Ecuadoran frogs Rocket and Harlequin taking on mining industry


By AFP
Published June 2, 2022

Biologist Andrea Teran holds a new species of rocket frog in her hands by the Velo de Novia waterfall in Junín, Ecuador, April 2022 - Copyright AFP Tolga Akmen

Paola LOPEZ

On the banks of a crystalline waterfall, biologist Andrea Teran lets out a yelp.

She holds in the palm of her hand one of two frog species at the center of a legal battle against Ecuador’s mining industry.

Teran, 37, is a specialist in the fragile existence of a creature called the Resistance Rocket Frog, which does not yet have a scientific name, and the Longnose Harlequin (Atelopus longirostris), which was believed extinct for 30 years.

The discovery several years ago of these two tiny frogs measuring no more than four centimeters has become the central argument in opposition to a proposed nearly 5,000 hectare mining project in a native forest in Junin, Imbabura province, around three and a half hours north of Quito.

The Longnose Harlequin reappeared in 2016.

“It was a frog that came back from the dead,” said an emotional Teran, whom AFP accompanied on an expedition in this forest area following a two-hour walk.

“If the water is polluted (by mining) the last populations of this frog will be lost,” said the biologist from the Jambatu Center dedicated to the study and conservation of amphibians.

The Longnose Harlequin is extinct according to the International Union for the Conservation of Nature’s (IUCN) red list.

But scientists rediscovered traces of life in this forest where the mineral exploitation license was granted to Ecuador’s Enami and Chile’s Codelco. They are due to begin in 2024 to extract 210,000 tons of copper a year.

In Ecuador, which launched a massive mining exploitation operation in 2019, there are at least 12 projects at advanced stages to mine reserves of 43.7 million ounces of gold, 46 billion pounds of copper and 183 million ounces of silver, according to the Spurrier Group consultancy.

But the 2019 discovery of a new species of rock frog has only intensified the desire to protect its forest habitat.



– Last hope –



In 2020, Teran launched a legal battle to prevent the mining project from going ahead.

Although she succeeded in the first instance, she then lost on appeal.

But the mining concession has also been challenged by a collective of Junin residents pointing to errors in the environmental impact studies, such as the lack of a protection plan for the two frog species.

“There are so many mistakes. They are violating the rights of nature, and on top of that the documents were never correctly communicated to the community and there was no environmental consultation,” the file’s lawyer Mario Moncayo told AFP.

But a judge rejected the claim of oversights.

Defenders of these two frogs can still appeal, which is perhaps their last hope of halting the mining project.

Contacted by AFP, both the government and the mining companies refused to comment.



– No solutions –



When the Jambatu Center scientists came across the new rocket frog species they initially mistook it for one called the Confusing Rocket Frog (Ectopoglossus confusus).

However, an anatomical difference in its tongue was found, and genetic studies allowed experts to identify it as a completely new Ectopoglossus species that they named “resistance.”

“It lives in unique conditions, with the sound of the waterfall we don’t know how it communicates, we don’t know anything about its reproductive biology,” said Teran.

Their skin contains great medicinal potential, and renders them extremely sensitive to environmental changes.

They are thus considered bioindicators, meaning that if the ecosystem is affected, they could disappear.

Protection of nature is enshrined in the constitution of Ecuador, which has 650 known species of frogs, 60 percent of which are in danger of extinction.

But the South American country derives six percent of its GDP from its oil and mining industries, according to the Central Bank.

“We are in a mega-diverse region and the decisions taken have to be mega-responsible,” said Teran.

It’s an issue that divides opinion in Junin.

“If authorities value the species that live here then they need to halt” the mining project, said farmer Hugo Ramirez, 40.

But for carpenter Pedro Vallejos, 63, environmentalists are offering no solutions to end poverty.

“There’s no employment in the countryside, there are no alternatives,” he said.

Read more: https://www.digitaljournal.com/world/ecuadoran-frogs-rocket-and-harlequin-taking-on-mining-industry/article#ixzz7V72bKpDj

Immersed in political crisis, Peru neglects Amazon's destruction, report says

FABIANO MAISONNAVE
Thu, June 2, 2022

This 2016 photo shows the deforestation of what was once pristine rainforest in Peru's Madre de Dios region. (Rodrigo Abd / Associated Press)

Peru has descended into one of the worst political crises in its history and protection of its Amazon rainforest is failing, according to a report published Thursday. Peru is home to the second-largest portion of the Amazon rainforest after Brazil. The country had pledged to stop deforestation by 2021.

The South American country has been immersed in political turbulence since 2016. Corruption scandals and disputes between the executive and legislative branches of government have led to intense turnover — four presidents in five years. Peru’s current president, leftist outsider Pedro Castillo, has already survived two impeachment attempts since he took office last July.

The Peruvian Amazon is massive — larger than Ukraine, some 168 million acres. It holds the headwaters of the Amazon river as well as Manú National Park, one of the most biologically diverse areas in the world. It's a transition zone between the Andes mountains and the rainforest lowlands, rich in microclimates and ecology.

But the Monitoring of the Andean Amazon Project (MAAP), an initiative of the nonprofit Amazon Conservation Assn., reports that deforestation in the Peruvian Amazon has hit six historical highs in the last 10 years. The analysis is based on data from the University of Maryland, which has kept records since 2002.

The worst year ever was 2020, when Peru lost around 420,000 acres of Amazon rainforest. Last year, that number declined but still ranked as the sixth highest on record. Peruvian official data, which only goes through 2020, agree.

Corrupt actors who benefit from environmental crime, together with the political crisis, have resulted in a lack of government ability to fight environmental crime, the report said. "What’s more, the Peruvian government continues to prioritize economic development over the protection of the Amazon rainforest.”

The Igarapé Institute commissioned the report from InSight Crime, a nonprofit organization focused on investigating crime in Latin America.

As in Brazil’s Amazon, cattle ranching and agriculture are the main drivers of deforestation. Agribusiness companies and poor migrants from other parts of Peru seize land illegally. Other illegal activities that harm the forest are gold mining, logging and coca plantations.

“Agriculture is now firmly established" as the leading driver of deforestation, concentrated in the central and southern Peruvian Amazon, said MAAP Director Matt Finer. “This includes both widespread small-scale agriculture as well recent large-scale activities from new Mennonite colonies.”

The report, titled "The Roots of Environmental Crime in the Peruvian Amazon," identifies three actors behind deforestation: big businesses, such as palm oil companies; entrepreneurial criminal networks, which profit from the trade in timber, land or drugs; and cheap labor — poorly paid workers who cut down trees and plant coca crops.

The products of these illegal activities end up in other parts of the world. Most of the gold exports go to Switzerland, the United States, India and Canada. Peru's domestic market absorbs most of the timber; what is exported goes mainly to China. Around 28% of Peru’s gold production is illegal, according to the InsightCrime investigation, which also estimates that most timber extraction is done without permits.

“The political crisis has distracted us a lot from environmental problems," said former Minister of Environment Manuel Pulgar-Vidal in an interview with the Associated Press in Rio de Janeiro, on the sidelines of a meeting on climate change hosted by the Brazilian Center for International Relations, a think tank. The pandemic and the war in Ukraine have magnified these problems, he said.

The current government also promotes activities like illegal mining and logging, he said. The former minister tied this to the unprosecuted deaths of numerous environmental advocates.

Contacted Monday by phone and email, Peru's Ministry of Environment didn’t respond to requests for comment about the current situation in the Amazon.

The Amazon is the world’s largest tropical rainforest and an enormous carbon sink. There is widespread concern that its destruction will not only release massive amounts of carbon into the atmosphere, further complicating hopes of slowing down climate change, but also push it past a tipping point, after which much of the forest will begin an irreversible process of degradation into tropical savannah.

This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.

The great Mona Lisa cake mystery

The famous painting was attacked with cake. But why?

The portrait of Lisa Gherardini | Martin Bureau/AFP via Getty Images

BY PAUL DALLISON
June 3, 2022 4:03 am

Welcome to Declassified, a weekly humor column.

Last summer, your author went to Paris (la-di-da, look at the Liberal Elite and their fancy ways). One morning, I woke up and went to Stohrer — the oldest patisserie in the city — for pastries and an éclair (OK, two éclairs and a tarte aux pommes. Back off, calorie police!) and then it was a brisk 10-minute walk to the Louvre (because I was on holiday and that’s what people on holiday in Paris do).

At no point did I consider taking one of my delicious food items and smearing it all over a painting, let alone probably the most famous painting in the world.

Yet this week, a man disguised himself as an old woman in a wheelchair and threw a piece of cake at the Mona Lisa.

I have questions.

The Louvre, and indeed all other museums — including the museum of David Hasselhoff paraphernalia in the basement of a Berlin hostel, which features a giant mural of the man himself that used to feature fake (hopefully) chest hair that visitors could stroke but which was removed because, in the words of a hostel worker, the fuzz “got really oily and gross very quickly. People just couldn’t resist touching it!” — let people of all ages and genders in, so why dress as an old woman? Maybe old women get a special ticket at major tourist attractions that allows them to bring in cake.

Plus, the painting is protected by a glass screen, so it was less of a protest against artists not focusing enough on saving the planet and more of a protest against the glass-making industry?

Perhaps the cake-thrower was a British Conservtive MP trying to cause a distraction from Boris Johnson’s woes in the wake of the Partygate scandal. Remember, earlier this year Conor Burns, a long-standing ally of the prime minister, said Johnson was “ambushed with a cake” at one of the many lockdown-breaking parties he attended.

Or maybe it was another enemy of German leftist MP Sahra Wagenknecht, who had a chocolate cake smashed into her face in 2016 because of her support for a limit on the number of migrants being let in.

The group behind the German cake attack was the “Anti-Fascist Initiative ‘Cake for Misanthropists'” — maybe they’ve made a rather messy return.

AUSTRALIA

Food delivery cyclist injuries going under-reported, Sydney study finds


Delivery riders 13 times more likely than recreational cyclists to present to emergency department between 8pm and midnight

Over a quarter of the food delivery riders in Australia working as independent

 contractors for multinational giants are not eligible for Medicare. 

Photograph: Daniel Pockett/AAP


Australian Associated Press

Fri 3 Jun 2022 

Delivery riders with companies such as Uber Eats or Doordash are more likely to be injured on the job and end up at the emergency department than previously reported, a new study has found.

A pilot study in one Sydney hospital emergency department between May 2019 and April 2020 identified at least 43 cycling-related injuries among commercial riders.

SafeWork NSW had reported 37 pedal cycling injuries associated with commercial delivery across the state during the same period.

The study, published in the biomedical journal Pilot and Feasibility Studies, was conducted by researchers at Macquarie University and St Vincent’s hospital.


Australia's delivery deaths: the riders who never made it and the families left behind

“SafeWork NSW uses police and workers’ compensation records to identify injuries to food delivery riders, but our research shows that this data is substantially lower than the real number of cycling-related injuries,” says Macquarie University’s Dr Mitchell Sarkies.

Medical records were analysed for all 386 adults treated for cycling-related injuries at St Vincent’s emergency department over about a year.

Some 43 (12%) were commercial delivery cyclists and 153 (42%) were non-commercial cyclists, while the rest were unidentified.

Sarkies said food delivery riders were 13 times more likely than recreational riders to present to the emergency department between 8pm and midnight than the early hours of the morning.

He said the data suggests these injuries occurred during the busiest evening meal delivery times.

Delivery cyclists were more likely to be male, younger and 11 times more likely to have a primary language other than English.

Over a quarter of the riders (26%) working as independent contractors for multinational giants were not eligible for Medicare, confirming previous claims that “most commercial delivery cyclists are temporary migrants in Australia”.

In a scathing parliamentary report into the gig economy released in April, chair Daniel Mookhey said the precarious job “puts workers in very real danger of injury, abuse and harassment”.

Under Australian labour laws, being an independent contractor means not being entitled to minimum wage, sick leave and annual leave.

At least five food delivery riders in NSW, all from migrant backgrounds, were killed in the space of two months in late 2020 in road accidents while on the job.

Their deaths prompted the establishment of a state government taskforce last year.

'Nein danke': Elon Musk's office ultimatum faces pushback in Germany

JUNE 02, 2022

Model Y cars are pictured during the opening ceremony of the new Tesla Gigafactory for electric cars in Gruenheide, Germany, on March 22, 2022.

BERLIN - Elon Musk’s demand that Tesla staff stop "phoning it in" and get back to the office got short shrift from Germany’s largest trade union on Thursday (June 2).

The Tesla chief executive waded into the future of work debate by telling staff at the electric carmaker that they must return to the office for at least 40 hours a week or leave the company, according to an email seen by Reuters.More from AsiaOneRead the condensed version of this story, and other top stories with NewsLite.

The IG Metall union in Berlin-Brandenburg-Sachsen, where Tesla's plant is located, said it would support any employee who opposed Musk’s ultimatum. Tesla employs around 4,000 people in Germany and plans to expand the workforce to 12,000.


"Whoever does not agree with such one-sided demands and wants to stand against them has the power of unions behind them in Germany, as per law," Birgit Dietze, the district leader for IG Metall in Berlin-Brandenburg-Sachsen, said.

Employees at Tesla's plant in Gruenheide, Germany, elected 19 people to its first workers' council in Feb, setting the plant apart from others run by the carmaker in the United States and elsewhere without union representation, which Musk has fiercely resisted.

Some of the workers are part of IG Metall which represents workers across automotive companies and other industrial sectors

In Germany there are currently no laws enshrining a right to work from home but the labour ministry is working on policies that would increase flexibility for workers. Many large employers, including automakers, have already embraced hybrid working models in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic which forced companies to send staff home to work.

Elon Musk attends the opening ceremony of the new Tesla Gigafactory for electric cars in Gruenheide, Germany, on March 22, 2022.
PHOTO: Reuters

"We have a fundamentally different view on creating an attractive working environment, and stand for empowerment and personal responsibility in our teams to balance the ratio of mobile and in-person work," said Gunnar Kilian, Volkswagen board member responsible for human resources.


Read AlsoTesla Model Y in Canada suffers power failure before going up in flames


Luxury carmakers BMW and Mercedes-Benz echoed that view when asked about Musk's ultimatum.

"Hybrid working is the working model of the future... different forms are possible, from complete presence to predominantly remote working," a Mercedes-Benz spokesperson said.

Musk, who has helped shift the traditional car sector to an all-electric future making himself the world’s richest man in the process, had blunt words for companies that didn’t require staff to be back in the office full-time.

"There are of course companies that don't require this, but when was the last time they shipped a great new product? It's been a while," Musk wrote in the email.

(This story corrects IG Metall district name in paras three and four from 'German state of Brandenburg Sachsen' to 'Berlin-Brandenburg-Sachsen')

Source: Reuters

Myanmar Violence: UN Estimates Displacement Of More Than 1 Million People

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs says in a report that an already critical situation is being exacerbated by ongoing fighting between the military government and its opponents and the increasing prices of essential commodities.

Violence erupts on roads of Myanmar AP

 Latest Iss

UPDATED: 03 JUN 2022 7:32 AM


The United Nations' humanitarian relief agency says the number of people displaced within strife-torn Myanmar has for the first time exceeded 1 million, with well over half the total losing their homes after a military takeover last year.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs says in a report that an already critical situation is being exacerbated by ongoing fighting between the military government and its opponents, the increasing prices of essential commodities, and the coming of monsoon season, while funding for its relief efforts is severely inadequate. Its report covers the situation up to May 26.

The military has hindered or denied independent access to areas not under its control, hampering aid efforts.

US Terms Repression Of Muslim Rohingya Population In Myanmar A 'Genocide'


US Mulls Declaring Rohingya Repression In Myanmar A 'Genocide'


Myanmar's army in February last year seized power from the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi, triggering widespread peaceful protests. When those were put down with lethal force by the army and police, nonviolent opposition turned into armed resistance, and the country slipped into what some UN experts characterize as a civil war.

OCHA says that fighting has recently escalated.

“The impact on civilians is worsening daily with frequent indiscriminate attacks and incidents involving explosive hazards, including landmines and explosive remnants of war," the report says.

It says that more than 694,300 people have become displaced from their homes since the army takeover, with thousands being uprooted a second or third time, and an estimated 346,000 people were displaced by fighting before last year's takeover — mostly in frontier regions populated by ethnic minority groups who have been struggling for greater autonomy for decades.

The report also says about 40,200 people have fled to neighboring countries since the takeover and more than 12,700 “civilian properties,” including houses, churches, monasteries and schools are estimated to have been destroyed.

As of the end of the first quarter of this year, humanitarian assistance reached 2.6 million people in Myanmar, or 41% of the 6.2 million people targeted, OCHA says. The country's total population is over 55 million.

But it warns this year's Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan is only 10% funded so far, falling short by $740 million.

An official of the military government's Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement said Wednesday at a news conference in Myanmar's capital Naypyitaw that the government distributed humanitarian aid to more than 130,000 displaced people from May 2021 through May 27 this year.

The official, whose testimony was broadcast but who was not identified by name, said 1,255 houses and five religious buildings were burned or destroyed in fighting between the army and local resistance militias, and consequently received government aid for rebuilding.

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi said last month that the number of people worldwide forced to flee conflict, violence, human rights violations and persecution has crossed the milestone of 100 million for the first time on record. That's more than 1% of the global population and comprises refugees and asylum-seekers as well as people displaced inside their own countries by conflict.

Violence and conflicts in countries including Ethiopia, Burkina Faso, Myanmar, Nigeria, Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo had driven the total to almost 90 million by the end of last year. The war in Ukraine pushed the number past the 100 million mark.

The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, an independent Geneva-based non-governmental organization, said 53.2 million people were displaced within their countries as a result of conflict and violence as of Dec. 31.

Mystery Surrounds How Munitions Imported for Indonesia's Civilian Spies Were Used in Attacks on Villages

By Reuters
June 2, 2022, 


FILE PHOTO: A local resident holds an unexploded mortar following the October aerial attacks in Kiwirok, Pegunungan Bintang regency, Papua, Indonesia, October 18, 2021. Courtesy of West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB)

/Handout via REUTERSREUTERS

Tom Allard and Stanley Widianto
Publishing date:Jun 02, 2022 •

JAKARTA — Almost 2,500 mortar shells from Serbia bought for Indonesia’s spy agency last year were converted to be air-dropped, and some were used in attacks on eight villages in Papua, according to a report from an arms monitoring group and photos provided to Reuters.

The alleged procurement for the state intelligence agency, known as BIN, was not disclosed to the parliamentary oversight committee that approves its budget, three members told Reuters.

The London-based monitoring group, Conflict Armament Research (CAR), said the mortar rounds were manufactured by Serbia’s state-owned arms-maker Krusik and later modified to be dropped from the air rather than fired from a mortar tube. It said the arms sent to BIN also included 3,000 electronic initiators and three timing devices typically used to detonate explosives.

The 81mm mortar rounds were used in attacks in October on villages in Papua, an Indonesian province where a decades-long campaign by armed separatists has accelerated in recent years, according to CAR, an eyewitness, and human rights investigators working on behalf of several church groups.

Reuters was not able to independently confirm certain aspects of the CAR report, including whether BIN had received the shipment. Reuters also could not establish who authorized the purchase of the munitions or who used them in Papua.

BIN and the Ministry of Defence did not respond to requests for comment about the purchase or use of the mortar shells.

The parliamentary oversight committee is holding a closed hearing next week with BIN, and the weapons purchase will be discussed, one committee member said.

Tubagus Hasanuddin, a former general who also sits on the parliamentary committee that oversees BIN, said that the intelligence agency can acquire small arms for its agents’ self defense but that any military-grade weapons “must be for education or training purposes and not for combat.”

“We need to conduct a hearing first with BIN and check the reason. Afterwards we will check the legality,” he said.

No one was killed, although homes and several churches burned down, according to one witness and investigators working for eight human rights and church groups to document the attacks.

“It’s clear cut that these mortars are offensive weapons that were used in civilian areas,” said Jim Elmslie, convenor of the West Papua Project at the University of Wollongong, who submitted CAR’s report to the UN Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner in April. “This is a breach of humanitarian law.”

BIN is a civilian agency under the direct authority of Indonesia’s president, Joko Widodo, widely known as Jokowi. The president’s office did not respond to a request for comment about the purchase or use of the weapons.

A spokesman for Indonesia’s military, Col. Wieng Pranoto, told Reuters its forces did not drop the munitions on the villages. He declined to say whether BIN deployed the munitions.

Indonesian law requires the military, police and other government agencies to seek permission from the Ministry of Defence to buy arms, and requires them to use materiel produced by the domestic defense industry if it is available. The country’s state-owned arms-maker PT Pindad produces mortar rounds, and they are part of the armed forces’ arsenal.

A defense ministry source familiar with the procurement system said the ministry never approved the purchase or any regulation that would allow BIN to acquire the munitions.

“It raises questions of why BIN would want them,” this person said.

Another member of the parliamentary committee that oversees BIN said he was personally investigating the findings in CAR’s report to determine whether there was any wrongdoing. He said he had approached BIN and PT Pindad for an explanation but “found a lot of giant walls.”

“There must be something that is very, very sensitive about it,” he told Reuters.

PT Pindad’s spokesperson and chief executive’s office did not answer detailed questions from Reuters about how the mortar rounds were procured or who used them.

One of the company’s commissioners, Alexandra Wuhan, declined to discuss specifics of the purchase, but said: “Pindad is obliged and subjected to Indonesia’s laws, rules and regulations regarding military and civilian arms procurements, likewise BIN as the end user. Pindad cannot be held responsible for the when and where the arms are used by Indonesian authorities. We do not have such control.”

ARMS PURCHASE

CAR is a Europe-based arms monitor whose clients have included the European Union, the United Nations, and the U.S. and British governments.

The organization analyzed photos of ordnance used in the attacks in Papua and formally requested information on the shells from the Serbian government via the country’s mission at the United Nations in New York on Nov. 26.

Serbia’s UN ambassador, Nemanja Stevanovic, provided a response on Dec. 31 in a “note verbale,” a formal diplomatic communique. James Bevan, CAR’s executive director, said the information in that communique formed the basis of the weapons tracking group’s report.

CAR declined to share Serbia’s response, citing protocols. Stevanovic, and Serbia’s UN Mission, did not respond to a Reuters request to share the note verbale.

THE TRANSFER

The report said Serbia confirmed Krusic made the M-72 high-explosive mortar rounds, which were sold to Serbian arms supplier Zenitprom DOO in February 2021 along with the 3,000 electronic initiators and timing devices. The munitions were then exported by Zenitprom DOO to PT Pindad for BIN, the group says.

On Oct. 6, 2020, at the beginning of the procurement process, BIN provided Serbian authorities with end-user certificate No. R-540/X/2020, confirming that they would be the exclusive users of the items in the consignment and that the munitions would not be transferred or sold to other parties without the permission of the Serbian authorities, the report said. No request to transfer the weapons was made before the Papua attack, the Serbian government told CAR, according to the report.

In its report, CAR said Serbia confirmed the lot numbers on the shells used in Papua matched those of the ones purchased by BIN.

Some details of the report that Reuters was not able to independently confirm include the mortar shells’ matching lot numbers, the transfer of the munitions consignment to BIN or whether BIN complied with the end-user certificate. Reuters was unable to determine who had modified the mortar rounds or why BIN had purchased the timers and igniters.

CAR said BIN had provided the Serbian government with a “delivery verification certification,” although Reuters could not independently confirm the weapons had arrived in BIN’s hands.

An official at the arms-control section of Serbia’s Ministry of Trade in Belgrade and the country’s embassy in Jakarta did not respond to Reuters’ request for comment. Krusik and Zenitprom DOO did not respond to requests for comment.

VILLAGE ATTACKS

An independence rebellion has simmered in resource-rich Papua since 1969, when a United Nations-supervised vote involving only about 1,025 people led to the former Dutch colony becoming part of Indonesia.

The security situation in Papua has “dramatically deteriorated” since April 2021, when separatists killed the head of BIN’s Papua office in an ambush, according to a statement by three U.N. special rapporteurs in March. Between April and November last year, they said there were “shocking abuses” by the government. The Indonesian government rejected their statement.

Starting on Oct. 10, 2021, helicopters and drones fired into and dropped munitions on eight villages in the Kiwirok district for several days, according to the eyewitness interviewed by Reuters, human rights investigators and several local church leaders.

“They dropped bombs with drones,” Pastor Yahya Uopmabin told Reuters, saying he watched the assault from nearby mountains, where many residents had fled. “Places of worship, houses of residents were burning.”

Eneko Bahabol, a Papuan investigator working for a consortium of eight human rights and church groups, said 32 mortar rounds were dropped, including five that didn’t detonate. Reuters has seen photos of the unexploded rounds.

The photos from CAR show the mortar shells carry the markings of the Serbian state-owned arms-maker. Samuel Paunila, head of the ammunition management advisory team at the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining, confirmed the mortar rounds had Krusic markings.

 (Reporting by Tom Allard and Stanley Widianto. Additional reporting by Michelle Nicholls in New York and Aleksandar Vasovic in Belgrade. Editing by Gerry Doyle)

Matt Duss, Christopher Hitchens and the lies of the pro-imperialist “left”

Eric London@EricLondonSEP
WSWS.ORG


In the lead-up to the 2003 invasion of Iraq, mass demonstrations involving tens of millions of people took place in the United States and across the world. A section of the middle class “left” took part in these demonstrations, which brought together a broad cross-section of the population, including many young people and workers, in opposition to a war that would last nearly two decades and kill over 1 million people. At the time, individuals and political tendencies associated with groups like the Green Party and Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) participated in the demonstrations and presented themselves as anti-war.

Twenty years later, groups like the DSA and Greens not only support imperialist war, in some cases their political representatives are leading it. The DSA’s four elected members of Congress voted unanimously for the Biden administration’s $40 billion in military spending to fight Russia in Ukraine. The German Green Party is part of the coalition government carrying out the rearmament of German imperialism. Pabloite and Morenoite groups like the International Socialist League urge the imperialist powers to send more weapons to neo-Nazi Ukrainian militias.

A June 1 article by Matt Duss in The New Republic entitled “Why Ukraine Matters for the Left” is a milestone in the exposure of the pseudo-left’s pro-imperialist political essence.

Duss is a top foreign policy adviser for Bernie Sanders who typifies the social layer that has now become a main constituency of the Biden administration’s war against Russia. According to a profile in The Nation, Duss “first became involved in politics via anti-globalization activism and Ralph Nader’s 2000 presidential campaign.” A February 2020 Foreign Policy article noted that “Music, not foreign policy, was one of Duss’s biggest life passions—until the 9/11 attacks galvanized in him a sense of wanting to do more on US politics and policy toward the Middle East.” He developed a career as a critic of the war in Iraq, telling The Nation, “I was just uncomfortable with America sending troops around the world.”

It is significant, then, that Duss has written an article denouncing left-wing opponents of imperialist war and adopting the argument made by Christopher Hitchens in his December 2001 article attacking left-wing opponents of the US “War on Terror.”

Tony Blair and Christopher Hitchens [Photo by Andrew Rusk / CC BY 4.0]

The first sentence of Duss’ article reads, “Weeks after the September 11 attacks, Christopher Hitchens wrote a piece in The Atlantic castigating an American left he saw as unwilling to recognize the enemy that had just attacked the United States or support appropriate measures to confront it.”

Duss says Hitchens was wrong to support the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, but Duss then states:


There is, however, a line from Hitchens that I’ve been thinking a lot about lately as I consider the Biden administration’s response to Russia’s war on Ukraine and the debate within the U.S. left about it. All the left’s objections, Hitchens wrote, “boil down to this: Nothing will make us fight against an evil if that fight forces us to go to the same corner as our own government.”

At the time of its publication, Hitchens’ article, “Stranger in a strange land: The dismay of an honorable man of the left,” attracted significant attention and generated a wave of disgust over Hitchens’ naked prostration before the war hysteria promoted by the Bush administration.

In the article, Hitchens, who had been a prominent left cultural critic, argued that September 11 meant “the left” must forget its criticisms of US imperialism and support the War on Terror. As the World Socialist Web Site wrote at the time, “Hitchens’ recent comments on the September 11 World Trade Center attack indicate that he has irretrievably passed over to the extreme right. His permanent and final political identity, which was always the essential one, has now solidified.”

Duss’ article adopts the heart of Hitchens’ argument and launches an attack on those on “the left” who oppose or even express hesitancy over the Biden administration’s reckless provocations against Russia in Ukraine.

Duss attacks two groups. He defines his primary target as those who engage in “pernicious authoritarian agitprop” justifying the actions of the “Russian imperium.” This group includes not only open supporters of the reactionary Putin government, but those who oppose the Russian invasion (as does the WSWS) and question the veracity of US imperialist claims of Russian atrocities. Duss calls such groups and individuals “atrocity-denying grifters and click-baiting provocateurs.” Their aim, he says, is “to divide the left” by making opposition to imperialist war a fundamental issue of political principle. He urges what he calls the “genuine anti-war” left to place such opponents of war beyond the pale, and to “not waste time” with them.

Duss’s second target is sections of the membership of the Democratic Socialists of America who have supported the war against Russia with insufficient bellicosity. “Solidarity” with the Ukrainian military, he writes, “has been hard to find in some of the statements from the Democratic Socialists of America.”

The fact that the DSA’s entire congressional slate supported the war is not enough. Duss attacks the DSA for publishing statements that also raise criticism of NATO expansion in Eastern Europe.

He writes, “Hard questions need to be asked, especially now, about the goals and interests NATO actually serves. But we also need to ask hard questions about how our struggle against militarism works alongside our commitment to colleagues around the world who require more than just a call to stop the war” (emphasis added). Duss does not explain how a struggle “against militarism” is compatible with sending weapons from the world’s dominant imperialist power to Ukraine, nor does he say how arming neo-Nazi militias in the Ukrainian military is an act of socialist “solidarity.” For an anti-war movement to be “genuine,” Duss concludes, it must support imperialist war.

Like Hitchens, Duss argues that “the left” must suppress its criticism of US imperialism and support its war aims. For all its faults, Duss writes, supporting American imperialism is the only way to uphold the “values of social justice, human security and equality, and democracy.”

“Our political class advocates military violence with a regularly and ease that is psychopathic,” Duss writes. “We should not, however, let all of this absurdity blind us to the instances when provision of military aid can advance a more just and humanitarian global order. Assisting Ukraine’s defense against Russian invasion is such an instance.”

The article is structured with a series of similar “buts” and “howevers.”

“The endless military interventions of the last 20 years have engendered a hard won-skepticism” to imperialist war, Duss writes, “But we should also recognize that the Biden administration is not the Bush administration.” Yes, the Biden administration “has failed to uphold progressive principles,” Duss says, “But Ukraine is an area where I think the administration is getting it mostly right.” The US has been involved in a permanent serious of wars, Duss acknowledges. “I get that sentiment. But I think we should interrogate it.”

He goes on: the US government has engaged in nonstop “hypocrisy” and the “US and its allies have undermined the order they themselves built … But preventing powerful countries from invading and obliterating weaker ones should be a core principle of any such order, and past hypocrisy shouldn’t serve as an excuse for failing to say that clearly, and act on it.” And “yes, it is maddening to see calls for accountability for Putin’s atrocities from the same people who endorsed, defended and continue to oppose any meaningful accountability” for the war in Iraq, “But suggesting that Bush’s impunity is a reason not to hold Putin accountable is asking Ukrainians to join Iraqis in footing the bill for our corruption.”

Duss cannot explain how it is that American imperialism, dripping with blood from decades of permanent war for plunder, in which it carried out horrific war crimes with impunity, is capable of advancing the “values of social justice, human security and equality, and democracy,” especially when its shock troops in Ukraine consist of fascist forces who idolize Nazis and the Holocaust. To Duss, it is as though the actions of American imperialism over the last 30 years (let alone the last 125 years) have no bearing on the essential character of the US wars and no connection to its aims in Ukraine.

Duss’s claim that the US war against Russia in Ukraine is for “social justice” and “equality” is lying war propaganda. Every imperialist war the US has ever waged has been justified by the claim it is fought for “democracy” and “freedom.” After all, the Bush administration justified the criminal invasion of Iraq on the same grounds that Duss now seeks to justify “left” support for a war that poses the risk of nuclear catastrophe.

Duss’ endorsement of Christopher Hitchens’ pro-war screed is a landmark in the right-wing transformation not only of an individual, but of the affluent pseudo-socialist layer for whom he speaks.

Social being determines social consciousness, and over the course of the past two decades, the growth of social inequality and the financialization of the world economy have driven the affluent upper-middle class to the political right. The social layer from which groups like the Greens, DSA and other pro-war, pseudo-left tendencies draw support have a vested financial interest in the success of American imperialism.

In the 20 years since the Bush administration launched the War on Terror, the share of national wealth possessed by the “next 9” percentile (i.e., those below the top 1 percent but still in the top 10 percent) has risen from 34.8 percent to 38.6 percent. This section of the population possesses a total of $53.3 trillion in wealth, up from $14.7 trillion in 2000. An individual in the 10th richest income percentile now makes 12.5 times more than an individual in the 90th percentile, up from 10.6 times in 2000. The wealth and income of the top 10 percent is more closely intertwined with the health of the stock markets than ever before. The richest 10 percent now own 89 percent of all stocks, up from 77 percent in 2000.

It is no wonder that the individuals and political tendencies rooted in this social layer advocate giving imperialist war a chance.

NBC Investigation: McKinsey & Company Worked With U.S. And Russian Defense Players

Earlier in the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the U.S. sanctioned Sergey Chemezov, the CEO of a massive defense company called Rostec. An NBC News investigation found that Rostec used to be a client of the famous American consulting firm McKinsey & Company, which also does hundreds of millions of dollars worth of work for the U.S. government. NBC News’ Dan De Luce reports.

 

End Senseless, Suicidal War against Nature, Secretary-General Says at Opening of Stockholm Meeting, Urging Greater Action to Address Global Climate Crisis

Following are UN Secretary-General António Guterres’ remarks to the Stockholm+50 International Meeting, in Stockholm today:

Fifty years ago, the United Nations convened the landmark Conference on the Human Environment here in Stockholm.  World leaders recognized that we have a collective responsibility to protect the environment so humanity can enjoy peace, prosperity and sustainable progress.  And indeed, over that time humanity has progressed.

But today global well-being is in jeopardy, in large part because we have not kept our promises on the environment.  Yes, we have rescued the ozone layer — a remarkable example of multilateral cooperation that should inspire us as we go forward. 

But, as we have become more populous and prosperous, our environmental footprint has become unbearably heavy.  Earth’s natural systems cannot keep up with our demands.  We are consuming at the rate of 1.7 planets a year.  If global consumption were at the level of the world’s richest countries, we would need more than three planet Earths.

We face a triple planetary crisis.  A climate emergency that is killing and displacing ever more people each year.  Ecosystems degradation that are escalating the loss of biodiversity and compromising the well-being of more than 3 billion people.  And a growing tide of pollution and waste that is costing some 9 million lives a year.

We need to change course — now — and end our senseless and suicidal war against nature.  We know what to do.  And, increasingly, we have the tools to do it.  But we still lack leadership and cooperation.

So today, I appeal to leaders in all sectors:  Lead us out of this mess.  The 17 Sustainable Development Goals and the Paris Agreement show the way.  But we must act on these commitments.  Otherwise, they are nothing but hot air.  And hot air is killing us.

So let me get concrete about new opportunities.  Later this year, leaders will finalize a new global biodiversity framework to reverse nature loss by 2030.  Work is ongoing to establish a treaty to tackle plastics pollution.  And the United Nations Ocean Conference can galvanize efforts to save our oceans.

But there is one thing that threatens all our progress.  The climate crisis.  Unless we act now, we will not have a liveable planet.  Scientists recently reported that there is a [50:50] chance that we could temporarily breach the Paris Agreement limit of 1.5°C in the next five years.  We cannot let that happen.  We must cut greenhouse gas emissions by 45 per cent by 2030 to reach net-zero by 2050.  And developed nations must at least double support to developing countries so that they can adapt and build resilience to the climate disruption that is already happening.

Today, I call on G20 Governments to dismantle coal infrastructure, with a full phase-out by 2030 for Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries and 2040 for all others.  And I call on all financial actors to abandon fossil fuel finance and invest in renewable energy.

Renewable energy technologies should be seen as a global public good.  The necessary raw materials should be available to all.  We must scale up and diversify supply chains; reform bureaucracies to provide clarity to investors; fast-track permits for renewable energy projects and accelerate grid modernization; shift subsidies from fossil fuels to support vulnerable people and to advance renewables; and triple investments in renewables to at least $4 trillion dollars a year.

On top of this we must rapidly and vastly improve energy efficiency.  We must reduce deforestation and promote more forest cover by 2030.  We must vastly intensify efforts to restore coastal ecosystems and at least 1 billion hectares of degraded land in the next decade.  And we must also triple investments in nature-based solutions.

If we do these things we can avert climate catastrophe, end a growing humanitarian and inequality crisis and promote inclusive and sustainable development.

Today, I urge countries to embrace the human right to a clean, healthy environment for all people, everywhere — especially poor communities; women and girls; indigenous peoples; young people and the generations to come.  To rescue the global environment — and humanity’s future — we must transform the accounting systems that reward pollution and waste.

We must place true value on the environment and go beyond gross domestic product as a measure of human progress and well-being.  Let us not forget that when we destroy a forest, we are creating gross domestic product (GDP).  When we overfish, we are creating GDP.  GDP is not a way to measure richness in the present situation in the world.

Instead, we must shift to a circular and regenerative economy.  That demands a strengthened, networked multilateralism based on trust and global cooperation — as envisaged in our United Nations report on Our Common Agenda.  Every Government, business and individual has a role to play.

Throughout history, humanity has shown that we are capable of great things.  But only when we work together.  If we want to survive and thrive, let us protect and nurture our planet, that is our only home.  Let us recommit — in words and deeds — to the spirit of responsibility enshrined in the 1972 Stockholm Declaration.  Because there is only one planet Earth.

Thank you.