Friday, May 13, 2022

 

The world can learn about conservation—and trust—from Indigenous societies

Traditional ecological knowledge encompasses medicine, religion and culture.

A family in northern Siberia watches -- but decides not to hunt -- a musk ox that wandered into the area where they live. ()

(The Conversation) — Twenty-five years ago, when I was a young anthropologist working in northern Siberia, the Indigenous hunters, fishers and trappers I lived with would often stop and solemnly offer something to the tundra. It was usually small, such as coins, buttons or unlit matches. But it was considered essential. Before departing on a hunting or fishing trip, I’d be asked if I had some change in my outer coat. If I didn’t, someone would get me some so it was handy. We left other gifts, too, such as fat from wild reindeer to be fed to the fire.

I was intrigued. Why do these things? Their answers were usually along the lines of, “We are the children of the tundra,” or “we make these sacrifices so that tundra will give us more animals to hunt next year.”

These practices are part of what I and other anthropologists call “traditional ecological knowledge.” Beliefs and traditions about the natural world are central in many Indigenous cultures around the world, bringing together what industrialized cultures think of as science, medicine, philosophy and religion.

Many academic studies have debated whether Indigenous economies and societies are more oriented than others toward conservation or ecology. Certainly the idealized stereotypes many people hold about Indigenous groups’ being “one with nature” are simplistic and potentially damaging to the groups themselves.

However, recent studies have underscored that conservationists can learn a lot from TEK about successful resource management. Some experts argue that traditional knowledge needs a role in global climate planning, because it fosters strategies that are “cost-effective, participatory and sustainable.”

Part of TEK’s success stems from how it fosters trust. This comes in many different forms: trust between community members, between people and nature, and between generations.

Defining TEK

Looking more closely at the components of TEK, the first, “tradition,” is something learned from ancestors. It’s handed down.

“Ecological” refers to relationships between living organisms and their environment. It comes from the ancient Greek word for “house,” or “dwelling.”

Finally, the earliest uses of the term “knowledge” in English refer to acknowledging or owning something, confessing something and sometimes recognizing a person’s position or title. These now-obsolete meanings emphasize relationships – an important aspect of knowledge that modern usage often overlooks but that is especially important in the context of tradition and ecology.

Combining these three definitions helps to generate a framework to understand Indigenous TEK: a strategy that encourages deference for ancestral ways of dwelling. It is not necessarily strict “laws” or “doctrine,” or simply observation of the environment.

TEK is a way of looking at the world that can help people connect the land they live on, their behavior and the behavior of the people they are connected to. Indigenous land practices are based on generations of careful and insightful observations about the environment and help define and promote “virtuous” behavior in it.

As an American suburbanite living in a remote community in Siberia, I was always learning about what was “proper” or “improper.” Numerous times people would tell me that what I or someone else had just done was a “sin” in respect to TEK. When someone’s aunt died one year, for example, community members said it happened because their nephew had killed too many wolves the previous winter.

A man in a hat kneels in front of a tent as he chops up small pieces of wood.

The author learning to cut up dwarf willow in the proper way for use in a summer chum, or tent, to smoke caribou meat.John ZikerCC BY-NC-ND

Similarly, after stopping to assess the freshness of some reindeer tracks on the tundra, one hunter told me, “We let these local wild reindeer roam in midwinter so they will return next year and for future generations.” Here, TEK spells out the potential environmental impacts of greed – which, in this case, would mean overhunting.

Concepts like these are not isolated to Siberia. Much work has been done examining the parallels among ancestral systems of deference in Siberia, Amazonia, North America and other regions.

Trust and tradition

These examples illustrate how TEK is a set of systems that promote trust through encouraging deference for ancestral ways of dwelling in the world.

Moderation of self-interested behaviors requires such trust. And confidence that the environment will provide – caribou to hunt, say, or ptarmigan birds to trap – depends on the idea that people will treat the environment in a respectful manner.

Previously, I’ve studied prosociality – behavior that benefits others – in northern Siberian practices of food-sharing, child care and use of hunting lands.

These aspects of life depend on the idea that the “real” owners of the natural resources are ancestors and that they punish and reward the behaviors of the living. Such ideas are encouraged by elders and leaders, who commend virtuous and prosocial behavior while connecting negative outcomes with selfishness.

Trust is an essential component of reciprocity – exchange for mutual benefit – and prosociality. Without trust, it does not make sense to take risks in our dealings with other people. Without trust we cannot cooperate or behave in nonexploitative ways, such as protecting the environment. This is why it is advantageous for societies to monitor and punish noncooperators.

A number of small objects are scattered around the top of a sleigh sitting in a field.

An abandoned reindeer sleigh, likely a grave, with several personal items. One is not allowed to disturb it, which would disrespect the dead, who are considered the true owners of the land.
John ZikerCC BY-NC-ND

Put another way, minimizing one’s resource use today to make tomorrow better requires trust and mechanisms to enforce it. This is also true in larger social formations, even between nations. Groups must trust that others will not use the resources they themselves have protected or overuse their own resources.

Lessons from TEK

Today, many environmental experts are interested in incorporating learnings from Indigenous societies into climate policies. In part, this is because recent studies have shown that environmental outcomes, such as forest cover, for example, are better in Indigenous protected areas.

It also stems from growing awareness of the need to protect Indigenous peoples’ rights and sovereignty. TEK cannot be “extracted.” Outsiders need to show deference to knowledge-holders and respectfully request their perspective.

One idea societies can adopt as they combat climate change is the importance of trust – which can feel hard to come by these days. Young activist Greta Thunberg’s “Fridays for Future” initiative, for example, highlights the ethical issues of trust and responsibility between generations.

Many outdoor enthusiasts and sustainability organizations emphasize “leaving no trace.” In fact, people always leave traces, no matter how small – a fact recognized in Siberian TEK. Even footsteps compact the soil and affect plant and animal life, no matter how careful we are.

A more TEK-like – and accurate – maxim might say, “Be accountable to your descendants for the traces you leave behind.”

(John Ziker is a professor of anthropology at Boise State University. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)

A new novel explores a post-pandemic religious world — in the 14th century

Peter Manseau’s latest book examines the Black Death for clues to our cultural moment.

In this Nov. 24, 2020, file photo, Kyla Harris, 10, writes a tribute to her grandmother Patsy Gilreath Moore, who died at age 79 of COVID-19, at a symbolic cemetery created to remember and honor lives lost to COVID-19 in the Liberty City neighborhood of Miami. (AP Photo/Lynne Sladky)

(RNS) — One million deaths and counting. It’s unfathomable, really — both the fact that the pandemic has stolen so many lives, and that American culture has mostly moved on.

How could we have rebounded so quickly when every 330th American is now dead from this virus?

For insights I turn to historians, and one in particular who is also, helpfully, a novelist. Peter Manseau, founding director of the Smithsonian’s Center for the Understanding of Religion in American History, is also an award-winning novelist whose most recent work of fiction, “The Maiden of All Our Desires,” takes place in Europe 20 years after the Black Death has ravaged the population.

Set in a convent that possesses a secret book of near-scripture containing the wisdom sayings of its founder, Sister Ursula, it focuses on the tensions between different kinds of religious authority. There’s also a generation gap: Those who survived the plague are still scarred by their memories of it, while the blithe young adults around them can’t relate.

This Zoom interview has been edited for length and clarity. — JKR

This novel was 25 years in the making. Where did it come from?

Novelist Peter Manseau.

Novelist Peter Manseau

This was the first book I ever tried to write. I was an undergraduate and it was a four-page short story for a creative writing class, about a nun in a convent who fell in love with the wind. As a thesis, I expanded it to 100 pages. The idea followed me in my 20s and 30s, and it gradually developed into this kernel of a story about a generation after the plague.

It wasn’t until 2020 that I thought (the story) could allow me to write about many of the things we were all grappling with in the early days of the pandemic, without making it explicitly about COVID-19. I didn’t want to write about our own pandemic, but I felt like it presented a universal set of questions that could be approached through a story set in a time far different from our own, and yet so resonant: What does it mean to live through a plague, and what comes next? What happens for the generation that only vaguely remembers the plague, that lives with it as only a story?

Your kids are old enough to remember this time. What will this memory be like for them?

That’s why I wanted to have a kind of a folkloric or mythical frame around this story. It opens with the coming of a storm, which in the moment reshapes the world, but in the future is only this vaguely remembered thing. And that, I have been imagining, is what will happen with COVID-19. Fairly quickly, this moment that we’ve lived through, which upended everything in 2020 and 2021, will be in the rearview mirror. It may become a “remember when” in a matter of years rather than of decades, as I frame it in the novel.

So I’m interested in the way that these events that are disruptive in a daily, unignorable way become stories that are told. I’m fascinated by the act of making a story of catastrophe. I recently wrote a piece in Slate about the many uses we have made of the Black Death during COVID and the way our thinking about it has evolved.

How has it evolved?

Early in the COVID-19 pandemic, articles would claim that the Black Death that killed half the population of Europe in the 1340s and 1350s may have had a bright side, in that it led to the Renaissance and the Reformation — that it changed labor practices and shifted authority in medieval Europe. As we were entering into this pandemic, which had (already) killed tens of thousands of people, we were desperate for the understanding that this might all work out OK.

It’s interesting to me, particularly as someone who writes about religion, to see in real time this desire to turn catastrophe into redemptive story. That impulse is obviously at the heart of so many religious traditions: “This terrible thing happened. But what does it mean for us? How can we grow from it?”

More recently, we have lost patience for that as the numbers rose. Even though we’re still nowhere near the loss that humanity suffered during the Black Death, it’s become more difficult to make those silver-lining arguments about a two-year-long pandemic with a million Americans dead.

Your novel features a crisis of authority about whether the convent should build a wall to keep out the plague. That certainly felt timely.

"The Maiden of All Our Desires" by Peter Manseau. Courtesy image

“The Maiden of All Our Desires” by Peter Manseau. Courtesy image

Probably my first return to this story after so many years was in the early days of the Trump administration when we were all talking about the building of walls and the fear of outsiders coming in. That was when I began adding in this dimension of a wall being built around this convent that hadn’t had a wall before because it was open to the world.

There’s a pivotal scene in which a sister has been instructed by the convent’s priest not to open the gates to strangers. But the abbess overrules him, saying that they’ve never rejected the Rule of St. Benedict before and shouldn’t begin due to the threat of plague.

I’m interested in the collision of different types of religious authority. So that is a moment when it’s really dramatized: the sacramental authority of the priest on the one hand and the local, relational authority of the abbess on the other hand. When they inevitably come into conflict in the story, there’s a real taking of sides. It splinters the community.

What is next for you in terms of your writing?

My next book is narrative nonfiction that’s set in a 19th-century almshouse in Tewksbury, Massachusetts, the town where I grew up. A poorhouse and lunatic asylum built mainly to house immigrant Irish was alleged to be actively starving and maltreating its patients and letting them die — for the sake, it seems, of selling their bodies to medical schools. In the 1880s it was the biggest public health scandal in the country. 

It’s a fantastically dark story, and what’s interesting to me is that for the most part, no one remembers this in the town. The only part of the story that some people will know is that Anne Sullivan, the teacher of Helen Keller, was a patient at the Tewksbury Almshouse as a child. Her brother died there, but she was eventually able to escape.

When I was in high school and I ran on the cross-country team, we ran through the woods at the foot of the hill where the state hospital is. Those woods were full of bodies, thousands of unmarked graves. Literally running over graves and not knowing what is just beneath your feet is a metaphor for uncovering this history, which may be my own attempt to turn catastrophe into a story.


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New theory connects a Native American prophet with Joseph Smith and the Book of Mormon

 

US annual conferences can’t just leave the United Methodist Church, rules top court

The decision by the Judicial Council, the denomination’s top court, comes just over a week after the launch of the Global Methodist Church, a new denomination formed by theologically conservative Methodists.

Attendees of the Kentucky Annual Conference raise their arms in prayer during a morning session on June 13, 2017, at the Sloan Convention Center in Bowling Green, Kentucky. Photo by Kathleen Barry/UM News

(RNS) — No, an annual conference in the United States can’t just up and leave the United Methodist Church. At least not yet.

While the denomination’s Book of Discipline has provisions for individual churches wishing to leave the United Methodist Church with their properties, there’s nothing within church law that would allow an annual conference — one of the United Methodist Church’s 53 regional networks of churches and ministries within the United States — to do the same, according to the denomination’s Judicial Council.

The Judicial Council ruled Tuesday (May 10) that only the General Conference, the denomination’s global decision-making body, can determine the process and conditions for annual conferences to disaffiliate from the United Methodist Church.

And the General Conference hasn’t done that. 

“There is no basis in Church law for any annual conference to adopt stopgap policies, pass resolutions, take a vote, or act unilaterally for the purpose of removing itself from The United Methodist Church,” Decision 1444 reads.


RELATED: Florida churches among first to begin exit from UMC to new, conservative denomination


The decision by the Judicial Council, the denomination’s top court, comes just over a week after the launch of the Global Methodist Church, a new denomination formed by theologically conservative Methodists.

The name and logo of the new "Global Methodist Church,” which is splitting from the United Methodist Church. Image courtesy of the Global Methodist Church

The name and logo of the Global Methodist Church. Image courtesy of Global Methodist Church

It also comes ahead of annual conferences’ yearly meetings, which take place in May and June.

At least two annual conferences — Northwest Texas and South Georgia — were set to consider resolutions to disaffiliate from the United Methodist Church at their meetings this summer, the Judicial Council noted in its decision. The Northwest Texas Annual Conference also approved a nonbinding resolution last year indicating it planned to leave the United Methodist Church for a conservative denomination should the General Conference pass a proposed Protocol of Reconciliation and Grace through Separation, according to United Methodist News Service.

And the Bulgaria-Romania Provisional Annual Conference already has voted to leave and join the Global Methodist Church over its bishop’s objections, according to United Methodist News Service.

Bulgaria-Romania Bishop Patrick Streiff has requested the Judicial Council rule on whether an annual conference in one of the denomination’s central conferences — including those in Europe, Africa and the Philippines — has the authority to vote to separate from the United Methodist Church. That question remains on the council’s spring docket.

Keith Boyette, who chairs the Transitional Leadership Council of the Global Methodist Church and will step into the role of its chief executive next month, told Religion News Service he was “very disappointed” by the Judicial Council decision.

The Cross and Flame is the official logo of the United Methodist Church. Image courtesy of the United Methodist Church

The Cross and Flame is the official logo of the United Methodist Church. Image courtesy of United Methodist Church

The ruling, he said, will lead to the kind of litigation the 16 United Methodist bishops and advocacy group leaders who negotiated a proposed Protocol of Reconciliation and Grace through Separation — including Boyette — had hoped to avoid. Now churches and annual conferences potentially will challenge the denomination’s trust clause, which maintains that the denomination — not the churches or their conferences — own church properties, he said.

“We have worked so hard to have a different witness to the world,” said Boyette, referencing the challenges faced by other denominations that have split over differing beliefs about the ordination and marriage of LGBTQ members.

The 2020 General Conference was set to consider the proposed protocol, which would create a pathway for churches and annual conferences to leave with their properties to form new denominations. Conservative United Methodists had announced preparations to launch the Global Methodist Church after a General Conference vote.

But when the General Conference was pushed back to 2024 by the COVID-19 pandemic, the Global Methodist Church pushed up its timeline.

“Unfortunately, what is transpiring is exactly what we have tried to avoid through the protocol,” Boyette said.


RELATED: New denomination urges United Methodists to walk out of the wilderness

 Opinion

Alito and public opinion reveal link between Roe and broader white Christian nationalist agenda

Attitudes on abortion are strongly correlated with a worldview that denies systemic racism and pines for a 1950s America.


A person holds a sign that reads “Don’t Tread On Me” with a uterus-shaped snake and an American flag, May 3, 2022, during a rally at a park in Seattle in support of abortion rights. (AP Photo/Ted S. Warren)

(RNS) — Like many of you, I’m still taking in the bombshell news — broken by Politico Monday evening (May 2) — that the U.S. Supreme Court is poised to overturn Roe v. Wade, the 1973 Supreme Court decision that affirmed a constitutional right to abortion. The leaked draft opinion, attributed to Justice Samuel Alito, goes straight for the jugular:

“We hold that Roe and Casey must be overruled. It is time to heed the Constitution and return the issue of abortion to the people’s elected representatives.”

The heart of Alito’s argument is striking: that because the Constitution is silent on the specific issue of abortion, no support for it can be found there. This highly restrictive interpretation intentionally mounts a full frontal assault on the long-standing body of jurisprudence based on an implied right to privacy in the Constitution.

As big as the impact of this potential ruling is for the issue of abortion, its shock waves will extend far beyond it. As it stands, it would provide a basis for dismantling nearly six decades of jurisprudence, going back to the 1965 case Griswold v. Connecticut, which secured the right of a married couple to use contraception. The current ruling, should it proceed in its present form, will set up future challenges to a range of other rights, such as same-sex marriage, birth control and even interracial marriage.

In short, Alito’s opinion, which looks likely to become the majority opinion of the U.S. Supreme Court, is the legal equivalent of a time machine that threatens to transport American jurisprudence back to the 1950s. It is part of a gambit — seen in attacks on LGBTQ rights, immigrants, the separation of church and state, and critical race theory — to hold onto a particular conservative vision of white Christian America and impose it upon a more religiously and racially diverse nation that is increasingly supportive of this set of rights grounded in a constitutional right to privacy.

The connective tissue between these issues can be seen both in how out of touch this opinion is with mainstream public opinion and in how opposition to abortion connects with other issues being pushed by conservative religious activists this year.

The current state of public opinion on abortion

First, let’s take a look at public opinion on abortion, which shows that most Americans are supportive of Roe and the legality of abortion. Support for the legality of abortion has remained fairly stable over time. If anything, there has been a slight increase in the proportion of Americans who say abortion should be legal in all cases and a slight decrease in the proportion who say it should be illegal in all cases.

"Majorities of Americans Say Abortion Should be Legal in Most or All Cases, 2010-2022" Graphic courtesy PRRI

“Majorities of Americans Say Abortion Should be Legal in Most or All Cases, 2010-2022” Graphic courtesy of PRRI

In PRRI’s most recent data from March, just released (click here for full analysis), nearly two-thirds of Americans say abortion should be legal in all (28%) or most (36%) cases, compared with just over one-third who say abortion should be illegal in all (9%) or most (26%) cases. Notably, while most Americans are in the support-leaning middle, at the poles, three times as many Americans say abortion should be legal in all cases than say it should be illegal in all cases.

Support for the legality of abortion varies significantly by state. Overall, the states with the least public support for the legality of abortion are found along a U-shaped curve from Idaho in the Mountain West, down through the Deep South and up through the Appalachian Mountains. Generally speaking, these are states with high proportions of conservative white Christians (including Latter-day Saints in the Mountain West) relative to the rest of the population.

Notably, there are twice as many states in which there is clear majority support for the legality of abortion, compared with states in which there is less than majority support (25 vs. 12). In 13 states, residents are roughly divided over the legality of abortion. There are four states — Arizona, Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin — in which abortion would be banned or severely restricted because of existing state laws if Roe were struck down, despite having clear majorities that support the legality of abortion.

"Support for Legality of Abortion, by State" Graphic courtesy PRRI

“Support for Legality of Abortion, by State” Graphic courtesy of PRRI

The division of opinions by party and religious affiliation also reveal findings that run against some conventional wisdom. The patterns of support on this issue are a good illustration of what political scientists call “asymmetric polarization,” where one party (Republicans) is further from the center than the other party.

Only 36% of Republicans believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases, a view significantly at odds with both independents (66%) and Democrats (87%).

Despite the dated conventional wisdom that abortion is opposed by religious Americans, public opinion data shows a similar asymmetric polarization among religious groups. The reality is that there is only one major religious group, white evangelical Protestants, in which a majority believe abortion should be illegal in all or most cases (30% legal vs. 69% illegal all/most cases). Latino Protestants, a group that largely shares an evangelical religious orientation with white evangelicals, are divided (52% legal vs. 47% illegal in all/most cases).

Notably, with the two exceptions of white evangelical and Latino Protestants, majorities of every other major religious group say abortion should be legal in all or most cases. Religious groups supportive of the legality of abortion, for example, include both white Catholics (59%) and Latino Catholics (57%) — who hold these positions despite the official opposition of the Catholic Church. The ranks of religious groups supportive of the legality of abortion also include African American Protestants (73% support), who are often mistakenly perceived to be conservative on this issue.

The connection between opposition to abortion and the broader white Christian nationalist agenda

It should be no surprise that we see these attacks on abortion — settled law for half a century — ramping up in the same year we are seeing attacks on teaching kids about systemic racism or LGBTQ identity and families, and renewed challenges to church-state separation, such as the current case before the Supreme Court about whether a football coach at a public high school should be allowed to lead Protestant Christian prayers on the 50-yard line after games. These are all of a piece — a concerted attempt by conservative white Christians to reassert their dominance in a rapidly diversifying America.

Look, for example, at the strong connection between opposition to abortion and the denial of the existence of systemic racism, the understanding that the long history of discrimination continues to impact outcomes among African Americans. The general population is roughly divided on this question. But among those who believe abortion should be illegal in all or most cases, nearly 7 in 10 disagree that the legacy of slavery and discrimination results in barriers for African Americans today.

"Relationship between Opposition to Abortion and Denial of Systemic Racism" Graphic courtesy PRRI

“Relationship between Opposition to Abortion and Denial of Systemic Racism” Graphic courtesy of PRRI

Similarly, there is a strong correlation between opposition to the legality of abortion and nostalgia for a 1950s America. As it has generally been since 2015 when PRRI first asked this question, the public is divided about whether American culture and way of life has mostly changed for the better or changed for the worse. But among those who oppose the legality of abortion, nearly two-thirds (64%) believe American culture and way of life has changed for the worse.

"Relationship between Opposition to Abortion and Nostalgia for the 1950's" Graphic courtesy PRRI

“Relationship between Opposition to Abortion and Nostalgia for the 1950s” Graphic courtesy of PRRI

It’s no coincidence that those leading and bankrolling these efforts are largely conservative white Christians, and disproportionately white evangelical Protestants. Even as their numbers have shrunk from 54% of the population in 2008 to 44% today, white Christians continue to comprise the vast majority (73%) of the Republican Party; and white evangelical Protestants alone — a group that constitutes only 14% of the population — comprise 31% of self-identified Republicans.

In PRRI’s latest March 2022 polling, you can clearly see the links between attitudes on abortion and a range of cultural issues among white evangelical Protestants:

  • 69% believe abortion should be illegal in all or most cases.
  • 59% oppose same-sex marriage.
  • 70% disagree that past discrimination impacts outcomes among African Americans today.
  • 68% believe being a Christian is important for being “truly American.”
  • 69% believe American culture and way of life has changed for the worse since the 1950s.

On most of these issues, the attitudes of white evangelicals are wildly out of step with mainstream public opinion, often by as much as 30 to 40 percentage points. White evangelical Protestants (whose median age is now 56) are living in what could be fairly described as a cultural world that is detached not only from Americans under the age of 40 but from the growing number of Christians of color and nonreligious Americans.

During Donald Trump’s presidency, conservative white Christians were enamored by his rhetoric about building a wall on our southern border. Trump’s repeated references to a wall — however disconnected from reality — penetrated deep into his followers’ consciousnesses. Even if he didn’t build a physical wall, Trump built, syllable by syllable, a metaphorical one, a symbol of protection against menacing outside forces.

While the culture wars over abortion have been with us in their current form since the Roe v. Wade decision, the pending ruling of this court, with its broad attack on a right to privacy, must be seen in the light of this current moment if it is to be fully understood. If Trump fancied himself, in the executive branch, the embodiment of a wall protecting white Christian America from the changes of the last half-century, the conservative majority on the court is unequivocally signaling to this same base that it is willing to play an analogous role in the judicial branch.

And just as Trump disregarded the damage he did to the office of the presidency, this court looks poised to shrug off the damage this baldly partisan ruling may do to the legitimacy of the Supreme Court.

Robert P. Jones. Photo courtesy of PRRI

Robert P. Jones. Photo courtesy of PRRI

This decision is not just about abortion. It represents just one, albeit powerful, part of a multipronged, desperate effort by a shrinking and aging group, while they still wield power, to impose their vision of a 1950s white Christian America on an increasingly diverse nation.

(Robert P. Jones is CEO and founder of the Public Religion Research Institute and the author of “White Too Long: The Legacy of White Supremacy in American Christianity.” This article was originally published on Jones’ Substack #WhiteTooLong. Read more at robertpjones.substack.com. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.) 

Queer Muslim group aims to conduct largest survey of LGBTQ Muslims in the US

The survey’s goal is to recognize the political needs of LGBTQ Muslims, who according to Queer Crescent are erased from the broader Muslim narrative.

Photo by Katie Rainbow/Unsplash/Creative Commons

(RNS) — In the early months of the pandemic, the LGBTQ Muslim group Queer Crescent launched a mutual aid fund that raised more than $60,000 to distribute to people prioritized as the most in need.

The money helped nearly 400 individuals, including those who were disabled, incarcerated, families of loved ones behind bars, and survivors of domestic violence, according to the group based in Oakland, California.

“We kind of highlighted the most marginal of our LGBTQ Muslim communities,” said Shenaaz Janmohamed, executive director of Queer Crescent. “It let us know that there’s so much more nuance and need and systemic barriers to our community members than we know.”

Now, to further gain an understanding of the experiences of LGBTQ Muslims, Queer Crescent is spearheading and funding what it describes as the largest survey of LGBTQ Muslims in the United States. The goal is to recognize the political needs of LGBTQ Muslims, who according to the group are erased from the broader Muslim narrative.


RELATED: New academic journal will challenge notion that religions hate queer and trans people


“How can we self determine what Muslim means to us?” To Janmohamed, this is one question the survey could potentially help LGBTQ Muslims figure out.

The nationwide online survey will be released during Pride Month this June. It will ask participants about their income levels, what kind of access they have to health care and whether they have experienced any kinds of discrimination, among other things. 

Queer Crescent logo. Courtesy image

Queer Crescent logo. Courtesy image

For hard-to-reach populations like LGTBQ Muslims, Amara Ahmed — a member of Queer Crescent and the survey’s lead researcher — said they are hoping to engage enough people who will then encourage others to take the survey. Simply visiting a mosque will not be enough to get the necessary voices from LGBTQ people, Ahmed said. Fliers of the survey will be distributed at community spaces and Pride events. Queer Crescent will be spreading the word with the help of other advocacy groups.

“The basic idea is to jump-start both a sense of the community, and by doing that, make the community more visible,” said Ahmed, a doctoral candidate at the University of Chicago whose research focuses on the experiences of queer Muslims in the U.S.

Ahmed said she’s not aware of any other studies that have focused on LGBTQ Muslims in the U.S. She noted the 2014 Pew Research Center’s Religious Landscape Study that found that 42% of Muslims favored same-sex marriage legalization, compared with just 28% of evangelicals.

This kind of data point, Ahmed said, “can only tell so much of the story.”

“A lot of Muslims in the United States might be OK with gay marriage from a sort of societal, legal perspective,” Ahmed said. “That doesn’t necessarily mean they’re OK with it in their community, or if their kid came out. There’s a much more complicated story to tell.”

Shenaaz Janmohamed. Courtesy photo

Shenaaz Janmohamed. Courtesy photo

These kind of surveys, Janmohamed said, “presume that queerness is not part of the (Muslim) community.”

Janmohamed was raised in a Shiite Muslim household in Sacramento where she was surrounded by a large Sunni Muslim community. “That really shaped so much of my organizing, thinking of who is not present,” Janmohamed said.

She started Queer Crescent in 2017 after the Trump administration’s travel ban blocked people from Muslim-majority countries from entering the U.S. At the time, Janmohamed thought: “Where can I go to register my grief, my sorrow, my fears and my rage?”

“I think that mainstream Muslim organizations, basically straight Muslim organizations, have not always felt like the welcoming space for me to really feel seen and heard,” she said.

Since then, Queer Crescent has held workshops on “Islam & Transformative Justice” as a way to respond to harm, abuse and violence. The organization is also collecting Muslim abortion stories for its Muslim Repro Justice Storytelling project to learn how Muslims have navigated accessing clinics, costs, travel, language and cultural barriers. 


RELATED: D.C. imam provides counseling, weddings and prayer space for gay Muslims


Ahmed joined Queer Crescent about three years ago when she was in the process of coming out as trans. She became involved in a support group and is now leading the group’s research efforts. 

Amara Ahmed. Courtesy photo

Amara Ahmed. Courtesy photo

She grew up in the San Francisco Bay Area with a supportive family that was not “super religious.” Ahmed’s mother converted from Catholicism to Islam after marrying Ahmed’s Muslim father. Her parents and others have embraced her trans identity, including a family friend who runs a Muslim K-12 school and whom Ahmed described as a “very religious” person who wears a hijab.

“When my mom told her, the first thing she did was launch into an Islamic justification for why according to the Quran and the Hadith it is OK to be trans,” Ahmed said.

Ahmed is curious about how LGBTQ Muslims create a sense of belonging “even though being LGBTQ and Muslim is often seen as not compatible,” she said.

“Both by LGBTQ people who potentially see Muslims as religiously conservative, and thus opposed to LGBTQ people, and vice versa, with many Muslims seeing being gay or trans as not particularly compatible with the form of the religion that they follow,” Ahmed said.

“How does an everyday sense of belonging come out of that position … when you’re doing something very extraordinary?” she said.

As Tigray Aid Blockade Continues, Nearby Areas Also in Desperate Need of Aid  

Despite Ethiopia’s declared humanitarian cease-fire with Tigrayan rebels, aid groups are struggling to get food and medicine to those in need. Even outside the worst affected areas in Tigray, which are cut off to reporters, providing aid is fraught with risks and challenges. For VOA, Henry Wilkins reports from Dessie, Ethiopia. Camera: Henry Wilkins