Investment in renewable energy favoured over oil and gas, but regional differences persist, poll finds

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Geography, politics and age all factor into views of Canada's energy strategy

Drew Anderson · CBC News · Posted: Jul 13, 2021 

An online survey conducted by the Angus Reid Institute found that 54 per cent of Canadians surveyed say investing in renewables should be the priority in Canada. Only 12 per cent said oil and gas investment should be the focus, while 34 per cent favoured investing in both equally. (CBC)

A majority of Canadians favour more investment in renewable energy such as wind, solar and hydrogen over oil and gas, with divisions evident based on political affiliations, location and age, according to a new poll.

The online survey conducted by the Angus Reid Institute found that 54 per cent of Canadians surveyed say investing in renewables should be the priority in Canada. Only 12 per cent said oil and gas investment should be the focus, while 34 per cent favoured investing in both equally.

"You do see a majority of Canadians really talking about wanting to trend in a direction of alternative energy sources," said Shachi Kurl, president of the Angus Reid Institute.

"So wind, solar, hydrogen technology, but in many cases that tilt doesn't totally exclude an awareness of and a desire to also continue investing — at least to some extent — in the exploration of and production of oil, gas and non-renewables."

The vast majority of respondents across the country wanted to see more investment in solar (84 per cent) and wind (77 per cent) specifically, but regional differences were significant.

Beyond insight into the investment concerns of respondents, the poll also examined priority concerns when it came to the country's energy policy.

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Across Canada, 31 per cent of respondents said energy independence should be a top priority, followed by 27 per cent who stressed protecting the environment and 21 per cent who picked renewable energy.

Economic growth was cited by only 11 per cent of those polled as a top concern, tied with stability of supply.

Regional and political differences were stark in the findings. 

Different regions, different views

In Alberta, 46 per cent of respondents favoured investing in oil and gas and renewables equally, while 33 per cent would prefer to focus on renewables alone. 

Twenty-one per cent of Alberta respondents want the focus to be on oil and gas alone, second only to Saskatchewan at 28 per cent.

Fifty-three per cent of respondents in Ontario support investing only in renewables, while 34 per cent favour both renewables and oil and gas equally, and 13 per cent want the focus to be only on oil and gas.

A recent survey found that 46 per cent of respondents in Alberta favoured investing in oil and gas and renewables equally, while 33 per cent would prefer to focus on renewables alone. Twenty-one per cent of Alberta respondents want the focus to be on oil and gas alone. (Jason Franson/The Canadian Press)

Quebec has the highest support for investment only in renewables at 67 per cent.

Those regional differences also played out when it comes to priorities, with more respondents in the Prairie provinces citing energy independence as a top concern, while the rest of Canada all chose renewable energy as the top issue.

"This is the discussion and this is the tension or the push and pull between where the country is saying it wants to go and the extent to which some parts of the country may be a little bit more alive to the fact that, well, we can't get there yet — or if we get there, there are going to be some trade-offs," Kurl said. 

The political factor

The views of those who vote for the Conservative Party of Canada were found to be out of step with supporters of other parties.

Only 18 per cent of respondents who vote for the party said they would prioritize investing in renewables, with 53 per cent favouring equal investment in both oil and gas and renewables.

Climate-change activists and a few counter-protesters supporting the oil and gas industry gather for a march and rally with Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg outside the Alberta Legislature in Edmonton in October 2019. (Dave Chidley/The Canadian Press)

For the Liberals, 71 per cent of supporters surveyed said they favour investment in renewables. That number was higher for the New Democratic Party (78 per cent) and the Green Party (86 per cent).

Conservative voters also overwhelmingly prioritized energy independence, while the other parties' supporters were  heavily concerned about renewable energy and protecting the environment.

When it came to the age of respondents, the breakdown was fairly clear, with older Canadian respondents more in favour of oil and gas — or a mix of investments — versus a greater focus on renewables for those under 55.

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The survey was conducted between June 2 and 7, weeks before a heat dome settled over Western Canada and shattered record temperatures across provinces. The heat wave also stressed energy infrastructure as power grids worked to keep up with demand.

The survey was conducted using a randomized sample of 4,948 Canadians who are members of the Angus Reid Forum.

Online surveys do not have a margin of error that can be accurately calculated. For comparison purposes only, a probability sample of this size would carry a margin of error of plus or minus two percentage points, 19 times out of 20.

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Study finds disparity in pay for female ophthalmologists in Ontario, Canada

A new population-based study looking at nearly 30 years of billing data demonstrates that sex-based differences in Ontario Health Insurance Plan (OHIP) payments exists for Canadian ophthalmologists

UNIVERSITY HEALTH NETWORK

Research News

A new population-based study looking at nearly 30 years of billing data demonstrates that sex-based differences in Ontario Health Insurance Plan (OHIP) payments exists for Canadian ophthalmologists.

A team led by researchers and clinicians from the Donald K. Johnson Eye Institute, part of the Krembil Research Institute at University Health Network (UHN), studied 22,389 Ontario physicians across three decades and found a significant payment gap between female and male ophthalmologists even after accounting for age, and some practice differences. This disparity was more pronounced among ophthalmologists when compared to other surgical, medical procedural and medical non-procedural specialty groups.

"This is real and robust health administrative data," says Dr. Tina Felfeli, a PhD student in the Vision Sciences Research Program at UHN and the THETA collaborative group at Toronto General Hospital, as well as first author on the paper. "In a fee-for-service environment, one wouldn't have expected differences between the sexes in OHIP payments." She adds, "These findings are very powerful."

The data was collected on OHIP fee-for-service payments between 1992 to 2018, through the Institute for Clinical Evaluative Sciences (ICES) database. ICES is a non-profit research institute, leading studies, which evaluate health care delivery and outcomes.

To date, the majority of the studies looking at disparity in pay amongst females and males have relied on self-reported income from surveys or Medicare/Medicaid payments, only capturing a subset of billing data.

"One of the most interesting findings in the study is that females appear to have the smallest representation in ophthalmology as compared to other specialty groups combined, and this is where we see the biggest disparity in payments," says Dr. Yvonne Buys, a Clinician Investigator with the Donald K. Johnson Eye Institute, part of the Krembil Research Institute at UHN, and a senior author on the study.

Studying gender disparity in physician payments and advancement for females working in medical specialties is a major focus for Dr. Buys. This study builds on previous work that she has done in this area.

"There is a perception that women are paid less because they may not work as many hours as men, or that they are somehow less productive," says Dr. Buys, "but this study shows that's not the case."

"So the next step in this research is to find out why the disparity exists."

Although future studies will shed further light on this, possible contributors may include referral patterns, complexity of cases, operating room access, choice of procedures, frequency of patient visits and billing practices. However, it is also possible that some of the differences are due to the individual's choice.

"In an era when a growing number of females are choosing to enter medical school, addressing the barriers to progression for females in surgical specialties will likely improve the appeal of ophthalmology as a profession for future generations," says Dr. Felfeli. She adds, "This will be an important step towards diversity and inclusion in medicine."

Key findings:

• The representation of females in medical and surgical specialties has increased from 17% of all physicians in 1992 to 36% in 2018.
• In 2018, ophthalmology had one of the lowest representations of females at 22%, compared to most other specialties.
• Even after accounting for differences in age, number of patient visits, number of patients, and visits per patient, there was a disparity in pay between males and females, for ophthalmologists and other medical and surgical specialty groups.
• Amongst the highest billers in ophthalmology in 2018, males billed approximately 17% more than female ophthalmologists. This was despite female ophthalmologists having a greater number of patients in their practice.
• Males earned 8-?12% more than females in other medical and surgical specialities.

This study made use of de-identified data from the ICES Data Repository, which is managed by ICES with support from its funders and partners: Canada's Strategy for Patient-Oriented Research (SPOR), the Ontario SPOR Support Unit, CIHR, and the Government of Ontario. The opinions, results, and conclusions reported are those of the authors. No endorsement by ICES or any of its funders or partners is intended or should be inferred.

###

Dr. Felfeli is supported by educational grants from the Canada Graduate Scholarships, the University Health Network Vision Science Research Program, the UHN Foundation, University of Toronto Postgraduate Medical Education Research Awards and Fighting Blindness Canada.

About the Krembil Research Institute

The Krembil Research Institute (or "Krembil") is one of the principal research institutes of the University Health Network. Krembil is focused on research programs dedicated to brain & spine, arthritis and vision disorders, with a goal to alleviate debilitating chronic disease through basic, translational and clinical research. Krembil is located at the Toronto Western Hospital in downtown Toronto. For more information: http://www.uhn.ca/Research/Research_Institutes/Krembil

About University Health Network

University Health Network consists of Toronto General and Toronto Western Hospitals, Princess Margaret Cancer Centre, Toronto Rehabilitation Institute, and The Michener Institute of Education at UHN. The scope of research and complexity of cases at University Health Network has made it a national and international source for discovery, education and patient care. University Health Network has the largest hospital-based research program in Canada, with major research in cardiology, transplantation, neurosciences, oncology, surgical innovation, infectious diseases, genomic medicine and rehabilitation medicine. University Health Network is a research hospital affiliated with the University of Toronto. The Krembil Brain Institute at Toronto Western Hospital is the home to the largest team of neurosurgeons, neurologists, neuroradiologists and allied health professionals in Canada, with the widest range of expertise and specialty care for neurological diseases. For more information: http://www.uhn.ca

For more information or to book an interview, please contact:

Heather Sherman, Senior Advisor, Public Affairs
Neuroscience | Arthritis | Vision
University Health Network | heather.sherman@uhn.ca

Disclaimer: AAAS and EurekAlert! are not responsible for the 

 

Fight left in Tory premiers?

The Canadian Press - Jul 12, 2021

If an election were called, how much fight do Conservative premiers have left?

Photo: The Canadian Press

Alberta Premier Jason Kenney, hosts a Stampede breakfast with visiting premiers, left to right, Doug Ford, of Ontario, Blaine Higgs, of New Brunswick, Scott Moe, of Saskatchewan, and Robert McLeod, of the Northwest Territories.

Few would disagree that living through a global pandemic for the past 16 months has been draining.

That no doubt includes the country's premiers, who were repeatedly forced to make tough calls on closing schools and shuttering large swaths of the economy to curb the spread of COVID-19 and preserve hospital capacity in their provinces and territories.

So with speculation simmering that Prime Minister Justin Trudeau may trigger an election before long, how much fight do those who usually have a bone to pick with Ottawa have left?

"Everybody is looking for a change, but nobody has the energy to start the movement," said Alise Mills, a Conservative strategist and senior counsel with Sussex Strategy Group.

"Every premier in this country has got a few scars and battle wounds, and some are bleeding heavier than others and know that the focus has to be on holding their ground and winning back what they've lost during the pandemic."

The currentlandscape appears to be a far cry from two years ago when Conservative premiers joined forces over their opposition to the Trudeau government's carbon pricing efforts.

They unanimously criticized the Liberal plan to impose a charge on fuel in provinces that either refused to introduce a carbon-pricing plan of their own or implemented one that didn't meet with federal approval.

The political fight against the carbon tax was coupled with concerns from Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe and then newly-elected United Conservative Party Premier Jason Kenney in Alberta about the federal Liberal's regulatory approach to energy policies, which they said would hurt growth in the oil and gas and other resource sectors.

Signs of the fight Trudeau had on his hands going into the October 2019 election came to vivid life at the Calgary Stampede that July when Kenney invited Moe, Ontario Premier Doug Ford, New Brunswick's Blaine Higgs and former Northwest Territories leader Bob McLeod for a summit of "like-minded premiers."

Daniel Beland, a political-science professor at McGill University, says Ford and Kenney — the two most prominent figures in the group of Conservative premiers — have damaged their images through their handling of the COVID-19 crisis and are now among the least popular provincial leaders.

"They didn't manage the pandemic well, at least that's how the population perceives it," said Beland.

Another issue is the question of what motivates premiers to rally together against Trudeau like the fight against the carbon tax did, since that battle has largely been settled.

The Supreme Court of Canada earlier this year upheld the federal government's approach, and even federal Conservative Leader Erin O'Toole has since embraced carbon pricing.

"What is really that unifying issue that unifies all the premiers across the board. I'm not sure there is one," said Shakir Chambers, political strategist and principal at Earnscliffe Strategy Group.

"Even on international travel, you have someone like Jason Kenney that's pretty much saying, 'open up the borders,' but then you have Doug Ford that's saying, 'you know what, not just yet.'"

One outstanding demand all premiers seem to agree on is a push for Ottawa to give provinces billions more in health transfers.

The leaders say the federal government's payments only cover 22 per cent of the actual cost of delivering health care. They want to see that share boosted to 35 per cent, which would provide an extra $28 billion a year.

Kenney is also focused on the issue of federal equalization payments and is set to ask Albertans to weigh in on the matter in a referendum to be held later this year.

The referendum question, to be posed as Albertans cast ballots in municipal elections in October, will ask whether the section of the Constitution that commits the federal government to the principle of making equalization payments should be removed.

"Albertans expect to be treated fairly — and we will bring our fight for fairness to the top of the national agenda," Kenney tweeted last week.

Trudeau dismissed Kenney's concerns during a recent visit to Calgary, noting the premier was part of former prime minister Stephen Harper's cabinet when the latest deal was negotiated and suggesting Kenney is best positioned to explain why he now disagrees with his younger self.

Canada's premiers are not scheduled to meet in any official capacity until October in Winnipeg, where Pallister, who now chairs the group, says long-term health care funding will be a priority.

For the public, strategists agree there is anger toward premiers and voters want to see the pandemic get under control and aren't in the mood to watch a fight between Ottawa and the provinces.

As for which leader could stand to benefit from the current situation, Beland believes the advantage will go to Trudeau or the federal NDP. He said the public opinion struggles facing the outspoken Kenney and Ford, who governs a province rife with must-win seats, may ultimately harm O'Toole's cause.

Chambers also noted that Trudeau often refrains from criticizing O'Toole by name when defending priority Liberal causes like climate change, directing his attacks towards conservatives as a general group instead.

"He's clearly trying to make sure that people lump Jason Kenney, Doug Ford, all the other conservative premiers together with Erin O'Toole."

Ford, who's set to face a provincial election next year, previously said he wouldn't campaign for anyone when the federal election is called.

It's unclear what role Kenney, who campaigned for O'Toole during his bid for the federal leadership and proved to be an important ally, will play in the next campaign.

If there is one leader that could pose a threat to Trudeau, Beland said it may prove to be Quebec Premier François Legault.

Beland noted that the Liberals are trying to raise their seat count in the province, where Legault remains popular. He noted that the premier criticized Trudeau's comments around a bill banning public servants from wearing religious symbols at work during the 2019 campaign, a move Beland believes may have hurt the Liberals chances in the province.

 

Kyrgyzstan moves to nationalise gold mine run by Canadian company

Tensions between Kyrgyzstan and Canada’s Centerra Gold simmer as the president, a longtime critic of foreign ownership, effectively brings the Kumtor mine back into state’s hands.

A worker holds a polished gold alloy bar in a workshop at Kumtor gold mine extraction factory in the Tien Shan mountains, some 350km (218 miles) southeast of the capital Bishkek near the Chinese border March 14 [File: Shamil Zhumatov/Reuters]

By Agnieszka Pikulicka-Wilczewska

9 Jul 2021

|

Updated: 

9 Jul 2021

12:37 PM (GMT)

Bishkek and Issyk-Kul Region, Kyrgyzstan – In the early 1990s, it was hoped that a large gold mine in eastern Kyrgyzstan, near the Chinese border, would lift the newly independent country’s economy out of the shatters of Soviet central planning.

But 30 years into its operation, Kumtor has for many come to symbolise some of the developing world’s greatest ills: corruption, environmental degradation and neocolonial greed.

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In May, it became clear that dark clouds had gathered over Centerra Gold Inc, a Canadian-registered company operating the high-altitude mine, 26 percent of which belongs to the Kyrgyz state.

First, a court ruled that the mine had committed environmental violations by dumping
mining waste on glaciers, a move that caused their gradual erosion and cost the state $3bn.

Soon after, the parliament backed a proposal of the special commission on Kumtor to introduce state management at the mine for three months.

Most Kumtor workers come from the Issyk-Kul region, a picturesque lake area, where the mine is based [Agnieszka Pikulicka-Wilczewska/Al Jazeera]

On May 14, President Sadyr Japarov approved the plan, which effectively brought the mine back into the state’s hands.

Later, a number of high-profile politicians accused of financial crimes related to Kumtor were arrested.

In response, Centerra Gold initiated binding arbitration proceedings against the government for what they viewed as a violation of mutual agreements.

Its Kyrgyz units – Kumtor Gold Co and Kumtor Operating Co – applied for bankruptcy in a US court and the company says it will seek compensation from the government.

“In 1994, after the Kyrgyz people gained independence and with your help, we began building the Kumtor Gold Mine with an initial life of 18 years. To this day, what we created together is something special that engineers from all over the world come to study,” Scott Perry, Centerra’s president and CEO, wrote in a statement.

“The seizure of the mine is based on false information and groundless allegations that undermine everything we have built together. We fear that the government’s unjustified action will put thousands of well-paying jobs and the businesses of hundreds of Kyrgyz suppliers at risk.”

Perceived as ‘source of elite enrichment’

Pressure grew on Centerra after January’s presidential elections, which saw Japarov sweep to victory after a campaign promising national revival.

He had been designated to rule the country as interim president and prime minister following an uprising last October against political corruption and a disputed parliamentary election, the third upheaval since the country’s independence.

And it was gold that brought him to power.

Months before winning a landslide, he was freed from prison where he was serving an 11-and-a-half-year sentence for kidnapping a local official during one of his protests against Kumtor.

Since 2013, he has been the main figure in the movement against foreign corporations he accuses of exploiting Kyrgyzstan’s scarce resources.

A general view shows the Kumtor open pit gold mine at an altitude of about 4,000 metres (13,123 feet) above sea level in the Tien Shan mountains, Kyrgyzstan [File: Vladimir Pirogov/Reuters]

He believed that the country’s elite were benefitting at the expense of the people and the environment.

Many locals shared his view.

“Over 30 years of mining based economic model, the extraction of natural resources became perceived by the populations as another source of elite enrichment,” Asel Doolotkeldieva, a researcher in the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek focused on the politics of resource extraction, told Al Jazeera.

“They believe that investors, together with the elite, seek to enrich themselves, plunge the resources and go away as soon as the resources are emptied.

“The extractive industry provides only 3 percent of jobs nationwide. The mines are being exploited, the resources are being emptied, the government is getting richer but local communities, despite some development and charity projects, do not see a direct impact on their lives.”

The Issyk-Kul region hosts Kumtor, one of the highest gold mines in the world, and is also the birthplace of President Sadyr Japarov [Agnieszka Pikulicka-Wilczewska/Al Jazeera]

At the same time, there are concerns over the environmental damage caused by the mine.

“The waste is being stored on glaciers, and according to estimates, after the exploitation of Kumtor ends, it will weigh 1.8 billion tonnes. It will remain there and influence the environment. The glaciers are one of the sources of water of the Kumtor River, which flows into Taragai River, and then to Naryn River – Syr Daria, the biggest transboundary river of Central Asia,” Kalia Moldogazieva, an expert in environmental protection, told Al Jazeera.

“We have spoken against the Kumtor project from the very beginning because it is located in the glacier zone. Glaciers melt due to global warming anyway and in Kumtor, they are additionally affected by the anthropogenic factors.”

Miner support for Japarov

In February 1995, Murat was not prepared for the job. The temperature was -45 degrees Celsius (-49 degrees Fahrenheit) when his feet first touched the mountain that was meant to be Kyrgyzstan’s pride.

The dry freezing wind at 4,000 metres (13,123 feet) above the sea level made it hard to breathe.

“I have never seen anything like that before. We felt like we were on another planet,” said Murat, 59, who worked in Kumtor for eight years. “They [company bosses] invited us for dinner in a hall that looked like a restaurant. Then they gave us canned coke. It was the first time I saw it.”

He quit in 2003, and by that time he had managed to build a house at the Issyk-Kul lake, where Japarov hails from, and supported his relatives for many years.

Work in Kumtor was hard, Murat said, but the company was a fair employer.

Overtime was paid double, safety was always a priority and he was grateful that he could work with the newest technology.

“We received medals every five years, clothes, gifts. They were good to us and at the time we
were only thinking about ourselves, our families, money. Everyone wanted to get rich.”

Kyrgyzstan’s President Sadyr Japarov speaks after voting in the constitutional referendum in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, April 11, 2021 [File: Sultan Dosaliev/Kyrgyz Presidential Press Service/Handout via Reuters]

But over time, Murat changed his views. Today, he is happy with President Japarov’s nationalist reform agenda.

“Kyrgyzstan was not ready for that. We agreed for gold extraction a bit too early. Our technology was not good enough to operate high up in the mountains, in the cold. Now we deserve Japarov. We’re done with the lies.”

Murat shows pictures from his Kumtor years and a nostalgic mood takes him over.

Soon after, he reaches out for a small book: poems to Japarov written by his supporters when he was still in prison.

“May Sadyr be released! He will get the work done! He was punished for no reason, if someone like him comes to power, he will clean our country of dirt.”

A general view of the Kumtor mine in Kyrgyzstan [File: Vladimir Piragov/Reuters]

Additional reporting by Aigerim Turgunbaeva: @AigiTurgunbaeva

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA

 

Arrested, abused and accused: wave of repression targets LGBT+ Ghanaians

Opening of community space in Accra, which was quickly shut, has been the trigger for new anti-LGBT+ action

Ghanians detained on suspicion of promoting an LGBT+ agenda at an unlawful assembly are escorted out of court by police after a bail hearing in Ho on 4 June. Photograph: Francis Kokoroko/Reuters

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Emmanuel Akinwotu in Ho City

Tue 13 Jul 2021 

“All I wanted to do was help vulnerable people,” said Shaun Apong, tears streaking down his face, from behind the bars of a squalid police cell in Ho City in eastern Ghana.

Apong was one of 21 people arrested in early June, charged with unlawful assembly and accused of spreading an LGBT+ agenda, amid a marked and sudden increase in sensitivities around the rights and advocacy of gay and queer people in the west African country.

For years, Apong (not his real name) had held training sessions for paralegals, activists and care workers on how to support vulnerable groups. “We were never afraid to conduct the training because we aren’t breaking the law,” he said.

Apong and the others were arrested during a training session after police were called by local journalists. “They were acting as if we were criminals caught in the crime,” he said, with the reporters harassing attendants and taking pictures of their faces. Pamphlets and books, such as one encouraging parents of LGBT+ people to love their children despite their sexuality, were held up as evidence of a “gay agenda”.

The accused were repeatedly denied bail for three weeks before being released at the end of June pending a trial. Many, including Apong, are now spending their freedom in secret safe houses outside the city. With each week, the toll of the ongoing case mounts, under the glare of national attention.

Ho, a hilly, gently paced city with lush green landscapes, is now the scene of a landmark trial that has caught national attention in Ghana – and upended the lives of those involved.

“I have a business, a family who knows who I am; after this I can survive, but many of these people have lost everything,” Apong said in a second interview from his safe house. “Some of them have been abandoned by their families. One woman’s husband told her never to come home. What about her children? Six of them have kids. Some have already been told by their employers don’t bother coming back to work”

Since early this year, a sudden and chilling wave of repression against LGBT+ people has quickly turned a fraught but negotiable environment for gay and queer advocacy into something more dangerous.

Politicians, Christian and civil groups have led a wave of protest against the rights of sexual minorities in the country, after the opening of a community space in the capital Accra in January. In February the space was shut down, and ever since, arrests of LGBT+ advocates and incidents of abuse have been rising.

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The outrage over the community space, fanned by figures capitalising on anti-gay sentiment, may result in lasting change. Lawmakers and government officials in President Nana Akufo-Addo’s administration have vowed to pass new anti-gay laws.

Addo, widely courted by western governments, is often cast as a liberally inclined pro-democracy figure in a region beset by political instability and repression. Yet western diplomats and rights advocates have been urging his government to row back on anti-gay rhetoric, and to scrap proposed anti-gay legislation that would reshape perceptions of his administration.

Nana Akufo Addo in Madrid with the Spanish prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, in March. Photograph: Zipi/EPA

A group of eight lawmakers, led by Sam George, have proposed new anti-gay laws, submitted to parliament on 29 June. “The promotion of proper human sexual rights and Ghanaian family values bill” would be a “landmark legislation” criminalising the advocacy and act of homosexuality, George said.

“Unnatural carnal knowledge” – often interpreted as non-heterosexual sex – is unlawful in Ghana. Prosecutions are rare, yet experiences of the justice system are often in themselves punishing.

In the case against the 21 accused in Ho, as well as denying their bail, the judges continuously adjourned the hearings, leaving the defendants in despair. At hearings, prosecution lawyers cited finding condoms as part of the evidence against the accused. “They were making strange arguments that don’t even make sense,” said an activist at one of the hearings. “Is a condom evidence of criminality?”

In March, a letter signed by Naomi Campbell, Idris Elba and Vogue editor Edward Enninful criticised the treatment of LGBT+ people in Ghana amid global attention on the closure of the community space.

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The proposed legislation in itself marks a turning point in Ghanaian life, said Fatima Derby, a feminist writer. “Even discussing the bill signals to people that this is something we need to stamp out,” she said from a cafe in Accra.

“This is maybe the worst period I’ve seen in Ghana, in terms of the safety of LGBT+ people. Many people are very fearful for their lives and their safety,” she said, adding that the events this year had had a chilling effect on various forms of activism in Ghana. “If five or six activists gather in a place like this, it feels like they could storm in and accuse us, too.”

Before this year, ordinary life for many gay and queer people in Ghana was precarious, but managed. “You would see queer Nigerians in Accra for fun,” said Phoebe (not their real name), a non-binary 27-year-old health worker.

“People in Ghana had this idea of ‘Yeah, this person is gay, that person is gay,’ but there was like a distance to it. You do you, I do me,” they said. “There was abuse, for sure, so many dangers, but on the whole, compared to some places, it felt manageable. Now, even to go out to certain places, you’re second-guessing yourself, like, maybe it’s not wise any more.”

Images from the opening ceremony for the Accra community space spread rapidly, some showing the Australian ambassador to Ghana in attendance. They fuelled two linked sentiments that are common in Africa: that LGBT+ groups are establishing a more institutional presence, and that homosexuality is a western construct, despite the long history of multiple sexualities in many African cultures.

Among some advocates, the presence of western officials raised questions about the risks of visible western support for LGBT+ causes in Africa.

Alex Kofi Donkor

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The uproar in Ghana over the community space felt unprecedented, said 28-year-old Alex Kofi Donkor, who founded the group that had set it up.

“It was all over TV, the radio stations, talkshows. Politicians, traditional leaders, everyone was being asked about it, knowing that if they don’t say the right answer – that it is wrong, it should be stamped out – they would be made a target,” Donkor said. Yet the outrage also presented an opportunity and spurred activism. “That was the first time we were having a national conversation about LGBT issues, talking to the media squarely.”

For months Donkor has been publicly and fiercely defending LGBT+ rights in Ghanaian media. The approach taken by Donkor’s organisation highlights a significant divergence among activists in repressive countries. Many groups that work on LGBT+ rights in Ghana do so discreetly, organising under more ambiguous or generic causes.

“There’s a generational change. There is this backdoor, quiet approach, then a more confrontational approach, by a younger generation who are more specific about what they want,” Donkor said.

“Some older activists are saying, ‘Maybe be quieter, maybe do things more carefully,’ but people are tired and want to speak out. They don’t want to make subtle steps when in reality their lives are on the line.”