Saturday, February 05, 2022

So, How Is It Really? Being In A Unionized Workplace

Whizy Kim - Yesterday-Refinery29

LONG READ

Unions can be somewhat of an abstract idea — a concept you’ve definitely heard of, just not very relevant to your own life. After all, the union representation rate in the private sector is just 7%, indicating that private sector workers covered by a union are a rare minority. And that scarcity is not that surprising. It isn’t exactly easy to organize your workplace; it can be a lengthy, contentious process.


© Provided by Refinery29So, How Is It Really? Being In A Unionized Workplace

The right to form a union is supposed to be protected by the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 — though it doesn’t protect all workers — and the National Labor Relations Board exists to enforce those union rights, but its muscle depends on many factors, including who the current presidential administration appoints to the board. A company might be found to have violated the NLRA, but only face relatively minor consequences. Even if the NLRB steps in, the unionization process can drag on for years. Case in point: Amazon workers at a warehouse in Bessemer, AL, first took a unionization vote early last year, but their fate is still up in the air because the NLRB ruled that Amazon had meddled in the first vote. A second vote will begin on February 4.

To grow up in the U.S. unfortunately also means that you absorb a lot of anti-union attitudes. How often have you heard that unions are corrupt, skeevy institutions that mainly serve to obstruct a friendly, efficient relationship between workers and managers? Or that they’ll eat up your hard-earned wages through exorbitant dues that go toward nothing useful for you? They’ll stymie your career growth and make it impossible for you to truly shine at your job. Even if the rhetoric isn’t that explicit, in a society that lauds rugged individualism above almost all else, the idea of a union becomes easier to scoff at.

All this to say, there are a lot of misconceptions around unions — like who should have them, and who doesn’t need them. The persistent stereotypical image of a union worker is someone in a manufacturing job, like an auto worker. When Google employees formed the Alphabet Workers Union last year, for example, some detractors wondered why highly paid, privileged Silicon Valley employees would need a union, as if people need to experience a certain minimum threshold of suffering in order to deserve collective bargaining power.

The reality is, people with all kinds of roles in all manners of industries have organized or are trying to organize right now. The past several years have seen a boom in unionization efforts within digital media, for instance. Vice Media Group, the parent company of Refinery29, unionized in 2016 with the Writers Guild of America, East. But digital media is far from alone. Ahead, Refinery29 spoke to five people from different industries on what they do in their union — and what it does for them.
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Amelia*, 32, works in marketing. “I grew up in a pro-union household,” she says. “My mom was a nurse and my dad worked at a potash mine. I was very aware of the importance of unions, and I spent two of my spring breaks as a child walking — or, more accurately, rollerblading — the picket lines during nursing strikes.”

“That being said, I never thought unions would factor into my career,” she continues. “I went for my business degree right out of high school and didn’t associate the white-collar jobs I aspired to with unions.”

But after working at a handful of non-unionized companies, she ended up taking a job at a unionized workplace, where she still works today. “Before even applying for the position I experienced a benefit of the union in that the job posting outlined the pay scale for that position. In previous roles, one at a boutique firm and the other at a large public corporation, I didn’t know the starting salary until the position was offered to me, and in both cases it was lower than I anticipated,” Amelia says.

“The pay [at my current job] is significantly better, and my day ends at 5 pm. I rarely have to work evenings or weekends, and if I do I’m compensated accordingly,” she continues. “I would say I have an above-average work-life balance, especially compared to previous jobs where I frequently went into the office early and left late.”

Amelia’s union is pretty active, she says. “Given the pandemic, everything has been virtual, but there are monthly meetings and socials as well as topic-specific meetings when issues arise. Involvement in the union really varies, with some of my peers being highly involved and others not. The majority of people in my department of roughly 200 have been at the company over 10 years, and that tends to be the group that’s more involved in our union,” she says.

“Currently, our union is fighting for permanent remote work arrangements. We’ve all been working from home full time since the start of the pandemic, but it wasn’t an option before,” she says.

Still, Amelia points out that being in a union isn’t a magic wand that makes all problems suddenly disappear. “Management and the union are often in conflict, with both parties frequently calling out the other in front of employees,” she says. She finds this aspect disappointing. “It makes it difficult to want to participate when it feels like they occasionally take an antagonistic approach with our management who, at the end of the day, hold all the cards in terms of our career opportunities and advancement.”

A part of the difficulty is that her union represents an immense number of people at her company. “We are such a large and diverse group, the final decision and details are up to the union leadership,” she says. “There are 7,000 members across the organization, and it includes blue collar and white collar workers.” It can understandably be difficult to agree on everything.

But when asked whether she thinks being in a union has positively affected her pay and work environment, her answer is an unequivocal yes. “Marketing and communications roles are, in my experience, often overworked and underpaid,” Amelia says. “I make a higher salary than most of my peers and work significantly less hours.”

“I would say that, overall, a union will likely result in higher pay and a better work-life balance. Career advancement does happen, but it’s not as dynamic as in non-union workplaces so, if you have time-specific goals, I would really dig into that in the interview process and try and understand if or when those opportunities are available and what the process is — will union members get priority, do those with more seniority get preferential treatment?”

“Some people find getting involved in the union to be very rewarding, but if you don’t choose to go that route, in most cases, it’s totally acceptable to enjoy the benefits without engaging directly in union matters,” Amelia points out.

“Unions are often reflective of the culture of the company,” she says. “A company that has a positive workplace culture will likely have a good union.”

Amelia believes the opposite holds true as well. “I think the union definitely influences the culture. My colleagues and I feel more empowered to ask management for what we need and it really evens out the power dynamic,” she says. “And among colleagues, people are open about their career goals and there’s room to be openly ambitious since the process is so regimented and transparent.”
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Sophie*, 34, currently works as a financial analyst at an academic medical center. But she originally went into teaching — a career experience that didn’t end well.

“I graduated in 2009 with an education degree,” she says. “It was the worst time to try to be a teacher. People who had been teaching for years were being let go due to budget constraints, and I was fresh out of college with no experience.”

Eventually, though, Sophie got a science and math teaching position at a local parochial school. “Since it was a parochial school, there was no set curriculum, and no one else taught the subjects I taught. So I was building my own lessons for seven different subjects and I made decisions as a teacher that the parent population didn’t really agree with, and I was struggling in general.”

But the final straw occurred in early November. “Our principal happened to be out one day, and the acting principal came to ask me something highly unusual. They said that the county sheriff wanted to speak with me. I had no clue what’s up or why, but I went to talk to him,” Sophie recalls. “It was about an assault that happened on Halloween in the neighborhood. My truck matched a description they got, apparently, and it had a piece of orange plastic riding around in the bed that matched some of the pumpkins that had been smashed,” she recalls.

Sophie later learned that someone had planted the orange plastic in her truck while it was in the school parking lot, but by then, the damage had been done. “[The police] chased down my story and alibi so long that the class period ended and my classes switched out in the hall. This conversation was unfortunately happening in an office with a window, so my students saw me talking to the sheriff,” she says “I came back to my classroom at the end of the day and of course my 8th graders had questions. So I was faced with a choice: I could either be honest with them, or tell them it was none of their concern and let the rumor mill fly. I chose to be honest rather than make up fictions,” Sophie says.

“The kids of course told their parents and I’m sure that didn’t help anything. I had taken a probationary contract when I started the job for the first three months. The school decided to exercise that right.”

“My mom worked at a public elementary school at the time and said that what happened to me was totally out of line, and the secretary should have told the police that I was with students and to come back at X time and to speak with me after hours,” she says.

“Had I taught at a public school with a union, they would have had to show what I did wrong, and prove that I had endangered the kids or done something illegal,” Sophie says. “I didn’t know any better, but when you teach at a private school the parents are essentially paying your salaries. So if the parents aren’t happy or are concerned about who this teacher is and why law enforcement is talking to them during school hours, that’s the ball game.”

Sophie considered suing for defamation or personal damages, “but that costs money, and I just needed to be able to pay rent at that point.”

Since that harrowing experience, Sophie has taken union jobs in other industries. “I got the opportunity to apply for an admin assistant job at a hospital via suggestion of someone in my network. I knew once I was in there, I could move and grow into a different position. I utilized tuition benefits and the knowledge of position title requirements — a union perk — to determine what I wanted to do next and needed to do education-wise to retrain and be qualified, since I clearly wasn’t going back to teaching,” she says.

After six years, Sophie took a non-union job as a project accountant in the construction industry. But she says construction was “a very different world, very old school — and I thought healthcare dragged its feet on technology!” After two and a half years, feeling overworked and underpaid and wanting a better work-life balance to support her future goals of being a working mother, she returned to the hospital system. “The hospital would get me paid family leave, more flexibility on schedule and working hours, the option for remote work even after the pandemic, [benefits] that weren’t an option with the construction gig,” Sophie says. “It was a choice about the type of place I wanted to work as I prepare for my life to possibly change in the next few years.”

“It was totally by accident that the hospital role ended up being union, but it did provide a level of comfort in accepting the role,” she adds.

“My current job is great. I work my 40 hours and that’s that. I have a really good work-life balance; my manager is super flexible about time off for appointments and life needs. I’m also in a rare position where I’m still a union employee, but I’m salaried.”
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Teresa*, 29, is a journalist. Like many of us, she didn’t know much about unions growing up. In fact, the first time she became conscious of what roles unions might play in people’s lives was in high school. “In junior year, my teachers went on strike for over a week,” she says. “I didn’t fully understand, but I just remember the word ‘collective bargaining’ being said. I was a very active junior, so I stood outside my school and protested for them to have union rights.” But when she thought of her future career, unions didn’t factor into the picture.

Her first personal brush with unions came when she was 25 and worked as a freelancer for WNYC. When she joined the company, the podcasters in the digital media department were in the process of joining WNYC’s union as part of the Screen Actors Guild (SAG). “I was still on my parents’ health insurance back then,” she recalls, “and I went to all these union meetings and I was like, oh my God, this is fucking sick — SAG has the greatest health insurance. How much you pay for it is based on how much money you make.”

But about a month before she would have been eligible to start receiving SAG health insurance, Teresa was laid off.

At her next job in the media industry, she was eligible to join the Writers Guild of America. “I finally got to actually benefit from being in a union. Now, I feel like being in a union is part of my personality, honestly. I would not go to another workplace that didn’t have a union, unless I was making over six figures.”

For Teresa, the difference before and after having a union job has been stark. “Before WNYC, I was at a film distribution company for three years and I made no money and had no rights. I worked 60 to 70 hour weeks making between $30k to $40k at this company.” She felt like she was “constantly fighting” for herself, and despite asking for several raises, and making “these huge documents detailing why I deserve this promotion and this raise,” her efforts were typically in vain. “I got shut down all the time because [the company] was just these two dudes who got to decide my fate. Sometimes they’d throw me a bone and give me a $3,000 raise,” she says. Without WGA, “I think I would have stayed comfortable at $50k and been like, this is what I deserve. I just don’t think I would have pushed as hard to make more money. And now I’m making $80k,” Teresa says.

In her current, unionized job, Teresa also has a better work-life balance. “Part of that is because I’m older and care about myself a little bit more,” she notes. But she says a large part is the epiphany that she deserves a livable wage, especially in a high-cost-of-living city. “[Being in a union] opened my eyes to what I should look for in a job. Whether or not I recommend working in digital media is a different story,” she adds.

“I also think that having the union throughout the pandemic, especially with layoffs, was so important to me — having this space,” Teresa continues. “[The union] just made me feel like I have agency. I don’t think I ever felt like I had agency before.”

Finding that personal agency also enabled Teresa to form a better sense of community. “When I was in SAG, it was really nice to see that someone else cared that I got benefits because they knew that I needed them,” she says. “Obviously it didn’t end up working out, but that was beyond my union’s control. I just think that it teaches you to care about other people more.”

“When you’re trying to figure out how to talk to employers, when you’re trying to negotiate certain things about your job, it’s so easy to get lost in the barrage of information on the internet,” Teresa notes. And most of the advice focuses on how an individual can savvily negotiate, overcome the odds, and actually get the higher pay they desire. “People on TikTok are going to tell you, what’s the worst thing that could happen [when you negotiate] — they say no? But actually, the worst thing is that you could be severely underpaid and overworked.”

“There’s just such a big difference between you negotiating for yourself and a collective unit negotiating together for the benefit of everybody.”
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Melissa Campbell, PhD, is a 38-year-old postdoctoral scientist researching brain development at Columbia University — and she’s also the vice president of the Columbia Postdoctoral Workers, which is affiliated with the United Auto Workers (UAW).

Postdoc researchers often face long hours in the lab, without adequate compensation for those hours. According to a survey conducted by Nature, only 42% of postdocs said they earned between $50,000 and $80,000 a year, and just 3% earned more than that. The Columbia Postdoc Union, which voted to unionize in 2018, is one of a growing number of postdoc unions fighting against overwork and for better pay, among many other issues.

“The person that recruited me, or got me interested in [the union], actually was a student at Columbia and was part of a student unionizing effort, and then graduated and became a postdoc,” says Dr. Campbell.

“When you’re at a place that isn’t really paying attention to the needs of certain workers, there’s talk that happens. People start talking about things that need to be improved and things that are a problem,” she says.

Dr. Campbell’s experience speaks to how unionization efforts, while they can seem too complex to undertake at first, often begin with everyday acts such as venting and complaining with your colleagues — which, one could argue, are a necessary part of a healthy work life.

As the postdocs began to talk to one another, “there was a groundswell of interest and sort of banding together and convincing Columbia to make a change,” says Dr. Campbell. “The students really, I think, helped push the postdocs to be empowered to unite and fight for their interests.”

Dr. Campbell also echoes Teresa’s thoughts on how unions build a feeling of kinship, especially if you’re feeling siloed at your place of work — stuck in your literal or metaphorical cubicle. “At Columbia, there wasn’t that much of a sense of community. I think that’s a real lack of this place. And the union gave us that,” she says. “You feel part of something with your fellows that you wouldn’t necessarily always talk to. It just gives you some shared identity that you didn’t feel before.”

“The thing about postdocs is that we’re all part of these tiny little islands. I work in a lab that has about five or six people, and we have a boss. And there’s many, many, many little labs at Columbia,” Dr. Campbell says. “Much of your experience actually is determined by your supervisor, and the supervisors vary greatly.”

While Dr. Campbell says she’s been lucky to have fantastic supervisors and therefore good experiences at Columbia, that’s not always the case. “I can say, as the vice president of the union and also just when I was part of the bargaining committee, one of the big things we did was to go around collecting stories and sharing what was going on with people. When you hear someone tell you a story and they say, ‘My supervisor is doing this,’ and you go, well, that’s not okay, and there’s no recourse to do anything about it — it’s really disempowering, and I felt like we were always hearing stories like that.”

“But after we unionized and signed our contract, we could write an email to HR or whoever and say, I’m this person from the union and this is not allowed. And it would be fixed immediately,” Dr. Campbell says. “That’s the first step in feeling like what’s happening matters and that those individual parties or supervisors are going to be held accountable and held to a standard that is reasonable,” she says.

A lot of what their union has done, according to Dr. Campbell, is to codify in their contract what was already in the university’s faculty handbook. “They shouldn’t tell you that you can’t go home for Christmas and you have to work,” she says. But now that ‘shouldn’t‘ is enforceable.

It took some while to adjust to the new reality where they, as workers, suddenly had more power. “I was just thinking about someone who didn’t get their paycheck on time,” recalls Dr. Campbell. “This happens at Columbia all the time. I can’t even tell you it’s crazy how often it happens. We’re not making all that much and you’re living in one of the most expensive cities in the world and trying to plan ahead for when HR makes a whoopsie.”

After forming their union, Dr. Campbell remembers emailing HR about a paycheck issue a member was having. “The supervisor, the person I wrote to, called me on my cell phone to apologize profusely for having done this,” she says. “I was like, well, thank you for taking care of it. I hung up and I was just like, wow, I gotta not let this get to my head.”

Dr. Campbell says that their union is fairly active, with monthly member meetings and weekly Executive Board meetings. “It’s quite active, and actually a lot of people wanted the union because they appreciated the advocacy aspect of it,” she says. “This came up especially during the pandemic with BLM, and we had a lot of discussions about signing onto letters, supporting other efforts to bring unionization to other universities, putting out statements about various activities, like Columbia’s relationship to New York City police.”

“There’s been a lot of discussion about what we should support, what we don’t support. And I’d say that makes up probably the majority of our meetings,” she notes.

While Dr. Campbell says that their union operates in a “flat” structure, she adds that their union meetings aren’t a free-for-all where everyone speaks at once, either. They set agendas, and the meetings’ structure is laid out in the union bylaws that they passed. Making sure the process is democratic is a big priority, she says. “I’m the VP, but it’s just a title,” she adds. “Everyone contributes.”

Some people may fear having to adopt an adversarial attitude toward management if they join a union. But Dr. Campbell believes that this doesn’t have to be the default. “My uncle used to be a union leader at GM and then eventually got promoted to management,” she says. “When [the postdoc unionizing] was all happening, I went to talk to him and he said that during the negotiations of the contract it seems very adversarial. But an enlightened management would realize that the union can be really helpful if you’re about to roll something out that you know people aren’t going to like but have to do. You talk to the union people first. If you have a good relationship — which everyone should always be trying to go for — you can work with the union to see what their biggest sticking points are and you can work together so that people aren’t blindsided at the end and it feels more like a compromise. It feels like people’s needs and the union’s interests are being taken into consideration, and I think that can soften the blow.”

During the pandemic, Dr. Campbell and other Columbia employees fought for more childcare support. The union and management talked about the options together. “They asked us, ‘What do you think your members would like the best?’ We spent some time workshopping it with them, and at the end of the day, the university just gave people money and they also expanded some of the back-up childcare stuff.”

Her advice to people who’ve never been in a union, or who feel any degree of wariness about joining one, is this: “You have to take a look at the union, because the culture of the union matters. And I think I’m really proud of the culture of our union here at Columbia,” she says. “Unions themselves aren’t something to be feared. But you have to look at a place and think about, What does the union spend its money on? Do you support it? Does that feel good to you? I think it’s an opportunity. It shouldn’t be seen as the immediate fear.”

“We’re an institute of higher learning, the ivory tower. We’re not working in a factory,” Dr. Campbell says. “Just by that alone, some think, why would you need a union for that? But the truth is, any place where there’s this power dynamic, it’s possible for it to be abused — and unions help defray that problem.”

The Columbia Postdoctoral Workers won their latest contract in 2020, through a lot of Zoom bargaining sessions. A lot of gains were made, including a higher salary minimum. “We’re the highest-paid postdocs in New York City now,” Dr. Campbell says. “We have the longest parental leave.”
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Angelica Campos, 27, has been a home care worker in Indiana for the past six years, and she’s unionized. As a member of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) — one of the largest unions in the U.S. — she’s a vocal advocate of the benefits and protections that being unionized provides.

Campos took her first home care job while she was trying to save money for college, where she intended to get an education degree with the hopes of becoming a preschool teacher. But, she says, “I found that I got everything that I was wanting in home care.”

Home care work isn’t the kind of job that allows you to remain emotionally, mentally detached. “You are taking on a client, someone who’s relying on you,” Campos says. “They tell you not to get too close, but you can’t help it. They do eventually become a part of your family. You’re responsible for an entire life.”

“Honestly, it’s a beyond stressful job, and it’s not easy — you just take it one day at a time and try to breathe as much as you can,” she adds.

For Campos, one major benefit of the union is that it gives her a place to unload some of this emotional burden. “It gives you an outlet where you can talk about these things, because we’re not legally allowed to be discussing everything that happens. We have to be protecting our clients at all costs.” If she weren’t in a union, she’d only have coworkers or managers to lean on, and, she notes, “I learned the hard way that I couldn’t rely on my coworker and my manager.”

She first saw the benefits of her union after she faced disciplinary action at work. Due to an injury, Campos was prohibited from working nights for a period of time. “But the company begged me to come back,” she says. Campos checked to make sure everyone at work would be okay with her working night shifts, then relented. But when she did, she was punished for working — despite being pressured by management to do so.

“[Management] told me, you can either quit or, if you call the union, we will have to throw you in jail. My manager literally told me that. And that fueled me. How can you throw me in jail for something that you told me to do?” she says.

“I felt so betrayed by everyone. I’ve never felt so alone,” Campos continues. “That’s when I looked through my papers and found my packet from the union. I was like, Oh, I have a union. I called and told them everything,” she says. “I remember my union rep said, ‘What were you thinking in believing that these people were your friends?’ He’s a very honest man, I’ve got to give him props. He will tell you when you’ve messed up.”

“[My union] got me my job back,” she says. “From that point, I promised myself that I wouldn’t let anyone else go through what I went through. I was fortunate,” Campos adds. “At the time, I still had my other restaurant job, [and] I was still living at home with my parents, so I could go an entire month without a salary. But I can’t imagine that situation for a mother, or someone living on their own.”

Campos is now a leader within her union. “I’ve truly never felt so strong in my life,” she says. “In the past five years, I’ve been able to be a part of bargaining committees, and my pay has gone up almost $5 an hour since I’ve been a part of this. We were able to sit on the bargaining table and won COVID relief pay, PPE gear.”

The union has also opened the door for her to get involved in broader labor advocacy. “I’ve been involved in every possible thing that the union could possibly get their hands on,” says Campos. “I joined the Women’s March; I went to D.C. to be trained on how to properly speak out and be a better leader; just recently, we went to D.C. to try to get the Build Back Better plan passed. Seeing all these changes, all of this impact that we’re able to make honestly makes me feel like I’m a part of something so much bigger.”

For anyone who feels uncertain about how a union could benefit them, Campos’ advice is this: “Don’t wait until it’s too late. Don’t wait until you’re in a situation that you can’t get out of yourself,” she says. “The union is there to honestly help you, to build you up, to teach you how to succeed in your job. You have that foundation of help and support, where people truly understand that we all deserve to make a living wage and live our lives without being mistreated at work. You have that place to go to when you think you have no one to go to. How can you pass up that security?”

“I’ve been offered jobs at other companies where they’re paying more, even management positions — but how can I give up my union?” she asks.

*Names have been changed to protect identity


Can microdosing psychedelics boost mental health? Here’s what the evidence suggests.

Meryl Davids Landau - Yesterday 
National Geographic

When Jaclyn Downs, a 43-year-old nutritionist in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, stumbled upon the concept of microdosing psilocybin, or taking a tiny amount of a psychedelic for a subtle effect, she immediately recalled an incident in college where friends made tea with “magic mushrooms,” which contain the drug. Downs had only one sip, but she spent the rest of the night feeling grounded, peaceful, and present. Looking back, she realized what she had experienced was a microdose.

Three years ago Downs began microdosing to prepare for certain situations, such as when she had to stay later at a social event than she might want to. The drug soothed her angst and made her a better conversationalist, she says. Six months ago, she began a more structured routine, taking a tincture of microdose psilocybin every three days. It has made her calmer and more accepting, she says, especially when her six- and nine-year-old daughters argue with one another or push back on her requests. “Before I was more reactive—getting angry or irritated—but now I respond more evenly,” Downs says. “The general atmosphere of our home is more positive.”


© Provided by National Geographic
Diana Bui, Wendell Phipps, and Carlyn Hope Davis went hiking in the Pacific Palisades after microdosing and then chose to roller skate at their favorite location on Venice Beach.

In recent years, psychedelic drugs have evolved from a taboo topic to one gaining acceptance in mainstream quarters of society. Psychedelics are even heading for general medical approval, having been designated as a “breakthrough therapy” by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration.

But many who are intrigued by the promise of psychedelics—a category that includes psilocybin, lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD), ayahuasca, mescaline, and other substances that alter consciousness—are eager to reap the benefits without having to take a dose strong enough to provoke an hours-long journey down the rabbit hole. A growing number are turning to microdosing, regularly ingesting five to 10 percent of the mind-bending amount in a quest to enhance well-being, improve work, or diminish depression and other psychological demons without triggering the drug’s full effects.


© Provided by National Geographic
Many people who microdose consume foods or teas containing psychedelic drugs, which can trigger warm emotions and pleasure. Here a baker spritzes cookies with a microdose of a psychedelic brew including MDMA—also known as ecstasy or Molly—as well as LSD and 2C-B, a synthetic drug first synthesized in the 1970s.

But experts say there is little scientific evidence so far to support this approach.

“As far as we know, there are not many risks associated with microdosing. But it’s not at all clear, aside from user testimonials, that there are benefits,” says John Krystal, chair of psychiatry at the Yale School of Medicine, who has closely followed the field.

A key reason is that microdosing, as it is done in real life, is challenging to study. Users generally consume a dose for one or two mornings, skip the next one or two, and repeat this regimen for months or years. Because psychedelics are illegal, U.S. law prohibits researchers from giving them to people to take on this schedule at home. But providing the drug and overseeing users day after day in a laboratory isn’t practical, says Albert Garcia-Romeu, a researcher at the Center for Psychedelic and Consciousness Research at Johns Hopkins Bayview Medical Center in Baltimore.

That presents a problem for both the scientists and the microdosers. When active users respond to surveys about their experiences for observational research, the scientists can’t be sure each person is taking the same amount. After all, there aren’t standardized products a person can pick up at the local pharmacy. It’ s especially challenging for someone to determine an exact psilocybin microdose from a batch of dried mushrooms or a lick of an LSD tab, says Jerome Sarris, executive director of the Psychae Institute in Melbourne, Australia.

A growing phenomenon


© Provided by National Geographic
Alli Schaper is cofounder and CEO of Supermush, which sells various mouth sprays made from non-psychedelic mushrooms called cordyceps. Here, Schaper chills out at her home in Marina Del Rey, Los Angeles, after taking a microdose of psilocybin.

No one knows how many people in the U.S. currently microdose, although its popularity seems to be growing. An analysis in 2018 of a Reddit discussion group devoted to microdosing recorded 27,000 subscribers; in early 2022, the group had 183,000. At a recent business conference focusing on psychedelic drugs in Miami, when audience members were asked how many currently microdose, hundreds of hands went up.

“When it first became popular about a decade ago, microdosing was hush hush, with tech entrepreneurs and businesspeople the primary users,” says Steven Holdt, the 24-year-old founder of Tune In Psychedelics, an app that lets microdosers track their dosing schedules and record drug effects for their own information. In the past few years, a broad range of people have jumped on board, Holdt says, thanks to podcasts on the topic, articles in mainstream newspapers, and writer Ayelet Waldman’s popular book, A Really Good Day, which chronicled how microdosing LSD lifted her intractable depression.


© Provided by National GeographicT
he Hillbilly is one of the most common varieties of magic mushroom. The psychedelic pan-tropical giant grows wild in states lining the Gulf Coast, and is found in Central and South America, the Caribbean, and Southeast Asia. This one was grown in the Hollywood Hills of Los Angeles.

Erica Zelfand, a naturopathic physician in Portland, Oregon, says dozens of her patients currently microdose, mostly in a bid to improve their depression or attention deficit disorder. Zelfand supports their efforts but makes it clear they are lab rats in a grand experiment. “I let them know that we don’t have the research yet. And we especially don’t know the long-term risks,” she says. To help build a body of knowledge, she encourages patients to report their experiences on crowdsourced research sites like microdose.me or microdosingsurvey.com.


© Provided by National Geographic
After microdosing and taking a walk in the nearby hills, Colin Benward sits at his altar to meditate at his home in Topanga Canyon, Los Angeles.

High versus low doses


© Provided by National Geographic
An earthy platter showcases the many shapes of the Hillbilly mushroom. The psychedelic effects of these fungi can kick in as quickly as 15 to 30 minutes after a microdose, peak in 60 to 90 minutes, and mostly disappear after about six hours.

None of the current studies on microdosing reach standards that enable scientists to draw firm conclusions. But results from recent studies using a single high-dose psychedelic have illuminated the mental-health potential of these long-shunned drugs. One potent dose of synthetic psilocybin along with psychological support improved treatment-resistant depression, according to unpublished results from a randomized study of more than 200 people released in November by the company Compass Pathways, whose proprietary formulation is one of the F.D.A. breakthrough-therapy designees. And in May 2021 scientists reported in the journal Nature that a high dose of MDMA (aka Molly or Ecstasy, which is not a classic psychedelic but produces a similar effect) greatly diminished severe post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

The doctor-patient relationship is all about trust, and for good reason: your life, health, and wellbeing are literally in their hands. Experts say that a key part of building that trust lies in open communication, yet there's one conversation doctors and patients are evidently failing to have. A 2013 Harvard study has found that many doctors may be misinterpreting your wishes and acting against your best interest when it comes to prescriptions. A quick conversation to set the record straight could have a major impact—not only on your health, but on your finances, too. Read on to find out which prescription you should never let your doctor write, and how to fix the problem if they already have.

But these results can’t be generalized to microdoses, says Matthew Johnson, acting director of the Johns Hopkins Center, which has conducted numerous studies on high-dose psychedelics.

A review of psychedelic research that Sarris published in January 2022 underscored problems facing studies that seek to discover both micro- or high-dose effects of a psychedelic drug: few large randomized trials have been done in humans.

Studies of medications in people typically begin with what is known as a phase one clinical trial, designed to determine levels of safety and tolerability in a small number of people. Such a study has not yet been undertaken for microdosing, although the drug manufacturer Diamond Therapeutics announced in November that it is about to embark on such a trial, minutely escalating the quantity of psilocybin until the ideal microdose, one that causes positive effects with the fewest negative ones, is found.

A handful of laboratory studies that included a small number of healthy people have sought to uncover the effects of microdosing after taking one or a few doses. A 2020 review published in Therapeutic Advances in Psychopharmacology counted 14 of these small experimental studies, with most finding that microdosing LSD or psilocybin yields subtle positive changes to emotions and to thought processes involved in problem-solving. The reviewers noted that some users did feel anxious or overly euphoric. Since all studies were done in healthy individuals it isn’t known whether microdosing might consistently benefit people with mental-health concerns.

One European study of 30 people, published in April 2021, found that people who microdosed psychedelics for several weeks were more in awe when viewing videos and artworks than during the weeks they took a placebo. But the study was flawed because many people were able to figure out what they were taking based on side effects like increased sweating so the researchers were unable to separate people’s actual experiences from their expectations.
Placebo effect?

Larger studies have primarily asked current users about their experiences. One tapped more than a thousand microdosers who reported increased energy, better work results, and more positive moods. Another compared 4,000 microdosers to a similar group of nonusers and found that among people with prior mental-health issues, those who microdosed reported having lower levels of anxiety and depression.

But in addition to the issue of users taking non-standardized doses, participants were all microdosing before the studies began, so they may have been biased. “We have to be cautious about not overinterpreting the encouraging retrospective reports that have appeared in the literature,” Yale’s Krystal says. “The concern about first-person experiences is that there is often tremendous potential for placebo effects to color the interpretation.”

In fact, the best study of microdosing to date shows just this effect. This was a “citizen science initiative” involving some 200 LSD and psilocybin microdosers. Some of the participants were chosen at random by scientists at Imperial College London to swap their drugs for placebos, with neither group knowing for sure which they were getting. After a month everyone was surveyed about their well-being, life satisfaction, cognition, and other factors. Psychological outcomes improved significantly for people taking the psychedelics—but they also did for those downing the placebos.

This was a clever way to study a large number of microdosers in the current regulatory environment, says Garcia-Romeu, who helped to evaluate the research for the journal eLife. The fact that so many placebo-takers reported benefits “calls into question the whole phenomenon of microdosing,” he says.

Nonetheless, imaging studies do make clear that something is happening.

In one, 20 healthy people were scanned with an fMRI several hours after taking a microdose of LSD or a placebo. The amygdala, considered the emotion center of the brain, changed how it interacted with other brain regions in the microdosers, indicating the potential to better regulate negative emotions, says study coauthor Katrin Preller, a neuropsychologist at the University of Zurich. In fact, those whose brains experienced the improved connectivity also subjectively reported feeling more upbeat, Preller says. Another study used electroencephalography (EEG) to measure brain activity in 22 LSD microdosers and documented more activity in the brain than usually occurs during rest, something also seen with high-dose psychedelics.
The effects of microdosing

Despite the paucity of research, people are turning to microdoses for a variety of reasons. Holdt says microdosing psilocybin helps him have fun around other people. He suffers from social anxiety, so without the drugs his mind constantly ruminates about all the things he might say or do. “Microdosing helps me stop that inner monologue so I can be more comfortable and present,” he says. He has had the same effect using high-dose psychedelics, which he first experienced in high school, but says the subtler effects of microdosing make it easier to incorporate into everyday life. “You don’t need to take a day off work or have someone watching you [to make sure a trip doesn’t turn ugly],” he says.

Many microdosers find it helps them with work. Dusty, a 40-year-old audio engineer in Philadelphia (who asked that only his nickname be used), says the tiny bit of LSD he takes once each week boosts his productivity, desire to collaborate, and creativity on the job. For example, when setting up sound systems for live concerts, “there are a million little problems that you need to solve every day, and there’s not always a good road map,” he says. On days he microdoses, he’s noticed he has “a little extra excitement to solve a problem that leads to long-term solutions, rather than just making it work for now.”

Others microdose to self-treat mental-health conditions. Karen Gilbert, a 69-year-old retired nurse in Lopez Island, Washington, is hoping microdosing psilocybin, which she started in November, might help with the depression she has suffered for more than two decades. One of Zelfand’s patients, Gilbert says she noticed a difference almost immediately. “For the first time in a long time I am excited about the projects I want to do, which are feeling like opportunities rather than obligations,” she says.

Zelfand herself tried microdosing a few times but didn’t enjoy the effects. “I don’t feel well when I do it. It seems to make me a little edgy,” she says.

Some of Zelfand’s patients have had similar unwanted experiences. People with general anxiety disorders and, especially, bipolar disorder should probably avoid microdosing because it can lead to agitation or mania, she says.

Experts also worry that microdosing on a regular basis for a long period of time could theoretically weaken heart valves, like the damage caused by the diet drugs phentermine and fenfluramine (Phen/Fen) in the 1990s. Both Phen/Fen and psychedelics act on one of the body’s serotonin receptors, known as 5-HT2B, Johns Hopkins’ Garcia-Romeu says.

Even if microdosing proves to be safe and effective, some experts fear widespread recreational use could render it useless later in life if it turns out to be valuable for important mental-health purposes but people are tolerant to it after frequent use. “If we introduce more of these types of substances, that might undercut their therapeutic efficacy when we really need them for medicine, such as for end-of-life distress,” says Conor Murray, a neuroscientist at UCLA who conducted the EEG research.

And while they don’t trigger the same wild thoughts and images as taking high doses of these drugs do, some microdosers have reported some impairment, Johnson says. “If this turns out to be the case, it may be hard to drive, take care of your toddler, or make important decisions at work.”

Plus, of course, psychedelics are illegal, which means there’s no quality control on supply. What’s more, “people have lost their jobs because they’re microdosing, and they can and do get incarcerated,” Garcia-Romeu says.

But even those who are concerned about the growing use of psychedelics say microdosing may eventually prove beneficial for some people. Johnson from Johns Hopkins thinks depression might be relieved by microdosing—although he’s much more jazzed about the prospect that a person could get more relief after one or two high-dose sessions, something his research is bearing out.

Krystal believes until more is known about microdosing, people should hold off. “Right now, it should only be done in the context of experimental research,” he says. “There, protections can be in place, and the data generated will inform our understanding about these doses and drugs.”

Additional microdosing studies could also yield insights about our brains. For example, experts don’t fully understand the role of another serotonin receptor activated by psychedelics, 5-HT2A, Johnson says. “We have a whole lot to learn about [this receptor]. Is it involved with naturally occurring mystical experiences like near death experiences, even alien abduction encounters?” he wonders. “How can we use microdosing research to understand more about the nature of the human mind?”
Cities in British Columbia prepare for trucker convoy protests

VICTORIA — British Columbia's public safety minister says Victoria residents should plan for a potential truck convoy protest against COVID-19 measures this weekend at the legislature as the government works with police to prepare for possible disruptions in the area

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© Provided by The Canadian Press

The expected protest comes as residents in downtown Ottawa endure blaring truck horns and blocked streets in a situation the city's police chief called an "increasingly dangerous demonstration" on Friday.

In B.C., Public Safety Minister Mike Farnworth says in a statement the government supports the public's right to engage in peaceful protest and lawful assembly.

While the police will respect lawful protests, he says "they will also consider all the tools and options available to them to protect people, preserve public safety and investigate unlawful conduct."

Farnworth says it's "unfair" for one group to disrupt the lives of others, as has been seen in Ottawa and other cities.

Earlier, Premier John Horgan said while he hears the "voices of disappointment," he also wants those people to respect the rights and liberties of others.

"When your desire to have your voice heard starts to interfere with the lives of other people, that's when lines are drawn," Horgan said after a meeting of the Council of the Federation.

In a statement, Victoria Mayor Lisa Helps said the city expects protests, but emails from residents and businesses after protests last weekend show that some protesters "went beyond the right to peacefully gather and infringed on the well-being and safety of others."

Reports included the egging of homes that had signs supporting health-care workers, people using anti-Semitic and racist language, and people violating health orders by entering businesses without masks, Helps said.

"This kind of behaviour is unacceptable. My request is that this weekend’s protests respect the values of our city and do not promote hate or put our already struggling and much-loved local businesses at further risk," she said.

Vancouver Mayor Kennedy Stewart noted that the proposed route of protesters heading for Vancouver this weekend passes three health-care facilities.

"As the mayor of a city with an over 95 per cent vaccination rate, my message to the convoy is this: Vancouver doesn’t want you here. Make your point and then go home," Stewart said on Twitter.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Feb. 4, 2022.

The Canadian Press
How the truckers' convoy might show where the Conservative party is headed next


OTTAWA — A convoy of protesters against COVID-19 restrictions that has settled into downtown Ottawa has provided a test for the Conservative party as it rolls into a leadership race.

© Provided by The Canadian Press

"I spent the week undergoing the siege of Ottawa," Quebec Tory MP Pierre Paul-Hus said Friday on Twitter.

"If the motivation of truckers could be understood, the current situation is quite different," he added. "I ask that we clear the streets and that we stop this occupation controlled by radicals and anarchist groups."

Ontario Conservative MP Dean Allison replied that while he respects his colleague, he strongly disagrees.

Ginny Roth, a vice-president at the public relations firm Crestview Strategy and conservative activist, sees the protest as an expression of the populist sentiment that the Conservatives must contend with as they seek a new direction after the abrupt ouster of Erin O'Toole as leader.

"I don't think that the question is whether we should be more right-wing or left-wing," she said.

"It's how do we try to listen to people who feel completely like their lives have been turned upside down these last couple of years and who aren't sure what their role is in society."

O'Toole didn't mention the truck convoy when he issued a statement late Monday after news broke that he was facing an imminent threat to his job. But he did say the party was at a crossroads and that one direction to take would be "angry, negative and extreme," instead of what he described as a "winning message," "one of inclusion, optimism, ideas and hope."

Candice Bergen, the party's new interim leader, now faces the challenge of addressing the truckloads of protesters that are refusing to leave Parliament Hill and have been honking their horns and blocking street access for a week.

The protest has shuttered businesses and subjected residents to downtown streets gridlocked by idling trucks, blaring air horns and harassment. Nazi symbols and Confederate flags have been spotted in the crowds and monuments were desecrated. Ottawa Mayor Jim Watson has joined city councillors and others in referring to the protest as an "occupation" of the capital city.

Many Conservatives, including Bergen, have thrown their full support behind the protesters and their cause, which include demanding an end to all COVID-19 vaccine mandates.

Chris Alexander, a cabinet minister in former prime minister Stephen Harper's Conservative government, said recently on Twitter he was ashamed to see the party's MPs calling vaccine mandates a form of tyranny, particularly when Ukraine is under threat from Russia.

In an interview Friday, he said this language makes him concerned for the party's direction.

"I really don't think that vaccine mandates for a bunch of truckers who are obliged to get them by (U.S. President) Joe Biden anyway is a form of tyranny compared to these other threats."

Nunavut Sen. Dennis Patterson left the Conservative caucus on Friday to sit with the Canadian Senators Group. In an interview, he said he has been contemplating the move for awhile but the party's refusal to condemn the protest was the final straw.

"I'm appalled that we're being associated with extremists, lawless extremists who I'm thinking … have taken over from whatever moderates were there initially."

As for the party's direction, he said he's expressed concerns with the current leadership and plans on backing a candidate that will bring it toward the political centre.

"I am going to be fighting, continuing to fight and speak against what seems to have been an increasingly divisive and vitriolic approach."

On Friday, as police were preparing for more trucks and other protesters to descend upon the city, Bergen issued a statement urging a peaceful way out of the impasse.

"To the truck drivers in Ottawa: please remain peaceful. Call out and denounce any acts of hate, racism, intolerance or violence," she said in the statement.

"Canadians and Conservatives have heard you loud and clear. Regardless of political stripe, we all want an end to the demonstrations, and we all want an end to the restrictions."

An email from Monday, obtained by The Canadian Press, showed that Bergen, who was then deputy party leader, told fellow senior Conservative MPs: "I don't think we should be asking them to go home."

She added: "I understand the mood may shift soon. So we need to turn this into the (prime minister's) problem. What will he take (as) the first step to working towards ending this?"

Neither Bergen nor the Opposition Leader's Office has responded to a request for comment about her message. The Canadian Press has not viewed the rest of the email chain.

Pierre Poilievre, the party's high-profile finance critic who is considered a strong potential leadership contender, has fully endorsed the truck convoy. In a recent tweet he said that those on Parliament Hill are "championing freedom over fear."

Leslyn Lewis, the Ontario MP who was heavily backed by the party's social conservative and Western members in the last race, has also pledged support for the protesters.

What direction leadership candidates pitch to party members will be watched closely after O'Toole's approach as leader. When he was vying for the job in the 2020 race, he painted himself as a "true blue" conservative. But as leader, he said he wanted to grow support by putting a more moderate stamp on the Conservative brand, which included his embrace of carbon pricing.

Although there were Conservatives that welcomed O'Toole's introduction of a carbon price, many other MPs and party members, particularly in Western Canada, saw it as a betrayal to the party's stand against the Liberal government's program, which O'Toole had pledged to scrap.

"It's hard to not think that the policy's in some jeopardy," said Michael Bernstein, executive director of Clean Prosperity, a group that advocated for the Tories to embrace a carbon price.

The backlash in caucus and the grassroots grew stronger when O'Toole's strategy did not pay off in the 2021 election. The party failed to bring in more seats in key regions such as the Greater Toronto Area.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Feb. 4, 2022.

— -With files from Emma Tranter in Iqaluit

Stephanie Taylor, The Canadian Press
US backs rare flower habitat amid Nevada lithium mine fight

RENO, Nev. (AP) — The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service has proposed designating critical habitat for a Nevada wildflower it plans to list as endangered amid a conflict over a mine to produce lithium batteries for electric vehicles critical to the Biden administration's plans to combat climate change.
© Provided by The Canadian Press

The agency on Wednesday proposed designating critical habitat for Tiehm's buckwheat on a high-desert ridge near the California line halfway between Reno and Las Vegas.

It's the only place in the world the delicate, 6-inch-tall (15-centimeter) wildflower with yellow blooms is known to exist.

It's also the site where Ioneer USA Corp. plans to build a big lithium mine.

Ioneer said the proposed designation was “an anticipated development” that “has no material impacts on our planned mining activities.”

The Australian-based company noted that mining is allowed within areas designated as critical habitat if approved by the Fish and Wildlife Service and the Bureau of Land Management.

“Ioneer has already taken this into account with its planning and proposed operations and continues to work closely with both agencies to ensure its proposed activities will not jeopardize the conservation of the species,” the company said in a statement Wednesday.

The Fish and Wildlife Service said in its formal notice of the proposed designation that “this unit is essential to the conservation and recovery of Tiehm’s buckwheat because it supports all of the habitat that is occupied by Tiehm’s buckwheat across the species’ range.”

Conservationists who sued to protect the wildflower praised the move.

“This proposed critical habitat rule sends a clear message: protecting the native range of Tiehm’s buckwheat is the only way to prevent its extinction,” said Naomi Fraga, the conservation director of the California Botanic Garden, a group that joined the Center for Biological Diversity's 2019 petition to list the plant as endangered.

Demand for lithium worldwide is expected to double by 2025. Most of it currently comes from Australia and South America. Boosting domestic production could potentially lower the price tag on a key component of President Joe Biden’s $2 trillion climate plan: offering rebates to consumers to trade in gas-powered for electric cars.

Ioneer says its mine is expected to produce 22,000 tons (19,958 metric tons) of lithium — enough to power hundreds of thousands of electric vehicles annually. But the endangered species listing process has contributed to delays in its original plans to obtain all necessary permits and begin initial construction of the $785 million project before the end of last year.

Unless the Fish and Wildlife Service reverses course because of new information, the plant will be declared endangered in September based on a court order and the agency's final listing rule in October 2021 that concluded that the wildflower may already be on the brink of extinction.

That listing triggers certain regulatory obligations, such as consulting with the service before any development or other activity that could harm the plant.

The critical habitat designation also identifies specific habitat that “may require special management and protection” — in this case "to address mineral development, road development and (off-highway vehicle) activity, livestock grazing, nonnative invasive plants species and herbivory,” the agency said.

Tiehm's buckwheat grows on about 10 acres (4 hectares) — an area about the size of 130 football fields — at Rhyolite Ridge in the Silver Peak range west of the small community of Tonopah, about 200 miles (322 km) from Reno. Fewer than 30,000 are believed to exist.

The 910 acres (368 hectares) proposed for habitat designation — about half a square mile (1.3 square kilometers) — would provide about a 1,650-foot (503-meter) buffer around the plants to ensure access to bees and other pollinators.

Conservationists have argued for a buffer three times larger, while Ioneer suggested less than a tenth of the size proposed by the agency would be sufficient.

The company has said its project has a conservation strategy that includes transplanting some flowers and growing new ones with seeds it gathered as part of an experiment in greenhouses at the University of Nevada, Reno.

Conservationists said the proposed designation reaffirms their contention that won't work, or at least pass legal muster.

“Ioneer’s plans to destroy much of the plant’s habitat and establish it somewhere else are highly unlikely to comport with a critical habitat designation, since the rule recognizes that these areas are essential for the species,” said Patrick Donnelly, the Center for Biological Diversity’s Nevada director.

The Fish and Wildlife Service said Ioneer's conservation strategy remains “in the early stages.”

It said Ioneer plans to avoid and fence off half of the eight separate places within the 10-acre (4-hectare) site where the flowers grow and “remove and salvage all remaining plants ... and translocate them to another location.”

But the agency said soil studies and results of greenhouse experiments show there’s a “unique envelope of soil conditions in which Tiehm’s buckwheat thrives that is different from adjacent unoccupied soils.”

“The areas outside the occupied area do not support these physical and biological features and we are not confident that they would support populations of Tiehm’s buckwheat," the agency said.

U.S. Interior Secretary Deb Haaland has the authority to exclude the area from a critical habitat designation if she determines such exclusion would outweigh the benefits, “unless we determine ... failure to designate such area will result in the extinction of the species,” the agency said.

Scott Sonner, The Associated Press

The Analytical Angle: Need for youth-centred sustainable economic and social growth in Pakistan

With the majority of Pakistan's population under 30, we must create right conditions for them to succeed in future labour markets.
Updated 25 Jan, 2022 

As we move into another year of a Covid-affected global economy with extreme local consequences in the form of rising inflation and low growth, it is pertinent to consider what the opportunities look like for Pakistan’s young population in the years ahead.

Have the structural imperatives changed appreciably for us to expect a high-growth future and allow us to benefit from the elusive demographic dividend?

First, let’s consider how our population structure and movement trends look like at the moment.

According to the 2017 census, 64 per cent of the population is younger than 30, and 29pc of the population is between the ages of 15 and 29. Out of those younger than 30, a full 90 million people or 65pc live in rural areas.

Furthermore, according to Pakistan Social And Living Standards Measurement (PSLM), rural to urban migration is showing a downward trend in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (37.6pc to 30.7pc) and Balochistan (14pc to 1.9pc), and an upward trend in Punjab (14pc to 14.2pc), while migration levels remain the same in Sindh (at 6.4pc) during the period 2017-2018 as compared with the period 2018-2019. Therefore, one can conclude that our “youth bulge” is mostly located in rural areas and will remain increasingly so in the years to come.

The question that then arises is: are we creating the right conditions for the youth to succeed in labour markets of the future? The answer is unfortunately not particularly promising.

Despite having 187 million cellular subscribers, 3G/4G and broadband penetration remains below 50% and remains concentrated mainly in the urban areas. According to outlets such as the Economist, Covid has moved us into a “hybrid” future of work where opportunities are becoming more democratised and accessible from anywhere in the world. Yet this world of opportunities remains largely inaccessible to our youth which are now increasingly choosing to stay put in rural areas.

It is also important to consider whether the domestic market is providing our youth opportunities to succeed. Many of us believe in the power of education as a ticket to opportunity. However, according to the Labour Force Survey 2018-2019, the labour market outcomes of even our domestic graduates do not paint a pretty picture.

Infographic courtesy: Durre Nayab on Twitter


Policy implications

Policymaking has tried to keep pace with the challenges. Pakistan has launched the National Freelancing Facilitation Policy with an overall focus on increasing IT exports which are expected to reach $3.5 billion by 2022. The idea has been to exploit our favourable cost structure, due to our abundant labour, and export the surplus abroad. This requires either the youth to move to cities en-masse or the government to help provide the right conditions for youth to find employment where they reside, which is primarily in the rural areas.

While migration to large cities can be a force for good, this cannot be a sustainable long-term strategy. Those who move face a loss of social network and difficulties in finding a job. Further, affordable housing remains elusive with skyrocketing rents which comes with an inability to put down long-term roots.

According to the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT), as of 2017, 40pc of the urban residents in Pakistan reside in slums which is exactly where low-income migrants find themselves after migration. Initiatives such as the Naya Pakistan housing project remain beset by development delays that have traditionally meant a wait of 10-15 years for possession of a housing unit.
Towards inclusive growth

What then can we do to promote inclusive growth that serves our youth?

First, we must recognise that the future of Pakistan is going to be decided by investments that focus outside of the big urban areas. Nasir, Tauheed, and Haider show in their paper that second-tier cities such as Haripur in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, although they have lower GDP than major cities such as Peshawar, are more inclusive and the inhabitants have higher welfare outcomes. Therefore, investments in improving human capital and infrastructure of these second-tier cities will have better returns compared to those made in existing megacities.

Second, we may consider adopting what’s known as the “good-jobs development model” proposed by Professor Dani Rodrik and Professor Stefanie Stantcheva of Harvard University. They argue that conventional standalone welfare state policies on education, training, progressive taxation, and social insurance are inadequate in addressing the challenge of increasing growth while reducing inequality. They propose a “multi-pronged strategy aimed directly at the productive sphere of the economy and targeting an increase in the supply of ‘good jobs’ —jobs that provide a middle-class living standard, a sufficiently high wage, good benefits, reasonable levels of personal autonomy, adequate economic security, and career ladders.”

The figure below illustrates the argument.


The "good-jobs" model

What then does the application of the “good-jobs development model” look like in Pakistan’s case? This involves a specific approach to labour market policies and innovation policies.

First, a focus on active sectoral labour market policies is important. These are programmes that aim to increase the beneficiaries’ prospect of finding employment or increasing earnings. These sectoral programmes take into account the needs of local employers and include them as key stakeholders in policy design. These should be targeted towards employers and industries that have the highest growth potential in a given area. For job seekers, they provide an array of services that facilitate better matching with local employers.

These services can be differentiated based on the potential productivity of the employees. If the employee is considered middle-to-high productivity, soft-skills training and credentialing will help create a better match with the employers. This approach takes both the employer and employee as clients and facilitates better outcomes using partnerships with educational institutions and trade bodies.

Policymaking seems to be oriented in this direction already in export-oriented industries such as IT with the planning of industry-readiness bootcamps in the pipeline. Based on previous track record, these interventions would have to be executed extremely well in combination with other support (credentialing, training, soft-skills training) to make a dent.

For low-productivity employees, this should ideally include investments in education and health in the “pre-production” phase.

According to a study on human capital formation, while average years of education in Pakistan increased from 5 years to 9 years between 1990 and 2016, effective health status remained largely constant from 43 to 45, with 100 representing perfect health.

Possible remedies include targeted interventions for disadvantaged households and lagging populations. This may take the form of local seasonal migration that helps reallocate labour to areas in need from areas where unemployment is high and prospects are poor.

An example of this is the Bangladeshi programme which included the provision of an $8 cash grant or loan to mitigate the cost of moving, as well as provision of information about (and endorsement of) migration. It was found that seasonal out-migration had large benefits in terms of consumption and caloric intake for seasonal drought-prone households.

This kind of targeted migration incentivisation and information provision will help move human resources to cities with best income growth prospects. In addition to opening up newer internal migration pathways, this could augment existing temporary flows from southern Punjab and the mountainous areas in KP to agricultural lands in central Punjab.

The second integral part is a focus on innovation policies that incentivise labour-friendly technologies. Despite all the hype around IT services or freelancing opportunities, they cannot absorb the huge numbers of Pakistani youth that are entering the labour force every year. Employment-friendly technologies — those that augment rather than replace labour — are a much better solution in Pakistan’s context.

The gap between skills and technology can be closed in one of two ways: either by increasing education to match the demands of new technologies, or by redirecting innovation to match the skills of the current and prospective labour force. The latter is a strategy that gets limited attention in policy discussions, however is worth taking more seriously. It may be possible to direct technology to better serve the existing workforce’s needs, in addition to preparing the workforce to match the requirements of technology.

In conclusion, all is not lost — the demographic dividend remains there for Pakistan to take advantage of and rejuvenate the sputtering economy.

However, in addition to investments in education, health and human capital of its youth, there remains a huge role that needs to be played by policy to promote inclusive and sustainable growth, with a geographic focus on places where young Pakistanis are choosing to build their lives. Policymakers must contend with the concurrent challenges of rising youth unemployment and stasis in the formal sector through active sectoral labour market and innovation policies that incentivise labour friendly technologies.

The Analytical Angle is a monthly column where top researchers bring rigorous evidence to policy debates in Pakistan. The series is a collaboration between the Centre for Economic Research in Pakistan and Dawn.com. The views expressed are the authors’ alone.



Ahwaz Akhtar is a Senior Associate at CERP Analytics. He holds a Master’s in Economics and a Bachelors in Foreign Service, International Economics from Georgetown University. His interests include public health, education, and using large-scale analytics for improving service delivery.

Imran Zia heads CERP Analytics as the Executive Vice President Business Development. His expertise is product strategy, new product development and management, supply chain optimization, data-driven evidence-based decision making and rule and machine learning-based systems. He holds an MBA from the University of Chicago and a Master's in Electrical Engineering from Cornell University.
Should we care about what Transparency International has to say on corruption in Pakistan?
While the findings must be viewed cautiously, a decline in the index is bad for a country that is seeking foreign investments.
Updated about 24 hours ago

Every year before coming into power, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) had a field day with the Transparency International's (TI) annual report on corruption perceptions in Pakistan. The party's leaders used it as vindication of their stance that corruption was rampant in the country and that the PTI alone could rid the nation of this menace.

Now that the tables have turned and Prime Minister Imran Khan finds himself on the other side of the proverbial aisle, his coterie of advisers and spokespersons will have you believe that the TI is "biased" and its report is essentially flawed.

So what is the truth? And why is it important to understand it?

For those who have been living under a rock, the Transparency International’s 2021 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) revealed that despite all the brouhaha around PTI’s anti-corruption and accountability agenda, the situation is grim.



According to the latest data, Pakistan has fallen by 16 spots, ranking 140 out of 180 countries in the index. The country’s score has declined to 28 in 2021, compared to 31 in 2020, representing a decline of 9.7 per cent. On surface value, the decline shows that all is not well when it comes to the fight against corruption, but a deeper assessment is still necessary before drawing any conclusions.

What is the Corruption Perceptions Index?


The Corruption Perceptions Index or CPI, according to Transparency International, “measures how corrupt each country’s public sector is perceived to be, according to experts and businesspeople.

This means that the score and rankings are based on the opinions of a narrow, but relatively influential and well-heeled segment of society. The public sector corruption measured by the CPI includes “bribery, diversion of public funds, nepotistic appointments in the civil service, and state capture by narrow vested interests”, among others.

Transparency International agrees that corruption is “very difficult to measure” which is why it relies on “carefully designed and calibrated questionnaires, answered by experts and businesspeople” to develop the index.

What all the above means is that just coming up with a number to rank a diverse group of countries is a very difficult task. Therefore, we must use the CPI cautiously as a data point to argue whether corruption has increased in society.
Is perception really important?

Having said that, it is important to recognise that a sustained decline in corruption perceptions is bad for a country, especially one seeking foreign direct investment. As someone who has worked with foreign investors seeking to deploy capital abroad, I am quite familiar with the way a country is ranked among a peer group before a decision is made to conduct a deep dive into the political economies of a shortlist.

The initial task of conducting this exercise falls to a small team of analysts, mostly below 30 years of age. These analysts collect data such as the World Bank Ease of Doing Business rankings (before it was scrapped by the World Bank), the World Economic Forum’s Competitiveness Index, the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Country Risk Ratings, and Transparency International’s CPI. All this data is tabulated in an Excel file and relative weights are given to each measure based on the type of investment being considered.

For example, a major infrastructure project with high government involvement and debt financing will command higher weightage to country risk ratings and corruption perceptions, while a funding round for a technology startup will focus more on indices measuring digital connectivity and internet access.

Based on this tabulation, a shortlist of countries is prepared for deeper assessment to determine political risk, financial risk, execution risk, etc. As this process is conducted, investment teams project the risk premium in a financial model and develop high-level budgets for things like compliance monitoring, legal support, etc. These budgets are determined based on initial conversations with in-country experts as well as a country’s trajectory in rankings and scores across a whole host of indices, including the CPI.

What this means is that a country like Pakistan, which is experiencing a declining score in the CPI and witnessing economic and political instability (as evidenced by rising inflation, debt, and extremist violence), will find it difficult to make it to the shortlist. And even if it does, the risk premium in the financial models being developed to seek the investment committee’s approval will be high. This would then make the overall project costlier compared to other countries with a lower risk profile, meaning that the investment committee would likely decide against choosing Pakistan.

It is for this reason that improving rankings in indices such as the CPI is vital. Without doing so, the risk premium on a country like Pakistan will remain above the tolerance levels of a significant portion of international investors looking at Pakistan and other peer economies.

Victims of rhetoric


Another reason why the declining score in the CPI ought to concern Pakistanis is because the ruling party’s rhetoric about corruption has not translated into an improvement in perceptions among a narrow segment of society. As detailed CPI data shows, Pakistan’s score has declined significantly in four of the eight measures that make up the CPI:
Bertelsmann Foundation Transformation Index = -16 per cent
Economist Intelligence Unit Country Rankings = -46 per cent
Global Insights Country Risk Ratings = 0 per cent
PRS International Country Risk Guide = 0 per cent
Varieties of Democracy Project = -26 per cent
World Bank CPIA = 0 per cent
World Economic Forum EOS = -0.05 per cent
World Justice Rule of Law Index = -18 per cent

Finally, there is the baggage of the ruling PTI’s own rhetoric, where senior leaders including Prime Minister Imran Khan used to chide the opposition about corruption using CPI data. Now that they are in power, the party’s leaders and social media teams are spinning a different narrative.



Despite the political rhetoric on either side of the aisle, it is important to remember that the CPI is at best a flawed indicator of corruption in any society. The index may have some value for some actors, but it does not tell the full story when it comes to corruption in a society. To credibly deal with the corruption challenge, it is important for successive governments to focus on improving the rule of law, promoting transparency, and reducing bureaucratic red tape.

These actions, as I argued in another article, must “be informed by research that highlights why corruption is pervasive, what its transmission mechanisms are and the type of systemic reforms that may succeed in reducing the incentive for people to grease the system.”

Only then, I would argue, can Pakistan develop a more equitable and transparent economy which is attractive to foreign investors.

Header illustration: Ok Sotnikova/ Shutterstock.com



The writer is the director of the Pakistan Initiative at the Atlantic Council’s South Asia Center and host of the podcast Pakistonomy.




Trump plotters, Republican lawmakers met on eve of coup to seek NSA “intelligence” on foreign interference in 2020 election


Jacob Crosse
WSWS.ORG

In a new report, the Washington Post has shed further light on Donald Trump’s wide-ranging scheme to overthrow the 2020 election and establish a presidential dictatorship with the aid of Republican lawmakers and the US military and intelligence apparatus.

Rudy Giuliani, Mike Lindell, and Sidney Powell. 

Exploding all claims that Trump’s failed coup was a spontaneous riot, the Post revealed Thursday that on January 4, 2021, two days prior to the violent siege of the U.S. Capitol, Republican lawmakers gathered at the Trump International Hotel in Washington D.C. for a meeting organized by Trump accomplices and fascist conspiracy theorists. Among the organizers were MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell, former Overstock chief executive Patrick Byrne and Trump lawyer Sidney Powell.

The Post reports that the well-attended meeting included at least three sitting Republican senators. Lindell presented a proposal, based on a December 18, 2020 document titled “Counter-Election Fraud,” for Trump to instruct Acting Secretary of Defense Christopher Miller to impanel a three-person “inquiry” with dictatorial powers to “reverse the fraud” and overturn the election of Joe Biden.

Like the previously reported December 16, 2020 draft executive order, the document alleged, without presenting any evidence, that there was “foreign interference” in the 2020 presidential election. In order to find the nonexistent “evidence,” the document called for the “inquiry” to “be done confidentially and ... completed in several days.” The document would then be declassified, and Trump would be declared the winner.

Unlike the unsigned executive order, which granted power to Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe to deliver a pre-ordained “intelligence assessment” declaring Trump the winner, the newly reported document recommended that three people, handpicked by Trump’s co-conspirators, be granted authority under National Security Presidential Memo 13 to undertake cyber warfare operations in the United States to seize and analyze “NSA (National Security Agency) unprocessed raw signals data.”

The document stated that these “targeted inquires” would “likely identify hard evidence of foreign involvement in DoD data, which will support all other efforts to reverse the fraud.”

In essence, the aim of the proposal was to give Republican lawmakers political cover for voting against certifying the Electoral College vote on January 6. In an interview with the Post on the meeting, Lindell said the idea was to delay congressional certification of the electoral vote—normally a ceremonial formality—to give Trump and his fascistic allies sufficient time to allow Republican-controlled legislatures in swing states to override Biden’s popular vote victory and approve pro-Trump slates of electors.

“We were hoping that the senators would give it 10 more days to give it back to the states,” Lindell told the newspaper.

Last year, Lindell, a multi-millionaire fascist, hosted a “cyber symposium” heavily attended by far-right politicians, where he failed to present any evidence to support Trump’s claims of a “stolen election.”

The memo proposed that “POTUS instruct acting Secretary of Defense Christopher Miller to bring these three, cleared individuals to form a core advisory team to the White House ...”

The three men cited in the memorandum are Frank Colon, Richard Higgins and Michael Del Rosso. Colon and Higgins have extensive military and intelligence experience, while Del Rosso is a failed Republican congressional candidate. North Dakota Senator Kevin Cramer confirmed to the Post that Del Rosso sent his office a copy of the December 18 memo after he attended the meeting with Del Rosso at the Trump International Hotel on January 4.

At the time the memo was written, Colon, according to a personal résumé attached to the memo, was serving as a senior legal counsel to the Army. An Army spokesperson confirmed to the Post that Colon is currently serving as a “civilian legal adviser assigned to a military intelligence brigade headquartered at Fort Meade in Maryland.”

As the Post writes: “Colon’s name first surfaced publicly on January 15, 2021 ... that day, Post photographer Jabin Botsford took a picture of Lindell ... exiting the White House with a coffee cup and a document that mentioned ‘martial law’ and the ‘insurrection act.’ The portions of the document visible in Botsford’s photograph called for Trump loyalist Kash Patel to be installed as acting CIA director and for Colon to be named ‘Acting National Security’ adviser.”

Richard Higgins is a former member of Trump’s National Security Council. He was forced out of the White House in 2017 after he circulated a memo to White House staff claiming that Trump was the target of a “deep state international globalist cabal” of “Islamists” and “cultural Marxists” inside and outside of the US government.

“Globalists and Islamists recognize that for their visions to succeed, America, both as an ideal and as a national and political identity, must be the destroyed,” Higgins wrote.

A frequent guest on the far-right Sean Hannity program, Higgins previously alleged that the Obama government was subservient to the Muslim Brotherhood.

No evidence has been presented in the 15 months since the November 2020 election that China or any other foreign power interfered in the election on behalf of Biden. That has not prevented Trump and his far-right allies from insisting that the “real insurrection” occurred not on January 6, 2021, but on Election Day, November 3, 2020.

Campaigning on the “stolen election” lie, Trump and his allies are inciting fascistic violence on a near-daily basis against their political opponents who, they claim, are under the control of Jews, Black Lives Matter activists, communists, liberal and left-leaning billionaires and the Chinese Communist Party. These forces allegedly conspired to use fake mail-in ballots and Dominion Voting Systems software to manipulate vote totals.

These conspiracies, among others, were advanced in the months following Trump’s defeat by his coup lawyers Rudy Giuliani, Sidney Powell and Jenna Ellis. The lawyers operated out of the Willard Hotel, located in Washington D.C. less than a block from the White House.

While the Willard Hotel served as one nerve center of fascist conspiracy, the Post reports that two days before the attack on the Capitol, North Dakota Senator Cramer, Wyoming Senator Cynthia Lummis and “some two dozen others” were “crammed into a ground-floor hotel conference room” at the Trump International Hotel, located less than a mile from the White House, “to discuss election fraud allegations” and listen to the presentation from Trump’s co-plotters.

Pro-Trump Wisconsin Senator Ron Johnson attended the meeting as well, albeit virtually. Johnson, who recently announced he would be running for re-election, was one of the earliest proponents of the fascist conspiracy theory, first advanced by former Trump speechwriter Darren Beattie, that January 6 was not an insurrection orchestrated by Trump with the support of a majority of the Republican Party, but a “Fedsurrection,” i.e., a sting operation concocted by FBI “deep state” agents to entrap pro-Trump supporters at the Capitol.

The Post noted that the January 4 meeting at the Trump International Hotel was “similar to a briefing held in a congressional office building the next day for members of the House.”

The newspaper also noted that former Trump National Security Adviser Michael Flynn extended an “invitation to at least one senator and his staff, according to a person familiar with the meeting.”
Only Christians need apply? 

Gov. Mike Parson’s ‘Christian values’ statement prompts legal concerns

2022/2/3



JEFFERSON CITY, Mo. — Does the next director of the Missouri Department of Health and Senior Services need to be a Christian?

That is the question after Gov. Mike Parson said in a statement Tuesday that he would only choose someone for the job who shared the “same Christian values” as him.

Parson, a Republican, was blasting conservative hard-liners in the Missouri Senate who had just jettisoned his pick for state health director, Donald Kauerauf, a pro-vaccine and mask public health professional with 35 years of experience.

But in defending his pick, Parson’s statement, which his office also shared on social media, prompted a whole new round of criticism.

“I’m curious Governor, is this a standard you traditionally use?” state Rep. Adam Schwadron, a Republican, asked on Twitter. “Article VI of the US Constitution strictly prohibits a religious test as a qualification to any office or public trust. Considering that, I then must ask the question. Would someone who is Jewish, such as myself, be considered for nomination?”

In his statement, Parson said, “Don is a public health expert that is on record opposing masking requirements and COVID-19 vaccine mandates. He is outspokenly pro-life and morally opposed to abortion. Missourians know that I share these beliefs and would not have nominated someone who does not share the same Christian values.”

Brian Kaylor, the editor of Word&Way, a Jefferson City-based publication founded in 1896 and focused on the Baptist faith and other topics, said in an interview he found the tweet “inappropriate, but also not surprising.”

“It’s a little shocking just to see the governor make such an explicitly sectarian claim about who he would pick for this type of position,” said Kaylor, who is a board member of the St. Louis chapter of the Americans United for Separation of Church and State, according to his online biography.

Kaylor also referenced a news release Parson had sent earlier defending Kauerauf, saying he is “guided by our Missouri principles: Christian values, family values, and love for this nation.”

“He was already kind of framing this as a ‘you all should just vote for my guy because I’m a Christian, he’s a Christian, we’re all Christians,” Kaylor said.

“The only religious reference in the United States Constitution is that there be no religious test for office, Article VI,” Kaylor said. “This is a public office. So it is unconstitutional to suggest that someone should be a Christian to be the director of the state’s DHSS.

“This is a state where this director is going to be serving people of many faiths and no faith,” Kaylor said, “and so I think that’s very concerning that a governor would send a message that only Christians need to apply to this type of position, which not only impacts any applicants, or people who might be chosen, but also sends a message to the rest of the state that maybe you’re a second-class citizen.”



Chuck Hatfield, a Jefferson City attorney who has worked in state government, said Parson’s use of “Christian values” instead of plainly saying he would only hire a Christian could be the state’s saving grace if and when jilted job applicants start filing employment discrimination lawsuits because of the statement.

Religious discrimination in employment is illegal under federal and state law.

“He pulled up just short of saying, I’m not going to hire someone ... who’s not a Christian,” Hatfield said. “But by saying I’m only going to hire people who share ‘my Christian values,’ as opposed to ‘my values,’ I think he does open the state up (to lawsuits) if there are folks out there who, you know, do not share the Christian religion who’ve not been hired for jobs.

“They’ve got a plausible claim that perhaps Missouri discriminates against folks who aren’t Christians,” Hatfield said.

Asked if saying he would hire someone with “Christian values,” instead of saying he would only hire a Christian would save the state from legal liability, Kaylor said he wasn’t a lawyer but thought the message “was pretty clear.”

“Who shares Christian values that’s not a Christian?” Kaylor asked. “If he’s talking about some generic non-sectarian values those aren’t Christian values, right? If he’s talking about being pro-life, well there are non-Christians who are pro-life and there are some Christians who are not pro-life.

“As a minister I would suggest that you really can’t hold Christian values and not be a Christian,” Kaylor said. “The chief of all Christian values from the early church, and for 2,000 years, is that declaration, the foundational declaration, that Jesus is Lord.”

Kelli Jones, a spokeswoman for Parson, did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Thursday regarding the governor’s remarks.

The Madison, Wisconsin-based Freedom From Religion Foundation, which says it “works as an umbrella for those who are free from religion and are committed to the cherished principle of separation of state and church,” on Wednesday called on Parson to delete his tweet.

“The ban on religious tests in the United States Constitution is one of the truly great and original bulwarks for freedom of thought and expression,” Annie Laurie Gaylor and Dan Barker, co-presidents of the foundation, wrote in a letter to Parson dated Wednesday. “Our Constitution is godless, omitting any mention of god or Jesus — a unique contribution of our founders.”

The group also linked to a Pew Research Center article that said according to telephone surveys in 2018 and 2019, the number of American adults who said they were Christians had dropped 12% over the last decade, to 65%.

A March 2021 Pew survey found most U.S. adults support the separation between church and state, but that many Americans supported more Christian influence within public institutions.

The survey found 19% of respondents wanted the federal government to “stop enforcing separation of church and state,” for example.

Kaylor said the episode is "the same type of Christian nationalism that we saw helping storm the Capitol on Jan. 6 (2021).

“It’s dangerous,” Kaylor said. “As a Christian myself I speak up against (it) because it’s dangerous politically. I also think it’s a heresy of the Christian faith.”