of surrealism as an artistic movement lies partly in its effort to erase the traditional hierarchy of individual talents which helps us to give a ebherent shape to literary history. Nevertheless, it is of course difficult to avoid a certain violation of the surrealist spirit and to refrain from any assessment of Breton's own literary achievement. Miss Balakian proposes a useful division of Breton's writings into what she calls three distinct structures: “free verse...; logical prose, which is the structure under which can be classified all his critical writings, philosophical essays, and manifestoes and addresses; and finally — perhaps his most original farm—analogical prase, which unlike the prose poem takes on vast propor tions, and often the dimensions of a short novel.”

I have never felt comfortable with the heavy, frequently pompous elo quence of Breton's “logical prose” (especially in the manifestoes). On the other hand, I think Miss Balakian is right to suggest that Breton has been underestimated as a poet. She argues convincingly for his verse, while recognizing its difficulties. We may be put off by the longwinded and harsh‐sounding lines of Breton's poetry, the archaic verb structures, the scientific terminology and occult ist imagery; but at its best his verse has a startlingly fresh shock quality. Still, Breton's particular literary gifts are perhaps most evident in the “analogical prose,” especially in “Nadja” (published in 1928 and avail able in an English translation by Richard Howard) and in “Arcane 17” (written in 1944 and 1947). The dif ferences between these two texts are considerable. If, as Michel Beau jour has written, all of Breton's other works can be thought of as “only fragments” of the triumphant syn thesis of his thought achieved in “Arcane 17,” “Nadja” is perhaps the more appealingly tentative quest of the younger Breton — through his meetings in Paris with the mysterious Nadja—for signs and signals of his own identity. But in spite of differ ences, both “Nadja” and “Arcane 17” illustrate Breton's talent for narra tives in which richly criss crossing networks of anal ogy provide a unified structure saved from rigidity by the unpredictable, open‐ended na ture of the mental processes of association.

Breton was, then, a signifi cant literary figure in his own right, as well as the leader of a movement which func tioned as a major source of inspiration for twentieth ‐ cen tury poetry and painting. Even Sartre, in his famous attack in 1947 on surrealism's view of itself as a revolutionary move ment, conceded that it was “the only poetic movement of the first half of the twentieth century.” But to take Breton and surrealism seriously, we must dismiss—or at least sus pend—our appreciation of its importance in the arts, and consider the surrealist art prod uct as an almost negligible by product in a collective experi ment designed to transform radically the self and society. Surrealism in the libraries and in the museums is the defeat of its revolutionary ambitions — another victory, as we would say, for “repressive tolerance.”

What did surrealism propose in the way of psychic and so cial transformations? Breton wished, as Miss Balakian puts it, “to see how far objective necessity could be made to coincide with the desires of the human will.” The im portance of this lies in an attempted revision of Freudian ideas about the relation be tween desires, dreams or fan tasies and a reality apparently distinct from those fantasies. Breton was interested not in how we adjust our desires to a reality incompatible with them, but rather in the as yet unexplored ways in which the desires expressed in dreams, for example, seek to be satis fied in our waking life. De sire, as he writes in “Les Vases Communicants,” pursues in the external world the objects nec essary for its own fulfillment. The surrealist's availability to chance is not simply a passive stance. The discovery of our techniques for coercing people and things into a conformity with desires we may not even be consciously aware of re quires that state of mind which the surrealists brought to their tireless walks through Paris: a leisurely but attentive observa tion of those movements by which we attempt to make physical space coincide with psychic space. The surrealist stroll is part of a scientific investigation into the mind's power to change the world.

But the “marvelous” coin cidences which Breton records in “Les Vases Communicants” and in “Nadja” leave the larger social world intact. The com plex and at times stormy his tory of surrealism's relation with Communism expresses the group's understandable but no less telling failure to imagine specific ways in which the psychic and the social revolu tions might be coordinated. Aragon abandoned the psychic laboratory for the party. Breton, after a brief period in the party, resolutely returned to more pri vate revolutionary programs.

In discussing this aspect of surrealism, Miss Balakian al lows her sympathy for Breton to silence her critical intelli gence. She assures us that Breton refused to write a paper for the party on the conditions of Italian workers “not due to any dislike of Italian workers but because it jarred with the basic principles of autonomy he maintained in politics as in private life.” The fact that “Breton had not taken orders from anybody since the day he left his father's house” may make us think of him as a very lucky man, but it is hardly an argument for his refusing to take orders. Also, it's clear enough that the assignment “jarred” with Breton's “basic principles of autonomy,” but this intransigent commitment to his own autonomy led to decisions (not to fight with his friends on the Loyalist side in the Spanish Civil War, not to join the Resistance in France but to spend the war years in America) which make revolu tionary personal freedom look suspiciously dike social quietism (as Sartre called it) if not po litical conservatism. The sur realists were for a time after World War I the bad boys of French cultural life, but to shock the bourgeoisie is not to destroy the structures of bour geois society.

Finally, there was a certain authoritarianism and even in tolerance in Breton's personal ity. His psychological and moral openness had definite limits. I'm thinking of Breton's pen chant for excommunicating “fal len” members of the group, of his exclusion of homosexuals from the surrealist coterie, of his dismissal of Artaud large ly because of the latter's use of drugs, and of the curious discrepancy in Breton's writ ing between the stated desire to explode the traditional bound aries of consciousness and a style that imprisons thought in a tightly disciplined rhetorical art reminiscent of Chateaubri and.

As I have suggested, the vi sion of revolutionary transfor mations of consciousness is per haps a fantasy of escape from history rather than a viable in spiration for programs of his torical change. In Breton's case, that fantasy expressed, in part, an admirably generous view of human possibilities. But —and the example is an in structive one for us—the lan guage of intransigence also helped to protect his somewhat self‐limiting freedom, his re luctance to take the psycho logical and moral risks of a possibly more authentic rebel lion. ■


Surrealism at Play
Susan Laxton
 REVIEW January 22, 2020
Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2019. 384 pp.; 16 color ills.; 154 b/w ills. Paper $27.95 (9781478003076)

In Surrealism at Play, Susan Laxton weaves an alternate history of Surrealism through the concept of play, a historically underacknowledged (yet, in her telling, constitutive) element of the movement. This is serious play: play as process not product, as action and experience. Play undergirds the Surrealists’ ambition not only to remake the art of making art but also to reform intersubjective relations and modern experience; it is a critical force available precisely because it is “not work, not serious, not part of normal life, unreal, inauthentic” (12).
Laxton’s crucial interlocutor is Walter Benjamin. Indeed, one could understand her project as unfurling from a footnote in Benjamin’s most famous essay: “What is lost in the withering of semblance and the decay of the aura in works of art is matched by a huge gain in the scope for play [Spiel-Raum]” (“The Work of Art in the Age of Its Technological Reproducibility,” 1936, in Selected Writings, vol. 3, Belknap Press, 2002, 127n22). The anchoring term of her project, Spielraum may be translated as both “room for play” and “scope for action.” In other words, it is at once an arena of ludic freedom and a training ground, for Benjamin’s play was not opposed to regimes of discipline and training but continuous with them.
Fundamental to the historical moment of Surrealism’s emergence and Benjamin’s writing, Laxton explains, was Taylorism and the “rising ideology of rationalized labor,” which saw the human body “reconceived in machinic terms that measured value by way of efficiency and capacity of work” (21). To these exigencies visited upon the modern subject, the Surrealists responded not with a denial of the mechanization, technological functionalism, and “disciplining of space-time” (20) everywhere remaking experience but rather with an exaggerated embrace of the machine. Seizing upon industrial media and automated processes, they planted their art practice at this “intersection of chance and technology” (23). Providing an end run around means-end rationality, they pursued collaborative, aleatory strategies that rendered technology useless through play. Laxton describes the result as a radically open understanding of art that risked even the possibility of meaning nothing. For Benjamin, she writes, art’s “ludic dimension” was the source of its critical power, “through a pronounced refusal of functionalism that, under the conditions of industrial capitalism, could only be perceived as a threat to the dominant social order” (5). So, too, for the Surrealists.
Laxton unfolds her argument across four chronologically sequenced episodes in Surrealist history, closing with a narrative of postwar decline that, for scholars of the movement, may carry a familiar ring. The first chapter, “Blur,” considers Man Ray’s cameraless photographs, dubbed “rayographs,” as paradigmatic of Spielraum. “Composed” independent of hand and eye, they were both open to chance and mechanically produced. Why “Blur”? Because the in-betweenness implied by the term, its suggestion of shuttling between two places, describes both the rayographs and the conditions of their making. They are at once original, unique prints and, as reproductions of arbitrarily grouped objects, recorded readymades; literal depictions and indecipherable abstractions; agents of truth and instigators of uncertainty. In emerging in the époque floue of the early 1920s, when Dada began to tip into Surrealism, the rayographs also originate from a temporal “blur” of flux and transition. For Laxton, the rayographs turned photography, an instrument for transcriptive recording, against itself. Instead of the clear functionalism of the well-oiled machine, they returned a “deep inscrutability” (71), “as though too much play in the machine parts had thrown the assembly line into chaos” (66).
The next chapter, “Drift,” approaches the Surrealist practice of errance through the album of Eugène Atget’s photographs that Man Ray compiled in 1926. An expansion of Laxton’s earlier book Paris as Gameboard: Man Ray’s Atgets (2002), it is one of her most accomplished chapters, deftly revealing how Man Ray’s assembly rewrote Atget’s commercial, documentary images as Surrealist text. The term “errance” describes the Surrealist act of purposeless and undirected wandering. A kind of ambulatory automatism, it demonstrated a new mode of being “developed in resistance to the relentless utilitarianism of the efficient modern subject” (85). When coupled with the Surrealists’ receptivity to the spark of psychic phenomena, errance transformed Paris into a “ludic field of desire” (93), thrumming with the pulse of the unconscious. This practice gives sense to Man Ray’s album with its random, apparently unmotivated collection of prints. Laxton describes the selection process itself as an act of errance, conducted in the Paris that existed in Atget’s archive. In addition to this structural analysis, Laxton also delves into the individual photographs, parsing recurrent images of ragpickers and sex workers, carnivals and shop windows to suggest that their meaning is fundamentally unstable and relational.
In the third chapter, “System,” Laxton advances a masterly rereading of the exquisite corpse, which, together with “Drift,” most clearly articulates what she calls Surrealism’s “modern critical ludic” (24). No innocent diversion, the exquisite corpse (a game comprising sequentially collaborative drawings) pried apart received ideas about the unified body, the self-possessed subject, the authorial signature of the creative process, and the interdependence of the three. The making of these drawings was highly regulated, an adherence to order that guaranteed their randomness. The first player would draw a “head” at the top of a paper sheet folded like a fan, extending the lines slightly beyond the first pleat, then fold back their drawing and pass it along. The result was plural and intertextual, with each participant citing the one (or ones) that came before. It performed, Laxton writes, “from within the very machinelike parameters that were perceived as automating every aspect of life” (182–83)—inhabiting the machine, but churning out fractured, ludicrous, and obviously malfunctioning bodies.
In Laxton’s telling, the exquisite corpse heralded a signal change. Whereas Man Ray’s 1922 rayographs figured “the subject’s encounter with the unconscious” (71) and his 1926 album served as a “direct record” of errance (133), this immediacy began to disintegrate in the exquisite corpse. Automatic processes started to be understood as the residue of thought, not thought itself. The intervention of Sigmund Freud is crucial here. In Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920; French translation, 1927), Freud theorized the repetition of traumatic events as a means of gaining mastery and thereby accessing the cultural realm. Laxton identifies the exquisite corpse—which, when finally unfolded, stages a confrontation with the unknowability of one’s own mind—as a game riven with trauma on this order. Accordingly, it carried its own dimension of loss: “Through the exquisite corpse, the surrealists may have taken their revenge on drawing and the visual arts, but it was at the cost of having to enter the very realm they had critiqued: when they ‘gained language’ through the practice of exquisite corpse, they also facilitated the move of psychographic images into the institutions of art” (169). The game began to shift.
Finally, in “Pun,” Laxton follows Spielraum to the rue Blomet and the early 1930s work of Joan Miró and Alberto Giacometti. Her key uniting figure is author Raymond Roussel, who deployed wordplay, repetition, and especially the pun to empty language of its signifying function. This spirit of expanded possibility infected the rue Blomet Surrealists, particularly these two. Thus: Miro’s collage-based paintings, in which collages assembled from mass-media reproductions and diagrams are transfigured, through “an extremely disciplined exercise of twinning and difference,” into oil paintings of biomorphic abstractions (207). Through this method, abstraction itself becomes automatic, acquiring the “cool indifference of the mechanical apparatus” (212). The same spirit animated Giacometti’s contemporaneous sculptures. As demonstrated by No More Play (1932), his gameboards seem built to defy purpose, touching off a complicated relay of signification that ultimately refuses the possibility of fixed meaning. These objects not only proposed a collapse between the historically discrete categories of use-objects and art-objects; per Laxton, they also rewrote subject-object relations, making the space of the sculpture coextensive with that of the viewer, akin to the “radical opening of spatial experience that characterizes Spielraum” (244).
In the postlude, a suggestion floated in “System” returns with a vengeance. Laxton first sifts through the postwar play theories of Johan Huizinga, Émile Benveniste, Roger Caillois, and André Breton, and she touches on the Surrealist Spielraum roots of the Situationist International, Fluxus, and Happenings. This is a valuable historiography, and her tracing of the movement’s afterlives is sensitive, if overbrief. Yet we must revisit the exquisite corpse. In the early 1930s, participants began to execute these drawings in colored pencil on black paper that, crucially, was no longer folded. These changes gave the final compositions a significantly more unified and aestheticized look. Laxton writes that “to actually call them exquisite corpse images amounts to a betrayal of surrealism itself” (177), one among many betrayals that decade, when Surrealism as process—which ran technological procedures through the twisting irrationality of the Surrealist machine—gave way to Surrealism as product. She describes “a crisis within the surrealist movement itself, as it sold out the critical promise of surrealist play to the institutions of art and the agency of the master artist” (250).
While this book reconfigures Surrealism as activity and “fully politicized praxis” (271), then, it is also a familiar story. Its arc parallels numerous existing narratives of the history of Surrealism and of the avant-garde more broadly, in which the original revolutionary potential is variously betrayed, institutionalized, and commodified. Laxton’s project is a major accomplishment, matching extensive imagination with scholarly rigor, yet one must wonder at this ending. Recall Freud’s lesson that the child’s acquisition of self-mastery carried a valence of loss. For Laxton, it seems to have been all loss, unified capitulation. In foreclosing the possibility of a postwar Surrealism still committed to Spielraum—one that found new forms rather than merely petering out or selling out—the loss belongs to her readers, too.
Natalie Dupêcher
Assistant Curator of Modern Art, the Menil Collection, and Doctoral Candidate, Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University
Please send comments about this review to editor.caareviews@collegeart.org.