Japan hit by tsunami waves after magnitude 7.2 earthquake

Waves of up to 1 meter have hit parts of Japan's coast following a 7.2 magnitude earthquake near the Miyagi prefecture.

    

Authorities issued a tsunami warning for Japan after a magnitude 7.2 earthquake off the coast of Miyagi prefecture.

The first tsunami waves of up to 1 meter (3.2 feet) hit land shortly after the earthquake, local television channel NHK reported.

The US Consulate in Sapporo told people in the area to "seek higher ground."

Japan's Meteorological Agency (JMA) said that the quake hit at 6:09 p.m. local time (09:09 GMT/UTC) at a depth of 60 kilometers (37 miles) in the Pacific water just off the coast of the Miyagi region.

Tremors were also felt in the capital, Tokyo.

A video shared by NHK showed how the earthquake was felt in Sendai city in Miyagi prefecture.

Pacific 'Ring of Fire'

Saturday's earthquake came not long after the country marked ten years since the deadly 9.0-magnitude quake on March 11, 2011, also affecting the Miyagi region.

The event a decade ago led to a catastrophic triple disaster as a disastrous tsunami was unleashed and the Fukushima nuclear plant went into meltdown.

Dozens were injured last month when another strong earthquake struck.

Japan is on the Pacific "Ring of Fire," an area along the edge of the Pacific ocean which is characterized by strong seismic activity.

Construction regulations in Japan mean that buildings must be built to withstand the frequent earthquakes.

This is a breaking news story and will be updated as more details become available.

UPDATE

Japan hit by minor tsunami waves after magnitude 7.2 earthquake | News | DW | 20.03.2021

Nova Scotia researcher granted $1.2M to study effects of Vietnam War on human aging

HALIFAX — Researchers from Nova Scotia are coming together with an international, multidisciplinary team to study whether the Vietnam War has affected the aging of people who lived through it.

© Provided by The Canadian Press

Project leader Zachary Zimmer, Canada Research Chair in Aging and Community at Mount Saint Vincent University in Halifax, said the study will link DNA testing with social surveys to see how traumatic events shape the long-term health of survivors.

Zimmer and his colleagues are trying to determine "whether we can see markers on the genes that are common among people who have had these experiences," he said in a recent interview.

The study, called "The Long-Term Effects of War on Biological Aging: The Case of Vietnam," recently received $1.2 million from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research.

It expands on a 2018 project funded by the National Institutes of Health in the United States called the "Vietnam Health and Aging Study."

That study collected data, including biological and sociological information, from some 2,500 people randomly sampled from above the 17th parallel in what once was referred to as North Vietnam. Zimmer's project is analyzing a second set of data collected from participants in the 2018 study.

“From the very, very early analysis that we've done on the first wave of data, it is actually quite astounding how robust the negative effect of wartime exposure seems to be in our sample,” Zimmer said, adding that higher exposure to trauma earlier in life seems to be connected with health problems later on.

Participants include members of the military, of militias and civilians who lived through the height of the war, from 1965 to 1975. The diverse range of people and experiences will offer a variety of sociological and biological markers to showcase how, and if, trauma has long-lasting effects on how the human body ages, he said.

Alan Cohen, Universite de Sherbrooke professor in the faculty of medicine and health sciences, said his role in the study is to analyze participants' biology in order to measure the aging process.

“The goal is to understand how serious trauma gets under our skin,” he said in a recent interview.

“If we want to look at the impact of the Vietnam War or any other war or trauma on the aging process … we need to figure out how do we measure that aging process that might be changing,” he said.

“We know when you were born, but how old is your body? That's a whole other challenge to be able to measure that.”

One of the markers Cohen plans to analyze is called allostatic load, which he said measures the general wear and tear a body experiences from stress.

There is evidence people who live through war are not healthy overall, Cohen said. There is also evidence that people who live through trauma develop a certain resilience.

“Hardening you, but making you more brittle."

Along with biological markers, the study will analyze how social circumstances — related to things such as families, support systems and careers — affect the way trauma imprints itself on the body into old age, Zimmer said.

For University of Utah sociology Prof. Kim Korinek, another key figure in the study, the project will be a way to measure the effects of war on those who may not have had direct contact with the conflict — an area, she said, that’s gone largely unstudied.

“I don't think that studies have paid enough attention to those on the margins of these conflicts, but they have been affected,” Korinek, director of the university's Asia Centre, said in a recent interview.

Zimmer said he hopes the research will reveal the link between how people age and their experiences earlier on in life.

“You can't really understand old age by looking at someone just in old age without asking how they got there, what kind of experiences they've lived through in order to get there.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 18, 2021.

— — —

This story was produced with the financial assistance of the Facebook and Canadian Press News Fellowship.

Danielle Edwards, The Canadian Press

Critics of Brazil's president being targeted by security law

SAO PAULO — Police in Brazil are starting to employ a dictatorship-era national security law against critics of President Jair Bolsonaro, while lawyers and activists rally to provide them with legal help and accuse the government of trying to silence dissent 

© Provided by The Canadian Press

On Friday, demonstrators challenged police in the capital by parading with anti-Bolsonaro signs a day after four protesters were detained. They had called the president “genocidal” for his handling of the coronavirus pandemic and displayed a cartoon depicting him next to a Nazi swastika. Officers took no action Friday as about 40 people protested for an hour.


The national security law, which dates from 1983, near the end of the country's military dictatorship, makes it a crime to harm the heads of the three branches of government or expose them to danger. The vague measure has recently been used to detain or investigate Bolsonaro critics.

Geography teacher Katia Garcia said she showed up in front of the president's office Friday because the arrests had inspired her.

“They were jailed because the description ‘genocidal’ suits our president very well,” Garcia said, wearing a face mask and face shield. “He has contributed to our health care system collapsing, for the lack of vaccines. Police can’t silence us.”

There have been previous news-making charges against prominent critics of the president, including a newspaper columnist, a political cartoonist and a popular YouTube star, but the law is increasingly being employed against ordinary citizens. Courts haven't upheld any of the arrests so far, but lawyers are expressing alarm that the tactic is becoming commonplace.

Both demonstrations in Brasilia called for Bolsonaro’s impeachment due to his administration’s alleged failings in the pandemic, which has caused almost 290,000 deaths in Brazil. The country has reported nearly 3,000 deaths each day this week.

On several instances, the president has complained that he is being unfairly vilified, most recently Thursday night during a live Facebook broadcast.

“They call me a dictator. I want you to point at one thing I did in two years and two months that was autocratic,” he said while complaining about a newspaper column that used the word genocidal to describe him.

Brasilia police said Thursday that the four detained protesters violated the national security law “as they showed a Swastika in association to the symbol of the president of the Republic.” But Brazil’s federal police force, which decides whether cases brought by local police deserve to go ahead in national security crimes, dismissed the case and released three of the four demonstrators. One was held on an outstanding warrant from a previous case.

Federal police have conducted more than 80 investigations under the security law during Bolsonaro's first two years, and more than 10 in the first 45 days of 2021, according to the newspaper O Globo. The yearly average before the conservative leader took office was 11.

The cases appear to almost entirely target Bolsonaro’s critics, human rights organizations and activists say.

One case last year involved a sociologist and a businessman who paid for two billboards that insulted Bolsonaro by saying he wasn't worth a gnawed piece of fruit. That investigation was requested by Justice Minister André Mendonça, who called it a crime against the president’s reputation. It was dismissed in October.

On Friday night, unsuccessful presidential candidate Ciro Gomes said the federal police are investigating him for calling the president “a thief” in a radio interview in November. The request for the probe was signed by Bolsonaro himself, Gomes said on his social media channels.

“I don't particularly care about this act against me, but I think it is serious that Bolsonaro tries to intimidate opponents and adversaries,” the left-leaning Gomes said.

On Monday, police invoked the national security law to force Felipe Neto, a popular YouTuber, to give testimony after he referred to Bolsonaro as "genocidal" in one of his broadcasts. Federal police dismissed the case two days later amid a public outcry.

Neto, who was named by Time magazine lasts year as one of the world's 100 most influential people, was also targeted in November with allegations of corrupting minors. Those charges were also dropped.

“From the start, I knew that this attempt at intimidation was not aimed at scaring me. It was to scare the Brazilian people,” Neto told The Associated Press by phone.

“I have means to defend myself, but most teachers, journalists and members of civil society do not,” added Neto, who this week set up a legal defence fund to help anyone who faces similar charges for criticizing Bolsonaro and needs an attorney.

O Globo said in an editorial Friday that the spirit of the national security law runs counter to Brazil’s constitution in the promotion of civil liberties.

“The national security law should be revoked and replaced by a more modern tool that is capable of reconciliating the protection of the rule of law and the respect to individual rights,” the newspaper said. “Among those are the full — and essential — freedom of speech.”

___ Associated Press photojournalist Eraldo Peres in Brasilia contributed to this report.

Mauricio Savarese, The Associated Press

'Pelé' doc kicks up questions on race, violence and democracy in Brazil

Luisa Farah Schwartzman, Associate Professor in Sociology, University of Toronto 3/19/2021

A recent Netflix documentary about the legendary Brazilian soccer player Edson Arantes do Nascimento, known as Pelé, tells a compelling story of the athlete’s rise to fame from 1950 to 1974. The 99-minute documentary, which includes interviews with the 80-year-old Pelé, shows Pelé’s spectacular life against the backdrop of Brazil’s politics. But the film fails to address deeper questions of race and class

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© (AP Photo/Levy) A new documentary explores the life of Brazilian legendary soccer player, Pelé against the backdrop of the country's politics. But the doc fails to ask the right questions about race and class. Here Pelé is shown in 1971, in Paris.

The film tells the story of Pelé’s alleged complicity with Brazil’s military dictatorship that ruled from 1964 to 1985. The military regime, which overthrew João Goulart and his centre-left government in 1964, used relentless state torture to control Brazilian political dissidents.

In the movie footage, Pelé is shown hugging dictator Emilio Medici, who ruled Brazil between 1969 and 1975 and presided over the most repressive phase of the regime. When the filmmakers ask if he knew about the torture of political dissidents that was going on, Pelé does not give a straight answer.

At one point, the movie contrasts Pelé’s behaviour with American boxer Muhammad Ali, who sacrificed his career by refusing to serve in the Vietnam War, simultaneously denouncing American state violence abroad and against Black Americans at home.

But is this comparison appropriate?

© (AP Photo, File) August 1969: Pelé scores on Venezuela’s goalkeeper Fabrizio Fasano in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

My goal here is not to judge Pelé’s political decisions (I don’t feel that I have enough information to make that call). Rather, I want to discuss the assumptions that went into the questions that were asked about Pelé, a Black person of working-class background. In particular, I challenge the middle-class, white-centred perspective that equates Brazil’s dictatorship with the torture of its citizens.

State violence against Black Brazilians

For Black Brazilians living in poverty, state violence has long preceded as well as far outlasted the military regime. As scholars have noted, many of the practices and institutions of the military regime lingered on after democratization. For instance, any cases against Brazil’s military police, tasked with making arrests and patrolling the streets, are tried in military courts, making oversight of police brutality very difficult.

The use of torture by the Brazilian civil police is commonplace. In the United States, the usefulness of evidence in court can be compromised depending on how it was collected. In Brazil, this rule does not apply. The civil police is tasked with extracting “facts” and, ideally, a confession from criminal suspects before they go to trial. The “evidence” is considered valid even if it was acquired through torture.© Netflix A scene from the documentary showing Pelé in his neighbourhood in Brazil.

Brazilian anthropologist Roberto Kant de Lima traces this institutional setup to the Iberian Inquisitorial techniques of the 16th century. Other scholars link torture to Brazil’s long history of slavery, colonialism and authoritarian management of the working classes, where torture has been used to guarantee social control and maintain social hierarchies.
Disjunctive democracy

On the surface, it seemed like state violence in Brazil ended in the 1980s. But the new democracy was not the same for all Brazilians. Anthropologists Teresa Caldeira and James Holston coined the term “disjunctive democracy” to describe this political democratization of the 1980s and 1990s because it contained both increased political rights and a continued violation of human rights. This disjunctive democratization was experienced differently according to race and class.

For white, middle-class people, the new democracy both increased freedom of speech and eliminated torture. For the poor, majority Black population, not only did everyday practice of state violence continue, but also both state and criminal violence became more visible and deadly through the surge in cocaine trafficking and the ramping up of the war on drugs in Brazilian cities.

Since then, incarceration rates have skyrocketed. Police killings disproportionately target Black populations. In 2019, almost 80 per cent of the 6,357 people killed by police were Black.

Political improvements

Political democracy in Brazil has brought some improvements. One big one is the ability of Black Brazilians to build political careers that allow them to fight against racial and class injustices.

The career of politician Benedita da Silva is a good example of this. Her career thrived because of democratization. In the film, Da Silva speaks of of Pelé as an inspiration to Black Brazilians. Although she grew up in a favela, she rose to become a congresswoman in the 1980s, a senator in the 1990s and the governor of the state of Rio de Janeiro in the 2000s.

In a recent interview with Brian Mier for BrazilWire, Da Silva is outspoken about the daily anti-Black violence that happens in Brazil today.

In the 21st century, many Black Brazilians followed Benedita da Silva’s footsteps and became elected representatives. Even so, their freedom of speech and safety from state violence cannot be taken for granted. In 2018, Marielle Franco, a Black state assemblywoman who fought against police violence, was murdered, thought to have been assassinated. It is suspected that family members of Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro, who are tied to Rio’s militias, were involved in her killing.

Like Marielle Franco (but unlike Pelé), Muhammad Ali fought racism and state violence in the context of a formal democracy, albeit one that systematically violates the basic rights of Black people. The recent invasion of the U.S. Capitol by white supremacist Trump supporters, and Bolsonaro and his alleged links to Rio’s militias, shown how elected state officials, often through private channels, continue to support racist violence that is threatening the future of political democracy itself.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Luisa Farah Schwartzman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA
White supremacist propaganda surged in 2020, report says

3/19/2021

NEW YORK — White supremacist propaganda reached alarming levels across the U.S. in 2020, according to a new report that the Anti-Defamation League provided to The Associated Press.© Provided by The Canadian Press

There were 5,125 cases of racist, anti-Semitic, anti-LGBTQ and other hateful messages spread through physical flyers, stickers, banners and posters, according to Wednesday's report. That’s nearly double the 2,724 instances reported in 2019. Online propaganda is much harder to quantify, and it's likely those cases reached into the millions, the anti-hate organization said.

The ADL, which was founded more than a century ago, said that last year marked the highest level of white supremacist propaganda seen in at least a decade. Its report comes as federal authorities investigate and prosecute those who stormed the U.S. Capitol in January, some of whom are accused of having ties to or expressing support for hate groups and antigovernment militias.

“As we try to understand and put in perspective the past four years, we will always have these bookends of Charlottesville and Capitol Hill,” group CEO Jonathan Greenblatt said.

“The reality is there’s a lot of things that happened in between those moments that set the stage,” he said.

Christian Picciolini, a former far-right extremist who founded the deradicalization group Free Radicals Project, said the surge in propaganda tracks with white supremacist and extremist recruiters seeing crises as periods of opportunity.

“They use the uncertainty and fear caused by crisis to win over new recruits to their ‘us vs. them’ narrative, painting the ‘other’ as the cause of their pain, grievances or loss,” Picciolini told the AP. "The current uncertainty caused by the pandemic, job loss, a heated election, protest over extrajudicial police killings of Black Americans, and a national reckoning sparked by our country’s long tradition of racism has created a perfect storm in which to recruit Americans who are fearful of change and progress."

Propaganda, often distributed with the intention of garnering media and online attention, helps white supremacists normalize their messaging and bolster recruitment efforts, the ADL said in its report. Language used in the propaganda is frequently veiled with a patriotic slant, making it seem benign to an untrained eye.

But some flyers, stickers and posters are explicitly racist and anti-Semitic. One piece of propaganda disseminated by the New Jersey European Heritage Association included the words “Black Crimes Matter,” a derisive reference to the Black Lives Matter movement, along with cherry-picked crime statistics about attacks on white victims by Black assailants.

A neo-Nazi group known as Folks Front distributed stickers that include the words “White Lives Matter.”

According to the report, at least 30 known white supremacist groups were behind hate propaganda. But three groups — NJEHA, Patriot Front and Nationalist Social Club — were responsible for 92% of the activity.

The propaganda appeared in every state except Hawaii. The highest levels were seen in Texas, Washington, California, New Jersey, New York, Massachusetts, Virginia and Pennsylvania, according to the report.

Despite the overall increase, the ADL reported a steep decline in distribution of white supremacist propaganda at colleges and universities, due in large part to the coronavirus pandemic and the lack of students living and studying on campus. There were 303 reports of propaganda on college campuses in 2020, down from 630 in 2019.

Greenblatt acknowledged that free speech rights allow for rhetoric that “we don’t like and we detest.” But when that speech spurs violence or creates conditions for normalizing extremism, it must be opposed, he said.

“There’s no pixie dust that you can sprinkle on this, like it’s all going to go away,” Greenblatt said. “We need to recognize that the roots of this problem run deep.”

___

Morrison is a member of the AP’s Race and Ethnicity team. Follow him on Twitter: https://www.twitter.com/aaronlmorrison.

Aaron Morrison, The Associated Press

Officials: Violent extremists pose 'elevated threat' to US
3/18/2021

WASHINGTON — Violent extremists motivated by a range of political grievances and racial biases pose an “elevated threat” to the United States, officials said Wednesday in an unclassified intelligence report released more than two months after a mob of insurrectionists stormed the U.S. Capitol.

© Provided by The Canadian Press

The blunt assessment echoes warnings made in recent weeks by U.S. officials, including FBI Director Christopher Wray, who testified this month that the threat from domestic violent extremism was “metastasizing” across the country. Attorney General Merrick Garland has also described it as a top priority as his Justice Department works to prosecute hundreds of people who made their way into the Capitol as Congress was gathering on Jan. 6 to certify Joe Biden's election victory.


The riot laid bare the threat posed by domestic extremists and led Biden, weeks later, to assign his intelligence officials the task of studying the scope of the problems. A brief and unclassified summary of that threat assessment was made public Wednesday; a full classified report was presented to the White House and Congress.

“Today’s report underscores how we face the greatest threat from racially or ethnically motivated violent extremists, especially white supremacists, and militia violent extremists,” said Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff of California, chairman of the House Intelligence Committee.

Intelligence officials said in their assessment that extremists seen as risks for violence are motivated by a range of ideologies. Developments such as the anger over conditions related to the coronavirus pandemic and a belief in the debunked narrative that November's presidential election was fraudulent “will almost certainly” spur additional violence in 2021, the report said. Numerous courts and Donald Trump's own Justice Department upheld the integrity of the election.

The report says the most lethal threat is presented by racially motivated violent extremists, who officials say are most likely to conduct mass attacks against American civilians, and militia groups, who are seen as most likely to target law enforcement and government officials and buildings. The threat from militias increased in 2020 and is expected to increase again this year “because of contentious sociopolitical factors” motivating people to violence, according to the report's summary.

The report says white supremacists display what officials say is “the most persistent and concerning transnational connections.” A small number of them have travelled abroad to connect with people who share their ideology, according to the report, which does not say where they went or with whom they met.

____

Follow Eric Tucker on Twitter at http://www.twitter.com/etuckerAP

Eric Tucker, The Associated Press

CRIMINAL CAPITALI$M 

Peru's COVID-19 vaccine scandal shows the shady deals made with pharma companies

PUBLIC OWNERSHIP OF BIG PHARMA

Denisse Rodriguez-Olivari, PhD candidate in Political Science, Humboldt University of Berlin, 

Jorge H. Sanchez-Perez, Ph.D. Candidate - School of Humanities, Department of Philosophy, Instructor - Philosophy Department and Peace Studies Program, McMaster University, 

and Leanne Woodward, PhD Student, Research Ethics, University of Waterloo

 3/17/2021

The COVID-19 vaccination gap is evident, with 10 countries accounting for almost three-quarters of the vaccines administered globally.© (AP Photo/Martin Mejia) A woman who said she's a medical worker who works directly with COVID-19 patients is stopped by police outside of the public Rebagliati Hospital in Lima, Peru, in February 2021. She complained that some people getting vaccinated don't work directly with COVID-19 patients.

In the race to control the pandemic and reach herd immunity, countries in the Global South are being charged more than countries in the Global North. AstraZeneca, for example, charges US$5.25 per dose to South Africa compared to US$2.16 to the European Union.

Vaccine acquisition and distribution are also presenting different problems for different countries.

In Canada, managers of long-term care homes and their relatives allegedly queue-jumped to obtain early access to vaccines over more vulnerable people. In Germany, politicians were found to be skipping the vaccination line, while in Peru, a vaccination scandal dubbed VacunaGate has erupted.

It involves former president Martin Vizcarra and his wife, former ministers of health and foreign affairs, vice-ministers, negotiators, high-profile lobbyists and family members of those in charge of the clinical trial meant to test the efficacy of the Chinese Sinopharm vaccine.

Almost 500 people jumped the queue and obtained an early “courtesy” dose of the Sinopharm vaccine while still negotiating with the company. The Chinese firm provided more doses than those required for the trial and received a conditional sanitary registry under irregular circumstances.
Peruvian corruption

This episode is just the latest in a long history of corruption in Peru that has stirred public outrage. More than a million Peruvians have been infected with COVID-19 and almost 50,000 have died.

Some of the queue-jumpers — those directly implicated in the negotiation process with Sinopharm — may face three to eight years in jail. Public servants who obtained “courtesy” vaccines for themselves or others might be charged with corruption. If any of those officials requested or accepted something in return for those vaccines, their actions might qualify as bribery.

Civil servants who unduly favour one company over others and company officials acting as counterparts in these negotiations may be charged with collusion. Not everyone who obtained courtesy vaccines has the same degree of criminal responsibility and will face the same potential criminal repercussions, raising questions about how we determine what’s immoral conduct, illegal misconduct or both

.
The legal questions are still up in the air, and currently a substantial investigation is underway. The scandal also raises concerns about Sinopharm’s practices because it’s the company that provided those extra shots to politicians, their family members, lobbyists and even the Pope’s representative in Peru.
The clinical trials

Clinical trials happen in multiple phases. Phase 1 tests safety. Participants in Phase 1 are usually given small doses of the vaccine and researchers will look for side-effects that occur.

Phase 2 looks for utility. Participants in Phase 2 are usually divided into groups who are given different doses of the vaccine, and researchers will determine which dose appears to provide the most protection, if any.

Phase 3 tests the optimal effectiveness of the final product. Participants in Phase 3 are given the most effective dose established in Phase 2 and researchers examine whether this dose is adequately effective on large populations.

Read more: Explainer: How clinical trials test COVID-19 vaccines

The trials that took place in Peru beginning in September were Phase 3 trials. Sinopharm had completed up to Phase 2 before then, but not Phase 3.

For both Canada and Peru, a critical part of research ethics is the principle known as equipoise. Equipoise states that trials are only ethical if there is genuine uncertainty that the intervention in question is more effective than the current standard of care for the target population.

For these Phase 3 Peruvian trials, the intervention in question is the Sinopharm vaccine, and the standard of care is nothing because Peru had not approved other vaccines at that time. Because there was no standard of care to compare it to, such as other vaccines, the Sinopharm vaccine was compared against a placebo.

If Sinopharm presented these “courtesy” vaccines as samples, it implies that they were known to be adequately effective even before Phase 3 trials were complete. If they were known to be adequately effective, it was unethical for Sinopharm to have conducted a trial to analyze their efficacy in Peru because that would violate equipoise principles.

On the other hand, this was a new Phase 3 trial that passed an ethics review. That means the more likely option is that Sinopharm did not know the vaccines were adequately effective when they offered them to politicians.

This suggests Sinopharm might have provided untested vaccines to people outside of the trial. This is also unethical because it is dangerous and can undermine the scientific integrity of the trial. Either way, the two acts of giving “courtesy” vaccinations while simultaneously conducting a clinical trial violate commonly upheld ethical guidelines.

The danger of confidentiality

It is common practice for pharmaceutical companies to demand confidentiality clauses in their contracts with governments. For this reason, countries like Canada and Peru are unable to release all relevant information about these contracts to the public.

But how these deals are reached and what pharmaceutical companies do to win them should worry us. Due to the world shortage of vaccines, some countries might be in a poor bargaining position compared to their peers or pharmaceutical companies© (AP Photo/Martin Mejia) An Air Force member closes her eyes while getting a shot of Pfizer’s vaccine for COVID-19 at a military base in Lima, Peru, in March 2021.

Simultaneously, some pharmaceutical companies might also take advantage of the inability of some governments to properly tackle corruption to win over those markets when competing with other pharmaceuticals. Vaccination queue-jumping and “courtesy” samples can lead to quid pro quo arrangements to the detriment of fair and transparent vaccination rollouts.

The Peruvian revelations have caused a massive uproar in the South American country. But they could also be a wake-up call for all nations to allow further investigations regarding Sinopharm’s business practices around the world.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Denisse Rodriguez-Olivari receives funding from DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service).

Jorge H. Sanchez-Perez and Leanne Woodward do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

NO COLLABORATION WITH AGENTS OF THE STATE

Collaboration with police divides social workers across US

© Provided by The Canadian Press

CHICAGO — Rayshard Brooks was killed last June when Atlanta police responding to a report of a man asleep in a car blocking a drive-thru shot him as he tried to run away. Later that summer, a similar situation in Eugene, Oregon, ended much differently: A man reported sleeping in a car was sent home in a cab.

The key? A mobile crisis intervention team designed to be an alternative to police in nonviolent crises responded to the parking lot, calmed the man, contacted his family and called the taxi.

“I think all the time about how that could've ended differently if police responded instead,” said social work master’s student Michelle Perin, an EMT and crisis worker for the team known as CAHOOTS, short for Crisis Assistance Helping Out On The Streets.


Social workers have long worked alongside law enforcement, often treating clients in prisons and jails, inpatient psychiatric facilities and immigration detention centres. A 2020 report on reimagining policing by the National Association of Social Workers suggests collaboration could strengthen public safety, reduce racist incidents and improve the relationship between law enforcement and communities of colour.

Perin said CAHOOTS works independently, but is fully funded by police with members dispatched through the Eugene police-fire-ambulance communications centre. Police and firefighters can call for CAHOOTS and, in some cases, CAHOOTS workers may call police if a person seems a danger to themselves or others.

Following high-profile police brutality cases, cities including Denver, New York City, Chicago and Seattle, are exploring similar programs with the philosophy that dispatching social workers and mental health professionals alongside — or in lieu of — law enforcement could prevent police brutality.

But as cities look to these alternatives in reimagining policing, many social workers are warning increased collaboration with law enforcement risks further harming communities of colour — and ignores the deep history of systemic racism within social work itself.

Leigh-Anne Francis, an associate professor of African American studies and women, gender and sexuality studies at The College of New Jersey, said offering social workers as a quick fix to systemic racism is flawed, considering the field’s own legacy, tied to its origins in the 1900s.

“The prevailing narrative was that Black people were genetically defective and couldn’t be helped through social work because they were morally corrupt, poisoned,” Francis said. “They were irredeemable.”

While she said many are quick to see social workers as inherently good, the ghosts of systemically racist policies — like the 1958 Indian Adoption Project to break up Indigenous families and the embrace of the eugenics movement to root out what social workers saw as undesirable traits, including being Black — linger in the predominantly white field today.

Social workers contribute to the criminalization and mass incarceration of people of colour, said Julia Lyon, a Pennsylvania social worker and member of Social Service Workers United. She sees racism almost every day in social workers’ evaluations of clients, saying they’re more likely to place blame on people of colour and advocate for their punishment.

“If you are a Black boy in Philadelphia who’s acting out, there are going to be very different explanations as to why you’re acting out compared to a white boy in the wealthy suburbs,” she said.

Social worker Deana Ayers from Minneapolis said, at its worst, a system in which social workers collaborate with police or replace them in certain situations would be policing with a different name.

“If we’re trying to have social workers solve all these societal problems and be some kind of Band-Aid, then we also have to be doing the work within social work to get rid of this deep-seated, baked-in racism,” Ayers said. “Otherwise, social workers are just going to be police without guns.”

But advocates of collaboration between social workers and police point to how ingrained law enforcement is into American society as evidence of the need for acting within that framework.

“I just think it’s difficult in the current society we live in to say we can’t work with police officers when they’re so embedded in our communities right now,” NASW North Carolina executive director Valerie Arendt said. “I think social workers can and do amazing work within these systems.”

Lucas Cooper, chief of Alexandria, Kentucky's police department, said the department hired its first social worker in 2016 and now employs two alongside 17 full-time officers. While Cooper at first opposed the plan, wanting more officers instead, he now sees the program as essential and a step in the right direction in confronting flaws within policing.

“They bring a different skillset to the table," he said. "We don't know the ins and outs of that world and what social services are available. They fill in a lot of gaps.”

But Leah Jacobs, an assistant professor at the University of Pittsburgh's School of Social Work, says there’s little research to suggest that collaboration between police and social workers is effective.

“In fact, there is some evidence saying that the opposite may be true, that when you have greater collaboration with police, it can lead to poorer outcomes and greater harm,” she said.

Instead of perpetuating what they see as punishment-based approaches, opponents of police and social workers recommend more investment in community-based intervention.

In her recent paper “Defund the Police: Moving Towards an Anti-Carceral Social Work,” Jacobs lists examples of these creative interventions, including restorative justice programs at schools that emphasize mediating conflict resolution and providing alternatives to detention and suspension.

Scott Roberts, senior director of criminal justice campaigns for Color Of Change — the nation’s largest digital racial justice advocacy group — said interventions should be tailored to the needs of individual communities and, as a result, may look completely different from one community to the next.

“When we say we want to change policing, we’re not saying to just plug in other institutions like social work,” he said. “We have to reimagine policing and public safety, including social work.”

Perin acknowledges she’s cautious when it comes to initiatives that are “pet projects within the police department with social workers tagging alongside,” but sees the need for immediate practical action.

“If we could tear down policing and build something different now, we should. But that’s not the reality," Perin said. “We need to work toward breaking down the system at the same time as preventing harm now.”

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Fernando is a member of The Associated Press’ Race and Ethnicity team. Follow her on Twitter at https://twitter.com/christinetfern.

Christine Fernando, The Associated Press

AMERICA'S DIRTY SECRET; THE CONFEDERACY WON

Four Tennessee Republicans vote against removing slavery from the state constitution

Swikar Oli 

3/19/2021

On the matter of removing ‘slavery’ as punishment from the state’s constitution, four Tennessee senate Republicans took exception

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© Provided by National Post Tennessee State Senator Brian Kelsey, R-Germantown, was one of four Republicans to vote against a bill that would remove 'slavery' as punishment for crimes from the state's constitution

Members Joey Hensley, Janice Bowling, Brian Kelsey, and Frank Nicely on March 15 voted against a bill put forward by Democrat Sen. Raumesh Akbari that would remove a constitutional clause allowing slavery as punishment for a crime.

“Slavery and involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted , are forever prohibited in this state,” states Article I Section 33 of the Tennessee constitution.

With Akbari’s bill, voters will have the option to remove that section and instead amend the constitution to make clear that slavery and involuntary servitude is banned throughout Tennessee.

A line in the bill further states, at the request of the Department of Correction, that “nothing in this section shall prohibit an inmate from working when the inmate has been duly convicted of a crime”.

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To make changes to the Tennessee constitution, the bill must pass two general assemblies each in the house and senate, first by a majority, then by two-thirds. Tennesseans will then vote in a ballot measure to ultimately decide whether to ratify the proposed amendment in a gubernatorial election.

Kelsey, a white Republican from Memphis, told WREG news he decided to vote against the bill because it added no further restrictions on slavery to the law.

Hensley said, “I didn’t think it was necessary because the constitution already says slavery will be forever prohibited.”

Akbari, a black Democrat also from Memphis, said the bill “closes [a] loophole.”

“There’s a difference between working and slavery,” she explained . “I’ve worked, I’ve never been a slave.”

Curiously, the 13th amendment of the U.S. federal constitution, which abolished slavery, created a similar loophole.

The amendment, passed in 1865, proclaims, “neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.”

Tennessee seceded from the Union in 1861, during the American Civil War, and was the 20th state, on April 7, 1865, to ratify the 13th amendment of the federal constitution. In 1860, nearly 25 per cent of the state population, or 275,719 people, were held as slaves.

Akbari said the reason for her provision is because “it will make an impact.”

“It will close a loophole that will forever eliminate any exception for slavery in the state of Tennessee, and I think that’s what we want, and that’s a strong message we can send as a state.”

German archbishop offers to resign after abuse criticism
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COLOGNE, Germany — A report commissioned by Germany’s Cologne archdiocese on church officials’ handling of past cases of sexual abuse found 75 cases in which high-ranking officials neglected their duties. The findings on Thursday prompted the archbishop of Hamburg to offer his resignation to Pope Francis.

© Provided by The Canadian Press

The report commissioned by Cologne's archbishop, Cardinal Rainer Maria Woelki, absolved Woelki himself of any neglect of duty with respect to abuse victims

However, Woelki’s late predecessor, Cardinal Joachim Meisner, was accused of two dozen instances of wrongdoing such as failing to follow up on or report cases of abuse, not sanctioning perpetrators or not caring for victims. Meisner retired in 2014 and died in 2017.

Hamburg Archbishop Stefan Hesse, previously a senior church official in Cologne, was faulted for 11 cases of neglecting his duty.

Later Thursday, Hesse posted a video statement in which he conceded that he had made “mistakes” in the past, and said he very much regretted if he caused new suffering to victims or their relatives “through my action or omission.”

“I never participated in coverups,” he said. “I am nevertheless prepared to carry my part of the responsibility for the failure of the system.”

“To prevent damage to the office of the archbishop and to the Hamburg archdiocese, I am offering my resignation to Pope Francis, and I am asking him to relieve me of my duties immediately,” he said.

There was no immediate comment from the Vatican, and it was unlikely Francis would act quickly on Hesse’s offer. At 54 years old, Hesse is more than 20 years away from the normal retirement age for bishops. Francis has previously declined, at least initially, to accept resignations when they were offered to repent for mishandling sex abuse cases, though he has relented after time.

The lawyer in charge of the report, Bjoern Gercke, told reporters in Cologne that his investigation touched on the cases of 314 abuse victims — a majority of them boys under the age of 14 at the time of the abuse — and 202 people accused of abuse in the Cologne diocese since 1975.

The focus wasn’t so much on what the suspects did to the victims, but more on whether the church — former and current archbishops, vicars-general and other high-ranking church officials — responded correctly to accusations of abuse.

Altogether, the report found 75 cases in which eight high-ranking officials neglected their duties to either follow up on, report or sanction cases of alleged abuse by clergy and lay church employees, and failed to take care of the victims.

Woelki infuriated many local Catholics over recent months by citing legal concerns to keep under wraps a first report on how local church officials reacted when priests were accused of sexual abuse. He commissioned the new report — an 800-page investigation based on church files and put together by a German law firm.

Gercke said the first report, by a Munich law firm, also had concluded that the current archbishop wasn't guilty of any wrongdoing. The Cologne archdiocese has the most Catholics of any in Germany, some 1.9 million.

In a first response to the new report, Woelki said the investigation confirmed his fears that high-ranking officials were guilty of not having reported perpetrators and thereby preventing their prosecution.

“My predecessors, too, are guilty — as of today it is no longer possible to say 'We didn’t know,’” Woelki said, adding that he would send the report to the Holy See in Rome.

Woelki said he also would temporarily suspend two Cologne church officials based on the findings of the investigation. One of them, Auxiliary Bishop Dominikus Schwaderlapp, also said he had offered his resignation to the pope. The report found Schwaderlapp neglected his duty to inform and report abuse allegations in eight cases.

German Justice Minister Christine Lambrecht said the report demonstrated anew “what horrific sexual violence children and teenagers had to suffer in Catholic institutions.”

“Child abuse is not an internal church matter, but a crime that must be examined and decided by criminal courts,” the minister said.

Jens Windel, 46, the founder of a support group for clergy abuse survivors, watched a livestream of the news conference about the report on his laptop with other victims outside Cologne's landmark cathedral.

The report, he said, “trivializes the severity of the coverups that took place.”

There has been fierce criticism of Woelki's handing of the previous report. The head of the German Bishops’ Conference, Limburg Bishop Georg Baetzing, last month described the crisis management in Cologne as a “disaster.”

A Cologne court last month announced that it was raising the number of appointments available for people seeking to formally leave the church to 1,500 per month from 1,000 starting in March, amid strong demand.

Revelations about past sexual abuse have dogged the church in Germany and elsewhere for years.

In 2018, a church-commissioned report concluded that at least 3,677 people were abused by clergy in Germany between 1946 and 2014. More than half of the victims were 13 or younger when the abuse took place, and nearly a third of them were altar boys.

In January, a new system drawn up by the church to compensate abuse victims took effect. It provides for payments of up to about 50,000 euros (nearly $60,000) to each person. Under a previous system in place since 2011, payments averaged about 5,000 euros.

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Kirsten Grieshaber reported from Berlin. Geir Moulson in Berlin and Nicole Winfield in Rome contributed to this report.

Kirsten Grieshaber And Daniel Niemann, The Associated Press