Saturday, August 27, 2022

‘We’re losing our people’: COVID ravaged Indigenous tribes in New Mexico. Did uranium mining set the stage?

Eli Cahan
Capital & Main

LONG READ

As a young girl, Arlene Juanico would rush to gather the laundry before the explosions started.

When the alarms sounded, Juanico would hustle to grab the clean garments off the clothesline before she was enveloped by dust clouds. But Juanico’s little legs usually couldn’t get her back to shelter in time.

That’s when the yellow-flecked dust – emerging from detonations in the sacred mesa the Laguna tribe knows as Squirrel Mountain – would catch up to her. That’s when it would enter Juanico’s throat, burrowing deep into her lungs.

It’s the same dust she would confront when, as an adult, she worked for the Anaconda Copper Co.

And it’s the dust that would persist in her lungs, kidneys and bones. There, hidden in the dark recesses of her chest, the particles lay until one day decades later a CT scan would show Juanico and people like her why they hadn’t been able to take a full breath in decades. They’d get a similar diagnosis – idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis – one mangled lung at a time.



As such, the dangers of one of the largest uranium mines in American history didn’t abate when the dust clouds dissipated.

Today, hundreds of mines lie abandoned across New Mexico’s Indigenous lands. So do scores of eroding radioactive landfills meant to bury uranium mine waste.

As a result, when COVID-19 struck in 2020, the Laguna, already afflicted by diseases that made it hard to walk, speak or breathe, were set up for severe COVID-19, said Loretta Anderson, a home health aide who is Laguna. So many of her people succumbed during the pandemic that the tribe enlarged its graveyard.

“Many of those we lost through COVID-19 had underlying conditions,” Anderson said. “This is the reason many of them have died.”

Federal guidance and state data suggest the same is true for thousands of Navajo and Acoma who were exposed to uranium before suffering life-threatening cases of COVID-19

.

Now, these communities fear what the future holds for their wellbeing, health and culture.

That leaves Juanico, who is 66 years old and now can barely crest the slope at her ancestral home overlooking bluffs where explosions once raged without becoming short of breath, concerned for her own health.

“I pray it doesn’t get any worse,” she said. “But what do I do … when it gets full-blown?”
‘It follows me every day’

Deep in northern Arizona’s sun-scorched slopes, Bob Begay has been sitting, breathlessly, for years.

Day-to-day life is a struggle. The tight corners surrounding his family’s turquoise-painted hooghan, the traditional eight-sided dwellings of the Navajo people, don’t lend themselves to navigation by wheelchair. And the family’s homesite doesn’t have electricity, which has turned his oxygen machine into a glorified paperweight.


For all his struggles, Begay knows he’s not alone. The 85-year-old has watched friends and neighbors die one after another following years of similar symptoms. So, Begay’s afraid of what lies ahead.

Things in these glimmering white hills weren’t always so bleak.

During his childhood, they’d echo with hoots and hollers: Begay and his 11 siblings relished tending to sheep and cattle that roamed bucolic pastures. Other days, they’d shout and cheer: A transplanted Yankees devotee, Begay prowled the batter’s box like DiMaggio at a time when Joltin’ Joe was giving pitchers fits back east.

But their single mother struggled to make ends meet amid the fallout of the Great Depression, and the children often went hungry. By age 10, Begay was working full time dyeing, stretching and tying wool for the family’s rug-weaving enterprise. And by 14, he was coming home covered in dust containing the radioactive ingredients for the most powerful weapon known to mankind.



As a junior miner for the Vanadium Corporation of America, he spent his days once again roaming the nearby hills: only this time, with the intent of placing dynamite into the belly of those hills known in Navajo as hal ghai yah nal kiid.

Soon enough, Begay had a family of his own. He was committed to making sure they never struggled like he had. “I didn’t want the kids to have a need for anything,” he said.

Two decades after he first set foot in a mine, Begay started “huffing and puffing” at work. He was in his mid-30s. Crippled by exhaustion just hours into the day, he’d need to take break after break, or bow out of certain jobs at the mine altogether.

It wasn’t until nearly half a century later that he got a full medical work-up, and an explanation: end-stage lung disease, likely due to uranium exposure. Until then, he explained, he’d never been told of the well-documented dangers, and his employers never gave him a shred of protective gear.

These days — no longer able to bathe or dress himself, and speaking with frequent pauses between sentences to sneak in a breath — Begay laments his decision to work in the mines.

“It follows me every day of my life,” he said.

As malignant as Begay’s work was for him, his circumstances aren’t exceptional.

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Across the Navajo Nation — an area larger than 10 U.S. states that touches Arizona, Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico — nearly 30 million tons of uranium were pulled out of more than 500 mines between 1944 and 1986. That mining changed the course of history, tilting military dominance westward one atomic bomb at a time.

But that pursuit of nuclear supremacy came at the expense of many Indigenous people like Begay. Calculating just how many is a daunting task.

The Indian Health Service estimates that approximately 4,000 Navajo worked in the mines. But advocates say that statistic leaves out the vast majority of people who have suffered – or will suffer — from diseases linked to uranium exposure. It doesn’t count the many who inhaled the toxic dust when it blew off their loved ones’ clothes or stained their laundry or emanated from the clay foundations of their homes.

The IHS stat also doesn’t include uranium mining’s impact on other tribes such as Laguna, Acoma, and Hopi whose loved ones worked in mines like Jackpile at Squirrel Mountain, which contributed 25 million tons of uranium over some 30 years.

That’s partly because there was no universal screening program for uranium workers such as miners, millers and transporters until 2002, nearly six decades after the first mine opened.


Even with that program, which is available at only two sites in New Mexico, people’s ability to access care depends on their ability to travel, said Loretta Christensen, the chief medical officer of IHS. That’s a considerable obstacle for a community where one in three people live in poverty — and often have limited transportation access while facing tight gas budgets. It is also an environment where ferocious weather routinely makes the pothole-ridden, oft-flooded roads impassable.

Moreover, Christensen said, even when people can get to these sites, the facilities are frequently ill-equipped to diagnose and treat diseases caused by uranium, and often lack the equipment they’d need to make such a diagnosis.

And, beyond the program, according to Christensen, doctors don’t routinely bring up mining or uranium exposure.

Garrett Vallo, an Acoma member of an intertribal coalition advocating for uranium victims, said that the gaps in medical data and health systems for people who worked in the mines mean they are often going years without the care they need.

That is, Vallo explained, if they ever get the care at all.

“I know a lot of people who were miners who died,” he said, “and who we never knew anything else about.”

‘We’re losing our people’

The dangers don’t stop with those who worked in the mine.

They include people like Begay’s daughter Rita, who lived near the mines. People who inhaled the dust while playing outdoors, or hugging a miner dad just home from work.

These cases are what Christensen calls “secondary exposures,” in reference to the diseases locals developed despite having never worked at the mines themselves. Cases such as these often go undiagnosed and untreated, Christensen added.

“We actually tell our providers, you need to ask if … they lived near a mine or a disposal site,” Christensen said. “We need to have a higher level of suspicion.”

There are also “intergenerational” consequences, Christensen said: IHS studies have found elevated uranium levels in infants born to exposed mothers, suggesting that uranium may be passed through placental blood, breast milk or other sources.

All told, across New Mexico, the number of secondary survivors filing for health care claims due to uranium exposure is 53% higher than the number of uranium workers who have filed.

Finally, there are the tertiary survivors, Christensen said: those who continue to live on the toxic land, inhaling the dust and drinking the water 40 years after the last block of uranium ore came out of the ground.

“There’s kids that are still being exposed,” said Begay. “When is it going to end?”

Nonetheless, given the lack of comprehensive screening, the absence of data on primary, secondary and tertiary victims means the actual burden of uranium-related illness, while vast, is unknown. It means that when people like Begay’s friends and colleagues died — or when his children and grandchildren do — nobody can definitively prove whether uranium played a role.

Without that data, people tend to simply attribute those deaths to old age or natural causes, Vallo said.

“They don’t think twice.”
‘They didn’t have a fighting chance’

By the late 1870s, Friedrich Harting and Walther Hesse had seen enough.

After watching miner after miner in the Viennese Alps cough up blood while working day and night in the pits, the two Austrian doctors sent a manuscript back from snowy Schwartzenberg to metropolitan Berlin. Their study of the mines of Schneeberg found that 75% of lung cancer cases were “at the expense” of the uranium mines.

Since that study, doctors have further nailed down the association between the fluorescence-smeared, corn-colored rock and life-threatening disease.

By 1959, decades before universal workplace protections were enforced for uranium workers, the United States Public Health Service had established its own connection between the nuclear ore and lung cancer. Years of study since have further confirmed how the toxic metal and the radioactive fireballs it releases – alpha particles and gamma rays –can cause everything from widespread lung scarring to kidney failure to DNA mutations producing cancer.

Fast-forward to March 2020.

Early in the COVID-19 pandemic, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention released a list of conditions that make people especially vulnerable to hospitalization and death from the virus. On that list? Lung scarring. Kidney failure. Cancer.

Yet when COVID-19 tore through the Navajo Nation and other Indigenous lands in the spring of 2020, the decades-long legacy of uranium poisoning didn’t figure into public health conversations.

Data that Capital & Main obtained from the New Mexico Department of Health reveals just how deadly this legacy may have been for Indigenous peoples across the state.

As of March 2022, Indigenous peoples were hospitalized for COVID-19 up to six times more often than any other demographic group, and up to five times more likely to have underlying kidney and lung disease. They were also up to nine times more likely to end up on a ventilator — and up to seven times more likely to die — than any other group.

Anderson, in Laguna, knew dozens of former miners who died of the virus. At one point, she said, so many were dying of COVID-19 that the pueblo had to expand the cemetery.

Vallo, in Acoma, witnessed a similar phenomenon. “These people had health conditions that, when the COVID-19 hit them, it took them so quickly,” he said.

“They didn’t have a fighting chance.”
‘Your hand will continue to burn’

When Dariel Yazzie peers across the butte-studded vistas of Monument Valley, he sees two things: the magisterial home of his shinálí, or paternal grandfather, that reaches back as far as his people’s stories can tell, and the enduring shadow of uranium.

Yazzie has a long history with the stuff.



His paternal grandfather, Luke Yazzie, contracted out his lands for mining, which is why he is widely credited with introducing uranium mining to the region — the first domino to fall in the decades of extraction and exploitation by Anglos that followed.

Yazzie spent his adult life working for the Navajo Environmental Protection Agency, trying to understand uranium’s toll on his shinálí’s – and tribe’s – land. And, trying to clean up the mess that the white men, or bilagáana, left in their wake. A mess of abandoned mines, toxic runoff and contaminated waterways that left one family member after another debilitated with uranium-associated disease, or dead from it. A mess that’s left the cottonwood-shaded dale of his childhood uninhabitable.

“The fact that I go out there, and I don’t have family to greet me… it hurts,” Yazzie said.

Environmental data obtained by Capital & Main from the federal EPA illustrates just how ubiquitous uranium contamination is across Navajo lands. Screening data found that hundreds of structures were located near mines, and that the majority of mines leached into nearby surface water and groundwater wells that locals drink from. Nearly 40% of the mines were located by homes.

The same appears to be true elsewhere. In Laguna Pueblo, the agency has conducted soil removals, foundation renovations, radioactive waste abatements, and demolitions at dozens of homes that were contaminated by uranium. Sean Hogan, a manager for the EPA who oversees these territories, described the ongoing contamination as “widespread and significant.”

In addition to the locations awaiting cleanup, there’s concern that even sites purportedly secured through tailings piles — in which radioactive ore is collected and buried, coffin-like, below mounds of dirt — are no longer safe.

For example, there’s the tailings pile that sits yards away from the cluster of lodges nestled in a valley between two red rock ridges where Perry and Henry Tso grew up in Tse Tah, Arizona.



Though the EPA does not routinely review the integrity of tailings piles these days, Hogan said that erosion continues to uncover highly radioactive material.

When the Tso brothers walk up and down the pile with a Geiger counter –over half a century after uranium was last mined in the area – it detects levels of radiation far above the EPA’s safety thresholds. Whether that’s due to years of dust storms and flash floods, or to faulty construction in the first place, the brothers say the result is the same: They’re exposed, their loved ones are exposed, and their land is poisonous.

“There were so many Band-Aid jobs,” Henry said. “We’re still suffering over here.”



Federal officials also acknowledge the ongoing public health impact of uranium exposure. Contamination is “definitely a problem of the present,” said Christopher Hanson, chairman of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), the federal oversight body tasked with protecting public health related to radioactive materials. “You can’t escape that history.”

The cumulative exposure suggests future generations could be saddled with crippling health conditions that could make them similarly vulnerable to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. Or, to the next pandemic.

“Unless we’ve mitigated every single mine and cleaned up every tailings pile, [exposure] is going to go on,” Christensen said.

“If you put your hand over a flame,” she added, “your hand will continue to burn unless you remove your hand, or you turn off the flame.”
‘We want to come home’

But until those cleanups happen, families like the Yazzies will face continued displacement from their ancestral lands.

In the meantime, they cannot herd their once prolific flocks, nor cultivate their cornfields, nor harvest the corn pollen for prayer. It means a loss of culture, tradition and identity.

“I hear my grandparents saying … ‘Grandson, your umbilical cord is buried here at the horse corral, this is where you’re from, this is where you’re bound to,’” Yazzie said. “We want to come home.”

Meanwhile, with her people getting sicker each day, Anderson is concerned for the heritage they’ve fought so hard to protect.

Today’s Laguna, whose roots trace back to 6,500 B.C., proudly carry the torch for generations of expert farmers, exquisite ceramists and fierce warriors. But since 1952 – since Jackpile began polluting their water, poisoning their land and sickening their young and old alike – the Laguna legacy has been fading.

“We’re losing our people,” Anderson said.

Eli Cahan is a freelance journalist. This article was produced by Capital & Main, a nonprofit publication that reports on economic, environmental and social issues. It was supported by the USC Annenberg Center for Health Journalism's Impact Fund for Reporting on Health Equity and Health Systems. The article is co-published with permission.

An activist plans to test Texas' 'In God We Trust' law with signs in Arabic

August 26, 2022
WYNNE DAVIS
NPR

A prototype of the "In God We Trust" poster written in Arabic created by Chaz Stevens.
Chaz Stevens

There are those who heed the warning "don't mess with Texas," and then there are those who do the exact opposite.

Activist Chaz Stevens is in the second group.

He's taking on a Texas law that requires public schools to display signs and posters with the national motto "In God We Trust" in "conspicuous places." The law requires that the signs were either donated or purchased from private donations to the school.

Stevens, who lives in Florida and is known for his petitions to local governments, heard of the law about a week ago and told NPR he was irritated by the move to bring religion — in this case, Christianity — into schools.

"That should be irritating for you, regardless of what God or not-God you believe in," he said.

As far as he could tell, there was no requirement that the motto be written in English. He decided to start a fundraising campaign to send posters to schools around the state with the motto written in Arabic instead.


Enlarge this image
Chaz Stevens
.Brendan Farrington/AP

"They didn't say anything about language," Stevens said. "And as an artist, it's always art forward for me. So I thought, well, know what looks good ... and then it occurred to me that Arabic is beautiful."

He said his goal with this campaign is the same as with his previous endeavors.

"It's simple — it's empowering hypocrisy itself, turning bureaucracies against themselves, figuring out what the bureaucratic hypocrisy is," Stevens said.
The Texas law passed during the last legislative session

The law was passed last summer. At the time, there were more concerns about the pandemic than the signs – and only now are more being donated, The Texas Tribune reports.

Republican state Sen. Bryan Hughes authored the bill and has shared updates as groups have started making donations to different districts and schools.

The law requires the posters or signs to be donated or "purchased from private donations," and the U.S. flag and Texas state flag must be represented on the poster as well. It "may not depict any words, images, or other information."

Though the law does not mention English being the only language that can be displayed, Hughes responded to news of Stevens' campaign.

"Read the bill. Sign must contain "In God We Trust" US flag, Texas flag and "may not depict" any other words or images," Hughes wrote. "Print what you like, but only these signs qualify under the law."
Despite that, Stevens is continuing with his plan. In less than a week, he has raised more than $18,000 and counting to fund the purchase of the signs.

He said overall the response has been "wildly supportive."
Stevens is expanding the design to include more languages

The feedback from the public also led Stevens to broaden his design. He plans to include Spanish, Hindi and other languages. To ensure he has the translations right, Stevens said he is hiring translators in each language.



EDUCATION
The Bible is among dozens of books removed from this Texas school district

There's still some design work to be done, but Stevens is hopeful his posters will start arriving at schools in Texas in the next two to three weeks.

Other organizations -- including the Yellow Rose Texas Republican Women group and Patriot Mobile, which calls itself a Christian conservative wireless service provider — have donated posters printed in English to schools outside of Houston as well as in the Dallas metropolitan area.

Stevens said he doesn't have a list of specific schools in mind, but he's aiming to send the signs to politically liberal and conservative areas.

"If I send out 500 signs, I expect 98% of them not to go up. And that's a win for me," Stevens said. "Maybe two out of a hundred go up on a wall. And I wanted the two. ... It proves the point."
Drought threatens coal plant operations — and electricity — across the West

Julia Simon
August 26, 2022 
MPR/NPR

The Jim Bridger coal plant in Point of Rocks, Wyo., powers more than a million homes across six Western states. It consumes more water than any other coal plant in the West, according to the federal government.
Julia Simon for NPR

Driving through the Wyoming sagebrush west of Cheyenne, the clouds of dust rising from the road give way to giant plumes of steam shooting into the warming sky.

This is the Jim Bridger power plant, one of the largest coal-fired power sources in the nation and an enormous emitter of carbon dioxide pollution. At the plant's edge there's a reservoir, lined with rocks and clumps of drying grass. The plant sucks up about 16 million barrels of water each day, using it to power more than million homes across six western states, all the way to Oregon.

But there's a problem that looms for the coal plant operator and the customers that rely on it for electricity. This water is piped here from the Green River, a tributary of the rapidly shrinking Colorado River. Now, amidst a decades-long drought and a shortage of water downstream across the Southwest, future conservation in the basin could mean industrial users like Jim Bridger see their water shut off, says Wyoming State Engineer Brandon Gebhart.

"They would be likely the first one shut off. Unless they were able to find a different source of water, we would have to just shut off their water and not allow them to divert," Gebhart says.

The western U.S. hasn't been this dry for more than 1,200 years, but 30 western coal plants continue to suck up 156 million gallons a day of the region's scarce water, according to the Energy Information Administration. Now the very plants whose emissions help drive climate change are at risk of shutdowns, because the water they need to operate has fallen to unprecedented levels.

Some utilities are already sending warnings, telling federal regulators that the drought could threaten coal plant operations. But there's uncertainty at the state level over which officials are responsible for managing drought risk to power plants and the threat of brownouts and blackouts.

Old coal plants like Jim Bridger have for decades been critical to the grid, says David Eskelsen, spokesman for Rocky Mountain Power, a division of PacifiCorp, which operates the Wyoming plant. "With all the concerns about the use of fossil fuels, climate change, and the use of water in this way," Eskelsen says, "that has to be balanced against the role that these particular power plants play in the stability of the regional transmission system."

But rising water scarcity in the West means the stability of coal plants like Jim Bridger is no longer a sure thing, says Joe Smyth, research manager at the Energy and Policy Institute, a utility watchdog group.

"If you don't have water to cool it, you can't run it, right? Like it's not a minor risk. It is a very disruptive event," he says, "If you're not aware of those risks, then you are not really operating your power plants responsibly."
The coal plant sources its water by pipeline from the Green River, a tributary of the shrinking Colorado River.
Julia Simon for NPR

Who ensures that coal plants have enough water?

Drought threatens coal plant operations and customers across the US. Earlier this year in its reliability assessment, the North American Electric Reliability Corporation issued a warning that drought in the Missouri River Basin could affect power plants, including coal plants, that use river water for cooling. In the west, the risk of low water is leading to new alerts for Wall Street investors.

In its latest filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission, New Mexico utility PNM outlines the risks of drought to its coal plants on the San Juan river, a tributary of the Colorado. "If inadequate precipitation occurs in the watershed that supplies that region, PNM may have to decrease generation at these plants," the utility writes, "Drought conditions or actions taken by the court system, regulators, or legislators could limit PNM's supply of water, which would adversely impact PNM's business."

But for a coal plant like Jim Bridger, it can be unclear who is regulating this risk at ground-level, where power shortages could affect millions of Americans.

The Wyoming Public Service Commission (PSC) officially regulates plant operator Rocky Mountain Power, but the PSC's chief counsel John Burbridge tells NPR his office has not taken steps to ensure there's enough water to keep the power on. He says the PSC defers to the state engineer. "We trust that once [the utilities] have the state engineer's permit they do have enough water," Burbridge says, "You know it's the old Ronald Reagan thing, 'Trust, but verify.'"

But the state engineer Gebhart says a water right isn't a promise of water forever for coal plants. "The granting of a water right does not guarantee an amount of water," he says. "It allows them to use water when it's available."
Rocky Mountain Power spokesperson David Eskelsen says the Jim Bridger coal plant uses water mostly for the cooling cycle. The plant uses about 16 million gallons of water each day.

Julia Simon for NPR

Gebhart's office gave Jim Bridger its water rights from the Green River in 1968 – the coal plant started operating in 1974. In the scheme of Wyoming's Green River Basin, that isn't very old. Some local farms have water rights dating back to the 1880s, and they would have the seniority to keep their water over relatively newer users like Jim Bridger, Gebhart says.

Last week Wyoming and other upper basin states of the Colorado River missed the federal government's deadline to propose cuts to help with the low water levels downstream at Lake Powell and Lake Mead.

It's still unclear when this possible diversion of Colorado River water from the upper basin could happen. Eskelsen notes that Jim Bridger has a "contingency" at another nearby reservoir – although it, too, is on the Green River and also could be at risk. Ultimately while coal plants like Jim Bridger can ask the state engineer for guidance, they're on their own to make sure they have water supplies to keep operating into the future, says water expert Patrick Tyrrell, the former Wyoming state engineer. "That's not the state engineer's job," he says, "The primary responsibility is on them themselves."
Jim Bridger doesn't plan to close until 2037. It's considering new technology to capture carbon emissions. The utility tells regulators that carbon capture would use about 35-40% more water.

Julia Simon for NPR

Future plans for Western coal plants


The Jim Bridger coal plant isn't scheduled to close for good until 2037. The Biden administration is aiming for a fossil-free electric grid by 2035. While some Western states like Colorado have committed to shutting down all their coal plants in the next decade, others are considering a different direction.

States like Wyoming, which produces about 40% of the country's coal, hope to keep their coal plants running using new technology that would compress and trap their carbon emissions underground before they escape and cause global warming. In recent years, Wyoming's legislature has mandated that utilities with coal plants explore installing "carbon capture and sequestration" technology. And landmark federal climate legislation features new incentives for carbon capture and storage, including upping the tax credit for storing carbon emissions underground from $50 to as much as $85 per ton.

But installing this technology in a mega-drought that shows no signs of relenting poses serious risks, says Avner Vengosh, professor of environmental quality at Duke University. Carbon capture requires even more water than these Western coal plants already use. In a recent filing with the Wyoming Public Commission, PacifiCorp estimates that carbon capture increases a coal plant's water usage by about 35-40%.

Regardless of what happens with carbon capture and storage, Rocky Mountain Power plans to convert two of Jim Bridger's four units from coal to natural gas in 2023. But even with gas as a fuel instead of coal, the plant would still use the same amount of water, says Eskelsen. "The boiler is still the same and the cooling cycle is still the same," he says.


The Buckboard Marina on the Green River in Wyoming is about 50 miles southwest of the Jim Bridger coal plant. The sagebrush turns to sand marking where the Green River water has fallen. The falling water also means the marina owners must continuously adjust the ramp to the boats.
Julia Simon for NPR

Locals push for less water-intensive energy

About 50 miles southwest of the Jim Bridger coal plant on the Green River is the Buckboard Marina. Families drive their boats down a long steep road to get to the shore.

Because of the drought, the water has dropped about six feet from a year ago, says Tony Valdez, co-owner of the marina, pointing to the old waterline where the sagebrush abruptly turns to sand. Now Valdez and his wife and co-owner, Jen Valdez, must continuously gauge the water to adjust the ramp to the boats. "It's just straight down," she says. "It's like a slip and slide."

Last month, the Valdez family attended a meeting at a local middle school with farmers, ranchers, and another marina owner about the shortage of water in the Colorado River Basin. "With our water dropping, you know our concern is, where's our marina go?" Tony Valdez asks, "Where's the water come from, if it ain't falling from the sky?"

This drought has forced new questions about the water intensity of energy sources throughout the Colorado basin, says Wahleah Johns, the director of the office of Indian energy policy at the Department of Energy. She says that's particularly true in the Navajo or Diné Nation, which is shifting away from coal. The Four Corners power plant, scheduled to close until 2031, draws from the San Juan River, part of the dwindling Colorado River basin. Johns says as the Diné consider alternative energies, they're thinking about the legacy of coal, water, and pollution.

"The biggest question that communities had is, 'How much water is this gonna use?' And particularly around solar power in comparison to coal." While solar needs some water in the production of the panels, it doesn't have a water footprint once it is installed. "We had to show, you know, very little water is gonna be used."

Johns is a member of Diné nation, "My family, we haul water, we don't have access to water. I mean [close to] 40% of my nation has to haul water every other day," she says, "Those folks have an understanding of how precious water is."


Earlier this year in a filing to federal regulators New Mexico utility PNM wrote that their coal plants, including the Four Corners Coal Plant, "may have to decrease generation" because of the drought.

Susan Montoya Bryan/AP

Back at the marina in Wyoming, Tony Valdez remembers his life working in coal plants, including Jim Bridger. "My dad worked in 'em, my brother worked in 'em, I worked in 'em." Valdez knows how much water coal plants use and says that's why he's interested in renewable energy.

"So why are we still pushing that sh*t up in the air when we have wind, we have solar, we have all this stuff that does not impact water?" he asks, "We're pumping water through pipes to power plants to produce power, when there's so many other things that you could possibly do."

This reporting was supported with a grant from The Water Desk at the University of Colorado Boulder.

Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.
Could Coal Waste Be Used to Make Sustainable Batteries?

Acid mine drainage has long been a scourge in Appalachia. Recent research suggests that we may be able to simultaneously clean up the pollution and extract the minerals and elements needed to power green technologies.


By August 26, 2022


Illustration by Leif Gann-Matzen

LONG READ

On a recent afternoon, near the headwaters of Deckers Creek, in West Virginia, Paul Ziemkiewicz, the biological scientist who directs the Water Research Institute at West Virginia University, squatted by a blood-red trickle seeping from a hillside. The color, he pointed out, was the telltale sign of water contaminated by a form of coal waste called acid mine drainage, which poisons aquatic life. For decades, this contaminated water has devastated Appalachia, killing many of the creeks and rivers that lie between Kentucky and southwestern Pennsylvania. “I’ve spent thirty-two years making this waste go away,” Ziemkiewicz told me. He had come to meet Brian Hurley, the executive director of Friends of Deckers Creek, a local watershed group that had been working to clean up the waste. Hurley had shaggy hair, and wore rubber boots and sunglasses propped on the brim of his baseball cap. In another era, he might’ve found work in a local coal mine, or a steel mill, but those industries were mostly gone. There are, however, increasing opportunities in cleaning up the mess left behind. Part of Hurley’s job is to monitor the water-treatment systems for the creek, some of which Ziemkiewicz had helped to design. “You can make a living now fixing things and making them better,” Hurley said.

Ziemkiewicz, who is lean and studious-looking, explained that acid mine drainage forms when air and water come into contact with the exposed and pyrite-rich rock on the surfaces of mines, starting a chemical reaction that releases sulfuric acid, which then flows into creeks. Ziemkiewicz directed Hurley to open the metal door of the treatment system, which looked like a miniature grain silo built over the seep. Inside, a waterwheel dropped chalky white lime dust into the vermillion stream below. “It’s a glorified eggbeater,” Hurley said. The lime, a base, neutralizes the acid in the contaminated water. The water then flows from the silo into a large holding pond, where heavier metals and other elements drop out, forming a rainbow sludge. The puddles of sludge take on vivid hues: glacial blue indicates the presence of aluminum; terra-cotta red means iron. The treated water then flows from the pond, down the bank, into the creek.

West Virginia is the second-largest coal producer in the United States, and coal-patch communities have often been left paying the bill for cleaning up the contamination that companies leave behind. But recent research has indicated that coal waste also contains critical minerals and materials, including cobalt, manganese, and lithium, and rare-earth elements, such as neodymium. These are essential to a wide range of high-tech products, including the magnets used in wind turbines and the ultra-lightweight batteries used in computers, smartphones, and a variety of modern weaponry. Ziemkiewicz said, “These alloys make things lighter, faster, and allow for increased temperature.” Decarbonizing the economy, to mitigate the ravages of climate change, will also require producing many more highly efficient batteries, and this process will require supplying these materials in larger quantities.

Right now, many such materials are mined in places like Congo, where labor practices involve large-scale abuses, including, reportedly, forced child labor in cobalt mines, sometimes involving children who have been drugged. Others are produced in China, which maintains tight strictures on manufacturing and export. This model is bad for the American economy, and it creates challenges for supply chains, as well as for national security, since it requires the U.S. to outsource the development and manufacturing of certain sensitive technologies to Chinese factories. “The Chinese can assure a local factory access to a rare-mineral supply, but the U.S. can’t,” Ziemkiewicz told me. “We have exactly one mine in this country producing rare earths at all, and they’re taking their concentrates and sending them to China.”

In the past several years, however, American scientists have succeeded in extracting critical minerals and materials from coal waste. If this effort proves efficient and effective, we may be able to simultaneously clean up polluted places and secure access to rare resources. These resources could then be used to bring sensitive manufacturing back to the U.S., provide supplies used for military technologies, and help create more sustainable energy sources. “Fossil communities are solving something Silicon Valley can’t,” Jennifer Wilcox, the principal deputy assistant secretary of the Office of Fossil Energy and Carbon Management at the Department of Energy, told me. “This does more than restore the environment. It also restores these communities that have paid so much for America’s energy.”

Ziemkiewicz is leading the effort to harvest critical minerals and rare-earth elements from Appalachia’s acid mine drainage. “It has every metal that I’ve ever looked for,” he said. In 2019, he was awarded five million dollars by the Department of Energy, to work in conjunction with the West Virginia Department of Environmental Protection to build the first pilot-scale facility in the country to process waste and extract critical materials from acid mine drainage. The facility, which began initial operations this summer, will produce between one and a half and three tons of critical minerals and rare-earth elements annually.

Rumors of the potential uses for coal waste have spurred a wave of interest. At the creek, Ziemkiewicz plucked a square stalk with blue flowers growing among the flat blades of grass, and spun it in between his thumb and forefinger. “See how it’s cruciform?” he asked, offhandedly. “This is borage.” Hurley asked him, “Are you getting calls from landowners and mine operators?” Ziemkiewicz replied, “About two a week. I also got one from an electric-car manufacturer, but I’d better not say who.”

Ziemkiewicz is enjoying an unusual reversal: the waste that coal companies have long disowned is suddenly of interest.The shift intrigues him. The grandson of a coal miner, Ziemkiewicz was born and raised in southwestern Pennsylvania, along the Allegheny River. He grew up a few miles from Springdale, the home town of Rachel Carson, author of the environmental classic “Silent Spring.” His high-school science teacher, who was apparently a friend of Carson’s, hired Ziemkiewicz for his first job, teaching local kids about the outdoors. Ziemkiewicz spent his summers fishing with his uncles, who were steel workers. Most of the time, they caught nothing, since acid mine drainage, and other industrial pollutants, had killed almost everything in the river.

Early on, he decided that his life’s work would be reclaiming the landscapes and ecosystems that have been ruined by mining. He moved to British Columbia for his studies, where he worked as a botanist, replanting barren mine lands with grasses and legumes that were hearty enough to survive, such as alfalfa and clover. By the nineties, he was working on acid mine drainage. Thanks in part to the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act, the government was providing grants to clean up the damage left behind by abandoned mines. Ziemkiewicz has spent decades driving through the hollows of West Virginia, helping to found watershed groups, citizen-led organizations that aim to restore the health of local water systems. These groups weren’t made entirely of ardent environmentalists: they were broad coalitions that included professors and teachers who were passionate about cleaning up local waters, along with former coal miners who valued hunting and favored using natural resources prudently. Ziemkiewicz brokered unusual alliances between coal companies, environmental groups, and state and federal governments, which worked together to clean up the sites of abandoned mines. One morning, he took me on a sixteen-mile trail ride along a thriving stretch of the Monongahela River that had been reclaimed as a result of his work. A nearby trail bustled with outdoor enthusiasts wearing spandex.

 “This stretch of river was dead when I arrived,” he said.

VIDEO FROM THE NEW YORKER

For scientists who study coal waste, it was not a surprise that the waste contained critical minerals. “I know what’s in there,” Ziemkiewicz said. The eureka moment occurred at a laboratory at West Virginia University, where a team of scientists led by Ziemkiewicz proved that these minerals and materials could be recovered from acid mine drainage. In 2019, President Donald Trump’s Department of Energy began expanding a program that was investigating the extraction of rare-earth elements from coal waste. The Trump Administration likely reasoned that, if the coal waste was seen as valuable rather than hazardous, its production would be less of a downside to future mining. The Administration was also keen to bring industrial production from China to the U.S.

When Joe Biden became President, the Administration reset its goals: a roughly fifty-per-cent reduction in emissions by 2030, a completely clean electrical grid by 2035, and net-zero greenhouse-gas emissions by 2050. Wilcox and her colleagues reviewed existing programs, including the coal-waste program. “We wanted to make sure that they didn’t simply enable industry,” she told me. They decided that they should keep the program going, not to boost coal mining but to clean up affected communities and increase the supply of critical materials, which would help produce sustainable energy. “We have so much stockpiled waste from fossil power and industrial sectors that, using this legacy waste, we have significant production potential for rare-earth elements and critical minerals,” Wilcox told me. “Our back of the envelope says we can meet the U.S. needs of our clean-energy goals from this waste,” she added. “We’ll no longer need to rely on places like Congo for cobalt mining. At the same time, we can create jobs in transition communities and clean up these areas ravaged by mining.”

Ziemkiewicz’s project is now one of four small-scale pilot programs supported by the Department of Energy. “All have demonstrated that we can take coal, coal refuse, coal ash, and acid mine drainage and produce high-purity rare-earth elements,” Grant Bromhal, the acting director of the Minerals Sustainability Division at the Department of Energy, said. He noted that there are twelve critical materials required for clean energy, sometimes called the “dynamic dozen,” and that the list is growing: cobalt, dysprosium, gallium, germanium, graphite, iridium, lithium, manganese, neodymium, nickel, platinum, and praseodymium. The potential domestic supply of these materials is abundant. “We are the Saudi Arabia of coal waste,” he told me. Coal ash, for instance, sits in massive ponds that can occupy hundreds of acres; mine tailings can form mountains of rubble and hard rock. In Lowell, Vermont, for instance, stands a pile of tailings hundreds of feet tall, from what was once the United States’ largest chrysotile asbestos mine.

After our trail ride, Ziemkiewicz and I returned to his Chevy Blazer, and he pulled on work pants and drove us two hours southeast of Morgantown, a small city near the Pennsylvania border. We crossed barren straits that ran above underground mines. Then the Blazer climbed Backbone Mountain and crossed the eastern Continental Divide. We pulled onto an unmarked gravel road and jounced on toward the construction site where Ziemkiewicz’s team—along with the West Virginia Department of Environmental Protection and the U.S. Department of Energy—was building the facility to recover critical materials and rare-earth elements from acid mine drainage.

Ziemkiewicz has a picture in his office of himself and Senator Joe Manchin, who has expressed support of his program. “Recycling provides a tremendous opportunity to avoid outsourcing the raw supply of critical minerals we need while creating new economic opportunities right here at home,” Manchin said, at a congressional hearing in the spring. Ziemkiewicz keeps his politics to himself. In the past, he has called himself “a Trotskyite,” but he believes that the success of his past three decades of work, reclaiming thousands of miles of rivers and streams in Appalachia, is based on sharing knowledge across a wide array of communities. Although he has spent most of his life building tools to help clean up after coal companies and has testified against their dangerous practices in court, he resists speaking ill of the industry. He told me stories of what he had seen—once, he said, he watched miners discover what appeared to be fossilized dinosaur footprints, but no one dared mention it, since acknowledging them could halt mining—but he told them in an agnostic manner, without judgment.

By the time that we arrived at the site of the future facility, it had started to rain, and Ziemkiewicz popped his trunk to offer me a raincoat. There, in the back, sat his old white hard hat, covered with stickers from mining concerns. When I began to criticize them, he blinked at me, hard. We were in coal country, and his most talented engineers on this project came from the industry; to wag fingers at coal here would alienate potential allies. Technocrats in Washington, D.C., can afford political polarization, he said, but many people living in Appalachian communities are accustomed to working across divides to solve common problems. Beyond the contributions of the engineers, coal companies and mining operators were an integral part of this program as well: they owned vast tracts of land and were sometimes willing to partner with the state to clean up discharged acid mine drainage.

We stood in a large unfinished shed on the construction site, listening to raindrops hit the corrugated roof. Ziemkiewicz noted that the facility would take in about five thousand gallons of acid mine drainage each year from a massive defunct coal mine at the top of the ridge, and would run the contaminated water through a series of holding tanks and ponds to dry it out into bales, which could then be transported to his lab by truck and be separated into valuable elements. “When you start with rock, you have to grind it up, and use very strong and extreme processes to get the rare earth,” he told me. But, when extracting the materials from coal waste, “the acid in the waste already puts minerals into solution, so nature has done most of the heavy lifting for us.”

Sustainability researchers from the Rochester Institute of Technology point out that there is significant variation in the types and amounts of critical materials present in different reservoirs of coal waste. This means that not all waste will be profitable to purify. As the researchers have written, “The value of rare earths in a single ton of coal ash can vary from US$99 at a coal plant in Ohio to $534 at a West Virginia plant. With extraction costs expected to range between $380 and $1,200 per ton, not every coal plant’s ash will be a profitable place to find rare earths.” There are also concerns that the chemicals used to harvest critical minerals could be damaging. “Generally, these processes are energy intensive, using solvent extraction technologies that are not environmentally friendly,” Maria Holuszko, a coal and mineral processing engineer and associate professor at the University of British Columbia, said in an interview. (Ziemkiewicz noted that these chemicals are used in much smaller quantities when dealing with acid mine drainage.) And some critics worry that harvesting materials from coal waste will only give mining companies an excuse to continue mining. Ziemkiewicz was careful to note that cleaning up acid mine drainage was only a small part of the much larger program necessary to clean up America’s energy infrastructure.

If the effort to harvest these materials from coal waste proves profitable, it remains uncertain who will reap the benefits. Coal companies have long disavowed responsibility for the waste they produce, abandoning mine land and washing their hands of the duty to clean up. A new market for coal waste might allow mining companies to benefit from these pollutants. Ziemkiewicz has spearheaded a legal effort to make sure that the profits—“the goodies,” as he put it—from the critical minerals go to the groups cleaning up the waste, such as Friends of Deckers Creek. To that end, he recently helped to get House Bill 4003 in West Virginia off the ground. An early version of the bill reads: “Previously considered a liability, ownership of acid mine drainage treatment byproducts is poorly defined. This legislation seeks to clarify ownership of these byproducts in order to incentivize acid mine drainage treatment while recovering rare earth elements and critical materials.” The bill went into effect earlier this summer, and serves as a model to keep the economic benefits of coal waste within the region. Those benefits could be substantial: as estimated by the Department of Energy, the concentration of critical materials in coal waste is vast, enough to potentially produce enough graphite to power every cell-phone battery in America. Ziemkiewicz, for his part, will be happy if some streams in the region get cleaned up along the way. “As far as I’m concerned, it’s about incentivizing cleaning up acid mine drainage,” he said. “That’s enough.” ♦



Eliza Griswold, a contributing writer at The New Yorker, won the 2019 Pulitzer Prize for general nonfiction for “Amity and Prosperity.” Her latest book is “If Men, Then: Poems.”
How one woman is working to combat 'period poverty'

From a center in Philadelphia, Lynette Medley distributes free tampons, menstrual cups, pads and underwear to those who lack access because of financial barriers.


Aug. 26, 2022, 
By Maura Barrett and Vruti Venkatesan

PHILADELPHIA — Lynette Medley and her daughter, Nya, start their day placing Mickey Mouse ears atop their heads and coordinating their colorful outfits. They want to appear approachable and welcoming because their next step involves products that even in modern America make people hesitant, hushed or squeamish.

The mother-daughter duo stack dozens of boxes filled with period products into their large truck adorned with imagery of a uterus and menstrual pads, drawn in cartoon style with eyes and smiles.


The Medleys are headed to one of their regular pop-ups hosted by their nonprofit, No More Secrets, to distribute period products to women and girls in need. Between an ongoing tampon shortage and rising inflation, menstrual hygiene management is becoming harder and more expensive for women around the world.

In the U.S., roughly 16.9 million women who menstruate are living in poverty, according to the Journal of Global Health Reports, and about two-thirds of them were unable to afford menstrual products in the past year. Many were forced to choose between vital hygiene products and food, it said.

 
Lynette Medley in Philadelphia.NBC News

The journal defines “period poverty” as a lack of access to menstrual products, hygiene facilities, waste management and education that affects many women globally, causing physical, mental and emotional challenges. Around the world, at least 500 million people struggle with menstrual hygiene management.

Period poverty became important to Medley following a divorce, when she didn’t have the money to pay for the products she and her daughter, who is now 30 years old, needed.

“We were suffering in silence,” Medley said. “We used paper towels or whatever we could. I didn’t feel I had the voice to articulate that this was a need.”

With No More Secrets, she turned her pain into a passion project. In the last year, the organization opened “The Spot,” a community center in Philadelphia’s Germantown neighborhood where people can make an appointment to pick up products. She calls the center the nation’s first “menstrual hub and uterine wellness center,” and it gives out about 60,000 products a week collected through donations. Over the last year, it has distributed more than 6 million period products, she said.

Medley gives demonstrations to visitors to make sure they know how to use the tampons, pads, menstrual cups and period underwear. She also wants to make sure the people who use cups have access to running water because the product needs to be cleaned regularly. The ability to give out products that are reusable could “save people thousands of dollars in the long run,” she said.

Federal nutrition programs for those living under the poverty line do not cover menstrual products, leaving it up to private organizations to fill in the gaps, even though more women live in poverty than men.

Amber, a certified nursing assistant and mother of two, who didn’t want her last name used for privacy reasons, visited the pop-up recently and remembered how desperate she was for help when she was younger.

“I wish I had this,” she said. “It would’ve helped out a whole lot.”

Period poverty can include social, cultural and political barriers, said Dr. Shelby Davies, a fellow at the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, who studies period poverty and health equity.

“We don’t think about some of the mental health outcomes that can come from this,” she said. “Period poverty can lead to worsened anxiety and depression for young people and it can also truly interfere with normal teen social and emotional development.

“A young person may not be afforded that opportunity to really develop their own identity, because they’re so concerned and wrapped up with taking care of their periods and feeling that shame and stigma.”

Some advances are being made. Colorado, Louisiana and Iowa are getting rid of the “tampon tax” on menstrual products, and Scotland recently became the first country to offer free pads and tampons to anyone in need.

“I don’t want to be doing this work; I have to do it,” Medley said. “But if we need organizations like mine to be able to address this deficit, for something that’s normal and natural as a period, what does that say about us as a community? What does that say about us as a federal governing body that’s supposed to protect our most vulnerable populations?”

VIDEO 
How one organization is combating period poverty in the U.S.
05:22

The 19th Explains: Women’s suffrage, our namesake amendment and its enduring lessons


Historians have been untangling the full picture of the people behind the 19th Amendment and the complexities in why they organized.



Barbara Rodriguez
State Politics and Voting Reporter
Published August 26, 2022,

It’s been more than a century since women’s right to vote was ratified as an amendment to the U.S. Constitution.


The work that led to what became known as the 19th Amendment — ratified August 18, 1920, and certified by the secretary of state eight days later — was a multigenerational fight, primarily led by women. It was not just done by the upper-class White women who have received the most attention, however. Black women, Indigenous women and other women of color, many of whom would wait years or decades to have equal access to the ballot, also played key roles. The same is true for queer women and gender-nonconforming people, some of whom sought personal and financial independence from the constraints that came with traditional marriage.

Historians in recent years have been untangling the full picture of the people behind the 19th Amendment and the complexities in why they organized. Several experts spoke with The 19th to talk about how the amendment came to be and to highlight some of its enduring lessons.

When did the fight for suffrage begin?


The founding myth of the movement to get women the vote often traces back to a women’s convention hosted in Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848.


But the fight goes back decades further. In some cases, women, including Black women, voted as early as 1776. But in the years that followed, state legislatures added language to their constitutions that specified that voters must be White and male.


The movement was at times fractious. Some women who were fighting for their right to vote tied that struggle to racial equality; others explicitly rejected that. One faction fought against slavery and then, after the Civil War, supported both Black men’s and women’s right to vote. Others didn’t believe Black men should be granted the right to vote before White women.

Some time after 1860, some Western states struck language from their state constitutions that referenced voters as male, effectively granting some women the right to vote. But it took decades before that right was expanded nationwide.

How big of a role did racism play in the amendment’s ratification?


Members of Congress were incredibly worried about Black women voting, according to Kimberly A. Hamlin, a history professor at Miami University in Ohio and author of “Free Thinker: Sex, Suffrage, and the Extraordinary Life of Helen Hamilton Gardener.” At least one lawmaker proposed changing the 19th Amendment language so that it applied to only White women.

Lawmakers expressed concern openly that a woman’s voting amendment could force them to recognize the 15th Amendment, which had granted Black men the right to vote — a right that in some places was severely restricted.

More from The 19th

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Key Equal Rights Amendment activists long avoided tying it to abortion. A group of teenagers is changing that.
States add early voting, and women could benefit — but it’s complicated


Hamlin said it’s hard to overstate the role of racism in the passage of the 19th Amendment.

“What everyone was saying is … we cannot have Black women voting in states where they make up a large portion of the population. And that was a sentiment voiced not just by White Southern Democrats, but by Northern politicians, by Eastern politicians as well,” she said. “That was the premier debate and stumbling block of the 19th Amendment.”

Hamlin said enough lawmakers eventually agreed to the 19th Amendment under an informal understanding that it would not expand the vote for Black people.
What was the role of queer people in the fight for women’s voting rights?

Many queer people were involved in the movement, according to Wendy Rouse, associate professor of history at San José State University and the author of “Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women’s Suffrage Movement.”

Rouse uses the term “queer” in her research to encompass a broad spectrum of people who were not strictly heterosexual or cisgender. That includes people who today might have identified as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, asexual, aromantic, pansexual, non-binary, gender queer or gender-nonconforming.

Rouse said queer people came to support women’s suffrage for different reasons.

“It’s important to understand that the ability to not get married requires them to be financially, economically independent of men. So that meant that they would need equal access to jobs, and they would need equal access to education, and then equal pay,” she said. “And they can’t have any of those things without the vote to fight for those things. So for queer women, women who didn’t want to get married, women who were gay, women who were gender-nonconforming, they require the vote as a first step toward these other things.”

Another key issue for some queer suffragists was dress reform — the movement to wear bloomers or pants instead of dresses, heavy petticoats and corsets. The fact that some gender-nonconforming suffragists wore bloomers or dressed like men at the time was a source of criticism from some anti-suffragists, who used the desire for dress reform to paint some of its supporters as deviant. The broader movement eventually abandoned the cause of dress reform, and some suffragists felt ostracized by this.

Some queer suffragists lived private lives with romantic partners of the same gender but kept those details from their public lives as a form of strategy and protection from homophobia and other forms of discrimination. Rouse said there has been an attempt by some historians and descendents of suffragists to erase the queer history or at least gloss over it.

​”Queer people have always existed, and we need to show that throughout the long history that we teach our students and that we teach the next generation,” she said. “Otherwise the process of erasure just continues if we choose not to talk about it.”
Why is the 19th Amendment still relevant today?

The political power that comes with equal access to the ballot is the enduring lesson of the 19th Amendment. It’s a power that continued to be withheld from some Black women and women of color who worked for the amendment’s 1920 ratification.

Poll taxes and literacy tests that aimed to exclude Black voters persisted for decades — until the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act.

Liette Gidlow, professor of history at Wayne State University and author of “The Big Vote: Gender, Consumer Culture, and the Politics of Exclusion, 1890s-1920s,” has examined the ways in which some Black women sought to organize and vote despite the barriers.

“Those experiences of African-American women trying to vote in the South after 1920, and often not being able to, resonate with us today in that they show that the work is never done, that this country has a long history of people gaining rights and then losing rights,” she said. “It’s not a narrative of progress. It’s not a story of ever-expanding freedom. ​​Sometimes, Americans gain rights and sometimes they lose them.”

Gidlow said it’s important to note that Black women tried to vote in the immediacy of 1920. Sometimes they were successful and other times they were not, according to her research. But the end result, a century in the making, has been an “electoral powerhouse” that had a key role in electing the country’s first Black president and more recently helping Democrats gain control of the U.S. Senate in 2021.

“African American women have made themselves into, I would argue, the most powerful segment of the electorate today,” she said.

One reason some women organized for suffrage was body politics — the ability for people to make decisions about their own bodies, according to Kate Clarke Lemay, a historian at the National Portrait Gallery who has studied the visual culture of the suffragist movement with her book, “Votes for Women: A Portrait of Persistence.”

“Women’s movement — being outside of the home — to me is body politics,” she said. “Where do you see women’s bodies and how are they on display? What can they do with their bodies? Who can they touch with their bodies?”

Hamlin said that included advocates for dress reform and women who were part of an effort to raise the age of consent to have sex; in at least 35 states, that age was set at 10 to 12 years old. In several states, according to Hamlin, men raped girls under 16 years old and claimed the girls gave consent.

“This was really the link to activists to show, ‘Oh, we need a voice in politics. Our husbands, sons and brothers are not enacting legislation with our best interests at heart,’” said Hamlin.

The focus on body politics has relevancy after the Supreme Court recently overturned Roe v. Wade, the landmark ruling that enshrined federal abortion rights.

“An important piece of 19th Amendment history is that women . . . wanted bodily autonomy,” she said. “That is really an important part of the history that often gets overlooked. It’s an especially important part of the history now in a post-Roe era.”
How did the organizing behind women’s right to vote inform future activist movements?

Some of the women who marched and protested for suffrage are credited with creating lobbying tactics that are used today, according to Lemay. She said the generation of suffragists who organized at the beginning of the 20th century in particular kept “meticulous” cards with information that tracked their visits with lawmakers.

“They were like statisticians. They had all these maps and they were really, really visual in some of their tactics,” she said.

A parade for women’s suffrage in Washington, D.C., in 1913 was one of the first protests of its kind. They also in 1917 pioneered picketing outside the White House.

Along the way came artwork on fans, party hats and plates that promoted women’s right to vote. Organizers also commissioned intricate illustrations, especially a so-called second generation of suffragists who sometimes used more aggressive moves like a hunger strike after arrests.

“That second generation was really smart about taking advantage of the kind of different media that they had at hand,” she said.

We also want to hear from you: What are your questions about how our democracy operates now? Tell us what you want to know about laws about voting, about misinformation and the ballot box, about how your local election runs.
Women — particularly women of color — stand to benefit most from Biden’s student loan relief plan

Women hold two-thirds of student loan debt, and women of color have higher loan balances than their White counterparts



A graduate waives during the 53rd Commencements of the University of Massachusetts Boston in August 2021.
 
(CRAIG F. WALKER/THE BOSTON GLOBE/GETTY IMAGES)


Nadra Nittle
Education reporter
THE 19TH
Published
August 24, 2022

LONG READ

President Joe Biden announced a highly anticipated plan Wednesday to offer student loan relief to more than 40 million people, a move supporters hope will have life-changing ramifications for borrowers, particularly women, who hold two-thirds of student loan debt, and women of color, whose loan debt is highest.

Biden is forgiving $20,000 in student debt for Pell Grant recipients and $10,000 in federal student loan debt for borrowers earning $125,000 or less annually. He is also making reforms to lessen the debt burden on borrowers in the public service loan forgiveness program and income-driven repayment plans, allowing those with undergraduate student loans to cap repayments at 5 percent of their monthly earnings. Through the end of the year, and for the final time, the president is extending the payment pause on student loans that took effect after the COVID-19 pandemic began in 2020.

Biden’s initiative is expected to provide relief to up to 43 million borrowers, including roughly 20 million for whom remaining balances will be eliminated. It stands out as the most ambitious proposal to date by a president to tackle a situation widely described as a crisis, as student loan debt tops $1.7 trillion.

The average borrower has student loan debt of more than $30,000, but the number is much higher for women of color. On average, Black women owe $41,466, Native American women owe $36,184 and Pacific Islander women owe $38,747 a year after college graduation compared to White women, who owe $33,851, according to the American Association of University Women. Asian-American women and Latinas fare better shortly after college, carrying just under $30,000 in debt, but that changes if they enter graduate school.

Pursuing a postgraduate degree leaves women of all races with at least $55,000 in student debt. Black women have the most debt, $75,085, after graduate school. Graduate school does not improve the gender wage gap; women earn 81 percent of what men make overall.

Recipients of Pell Grants, a financial award based on need, are from families with incomes of less than $60,000 annually, according to the White House press office. Pell Grant recipients make up more than 60 percent of the borrower population and comprise about 27 million borrowers eligible for $20,000 in relief. Black students are twice as likely to be Pell Grant recipients than their White counterparts.

During his 2020 presidential campaign, Biden indicated that he would offer relief to the Americans disproportionately impacted by student loan debt, or sway Congress to do so, if elected.

“In keeping with my campaign promise, my administration is announcing a plan to give working and middle-class families breathing room as they prepare to resume federal student loan payments in January 2023,” Biden said in a Twitter announcement Wednesday.
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President Biden greets guests after disembarking from Marine One
 on August 24, 2022 in Washington, D.C.
 (KENT NISHIMURA/LOS ANGELES TIMES/GETTY IMAGES)

During a press conference about his relief plan later in the day, Biden framed debt forgiveness as an economic necessity.

“We’re going to be out-competed by the rest of the world if we don’t take action,” he said. “Here’s the deal: The cost of education beyond high school has gone up significantly. The total cost to attend a public four-year university has tripled, tripled in forty years — tripled. Instead of properly funding public colleges, many states have cut back support for their state universities, leaving students to pick up more of the tab.”

Belma Moreira of Massachusetts is among the borrowers whose student debt will be eliminated under Biden’s debt relief program. The Afro-Latina mother of four started 2022 with roughly $25,000 in student debt, but more than half of what she owed was eliminated earlier this year. In June, the Biden administration announced that it would forgive the debt of students who attended the for-profit Corinthian Colleges, which Moreira enrolled in 16 years ago to pursue a career as a massage therapist. In 2013, she attended another college to study to be an esthetician and still had an outstanding loan balance of $9,000 from her time there. She now expects her debt to be paid off.

“That will benefit me tremendously, because now I’m not gonna have any loans to pay, at least for the moment,” said Moreira, 36, who is now studying social work at a community college. Carrying student loan debt for 16 years has adversely affected her mental health, especially as a single parent, but Economic Mobility Pathways, a national nonprofit based in Boston that provides support to families with low incomes, has helped her navigate her financial challenges. “I went back to school to be able to provide for my kids in a better way and … then once you graduate, that doesn’t happen and you’re still stuck in that hamster wheel,” she said. “It’s just a headache. It’s stressful. It’s depressing. It makes you feel like a failure.”

Constant communication from student loan servicers and fears about how her debt affected her credit score didn’t help. With debt forgiveness, she expects to be able to live more comfortably and not have to worry about which bill she can’t afford to pay in a given month.

Debt relief proponents have been pressuring the president to fulfill his campaign promise since he took office nearly two years ago. Progressive Democrats such as Rep. Ayanna Pressley and Sen. Elizabeth Warren, both of Massachusetts, have repeatedly called on the Biden administration to forgive at least $50,000 in student debt, but each of them celebrated the president’s relief plan after its announcement despite the fact that it falls short.

Borrowers should applaud Biden’s debt relief plan, Warren said during a CNN appearance Wednesday. She called the steps the Biden administration has taken to forgive debt “powerful” and “important.”

“There are millions of people right now who should be celebrating over what they have just heard, because their financial lives have just gotten a whole lot better,” she said. The relief will help borrowers who are “disproportionately African Americans, disproportionately veterans, disproportionately parents and disproportionately first-generation students,” she added. “So, this is about helping America’s working class, America’s middle class, and really targeting that relief, most relief, to those who need it most.”

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Pressley was also enthusiastic about the relief plan, attributing it to the hard work of advocates of debt forgiveness. “We pressed for this on behalf of and in partnership with families across America — the Black and Brown folks, the women, the students, the workers, the elderly, the parents, the teachers, the young people, and more — who have been devastated by this nearly $2 trillion crisis, because it is a kitchen table issue impacting folks from every walk of life,” she said in a statement.

During his announcement Wednesday, Biden noted that many college graduates no longer have access to the middle-class lifestyle that a college degree once provided and that young people are delaying starting families and other milestones because of student debt. The COVID-19 pandemic, he said, has only made economic conditions worse for borrowers. Debt relief will allow borrowers “to start finally crawl[ing] out from under that mountain of debt to get on top of their rent, utilities, to finally think about buying a home or starting a family or starting a business,” he said. “And by the way, when this happens, the whole economy is better off.”

Earlier this month, congressional Republicans introduced legislation that would eliminate the public service loan forgiveness program, which creates a pathway for workers in public service jobs such as medicine, education and the military to have their loans forgiven. In May, Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah and his colleagues introduced the Student Loan Accountability Act to stop the federal government from eliminating student loans ineligible for forgiveness under existing relief programs.

After Biden announced his debt relief plan, Romney took to Twitter to describe it as an attempt to “bribe the voters.” He went on to say that, “Biden’s student loan forgiveness plan may win Democrats some votes, but it fuels inflation, foots taxpayers with other people’s financial obligations, is unfair to those who paid their own way and creates irresponsible expectations.”

During his press conference Wednesday, Biden said that debt relief will not harm the economy because last year the government cut the deficit by more than $350 billion and is on track to cut the deficit by more than $1.7 trillion by the end of this fiscal year.

A slight majority of the public supports debt forgiveness. A July Economist/YouGov poll of 1,500 Americans found that 51 percent of people somewhat or strongly support the federal government canceling $10,000 in federal student loan debt for borrowers who owe at least that much, while 39 percent somewhat or strongly opposed the decision. Current borrowers show the strongest support for debt forgiveness, with more three quarters of this group backing the move. Forty-eight percent of people who already paid off their loans and 44 percent of people who never had student loans oppose debt forgiveness. Support is divided along party lines, with most Democrats supporting debt elimination and most Republicans opposing it. Just over half of independent voters support debt erasure.

The Biden administration has already forgiven an unparalleled $32 billion in student debt for about 1.6 million borrowers, including those who attended for-profit colleges, work in the public service sector or have permanent disabilities. But as the COVID-19 pandemic roars on and housing and food costs remain high, student loan relief advocates have said that borrowers generally need their debt forgiven. Upon announcing the debt relief decision, the Biden administration said it will largely benefit middle and low-income Americans, countering remarks from Republicans such as Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell that the proposal is a win for the nation’s elite.

“No high-income individual or high-income household — in the top 5 percent of incomes — will benefit from this action,” the White House press office said in a statement about the plan. Excluding borrowers still in school, nearly 90 percent of relief will help those with annual incomes of less than $75,000.

Supporters of debt forgiveness have said that slashing student loans will reinvigorate the economy by freeing up borrowers to spend their money on big purchases such as homes or cars. They also say that it will help end generational cycles of poverty among marginalized students who attended college in hopes of entering the middle class, only to be saddled with years of student debt. Maya Wiley, president and CEO of The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, said in a statement that student debt blocks Americans from achieving the American dream of prosperity.

“For too many — especially borrowers of color and Black women — student debt makes it hard to get ahead and make ends meet,” she said. “It can also make it more difficult to get a home mortgage or loans to start a business, both of which reduce wealth-building opportunities and contributions to the economy.”

She tempered her praise for Biden’s relief plan, calling on the White House to cancel a larger portion of student loans, make the process of obtaining relief easy and take additional measures to reform the student loan system.

“This is an important first step,” she said. “But borrowers should not have to wait any longer for a reprieve.”

Moreira said Biden’s debt relief plan is “bittersweet.” While she’s grateful that it will eliminate her student debt, she knows that many people will continue to have debt they can’t afford.

“I’m very appreciative,” she said. “I will definitely not put down the little bit that is being done at the moment to forgive these loans, but I believe that there’s more that can be done. … I feel like if you want to do justice and if you want to create a better environment and a better country … more needs to be done. $10,000 is not enough.”

 Opinion

Biden’s $10,000 student debt forgiveness plan ignores the economics of race

Pardon me for not feeling compelled to celebrate what is for many Black and brown Americans a non-event.

In this photo provided by Centenary College of Louisiana, associate professor Andia Augustin-Billy listens to a student inside the Pantheon in Paris on Aug. 11, 2018, while teaching as part of Centenary College's Centenary in Paris program for first-year students. At 196 years Louisiana's oldest college, Centenary plans a gathering Thursday, Nov. 4, 2021, to honor Augustin-Billy as the first Black person to gain tenure at the school. (Sherry Heflin/Centenary College of Louisiana via AP)

(RNS) — This week, President Biden made good on his campaign promise to reduce student loan debt, promising to cancel $10,000 in debt for Americans earning less than $125,000 per year and $20,000 for low-income students who received Pell grants. The measure is a step in the right direction, and, as the president and many Democrats celebrated this political accomplishment, so did my own colleagues and acquaintances on social media.

For much of my social circle, however, it wasn’t much of a moment to celebrate. I am a college-educated Black woman, who answered the call to ministry after I had turned 40. This meant going back to graduate school and taking student loans while still helping my children and other family members with their college tuitions.

As a minister, I have spent much of my time fighting financial predation, from statehouses to the halls of Congress. I work for equity every day, especially for Black women, and I’m intimately familiar with the realities of their finances. Forgiving $10,000 in student loans is an inadequate answer to the needs of Black women and other women of color in America. It speaks to the widening chasm of understanding between white people in America and the experiences of Black and brown Americans. For the latter, the administration’s reduction is at best a non-event, and at worst a traumatic one

A few numbers will explain why. According to the Center for Responsible Lending, “Women carry about two-thirds of the $1.7 trillion of federal student debt, with Black women are more than twice as likely as white men to owe more than $50,000 in undergraduate student loan debt.” In addition, recent research from the U.S. Department of Education indicates that, “after 20 years in repayment, a Black borrower still owes 95% of their original balance, and Black women’s balances increase over time.”

A separate report from CRL and the National Consumer Law Center showed that “cancellation to $50,000 would render more than 75% of federal borrowers debt-free.” It would wipe out loans for 36 million borrowers, according to recent data from the Department of Education, including more than 3 million of the 4.5 million borrowers who have been in repayment for more than 20 years. In other words, the Biden administration’s limit on loan reductions falls well short.

Pardon me, then, for not feeling compelled to celebrate. In fact, despite President Biden’s casual mention of disparities in student loan debt among Black and Brown borrowers, his announcement was triggering. It reminded me of a word Ta-Nehisi Coates used repeatedly in his 2014 essay, “The Case for Reparations”: Plunder. “When enslaved Africans, plundered of their bodies,” Coates wrote, “plundered of their families and plundered of their labor, were brought to the colony of Virginia in 1619 …”

Plunder is the reality that I wake up to every day as a Black woman trying to create change for my community. After centuries of plundering of Black and brown bodies, this nation must own the generational economic plundering sustained by Black and brown borrowers in this country, rooted in official economic policy. This cannot be remedied by $10,000 in student loan debt cancellation. 

The inequity in economic advantage is seen everywhere, not only in loan debt. Every year we commemorate Equal Pay Day for women, measuring the pay differential between men and women. This year Equal Pay Day fell on March 15, marking 74 extra days that women must work to catch up to what the average man made by Dec. 31.

That date only applies to white women, however. Women who are Asian American, Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islanders earn 75 cents to the dollar, commemorating Equal Pay Day on May 3; Black women earn 58 cents to the man’s dollar and will commemorate our Equal Pay Day Sept. 21. Native American women at 50 cents to the dollar will mark Equal Pay Day on Dec. 1, and Latinas earn 49 cents to the dollar. Their Equal Pay Day is Dec. 8 — almost a whole calendar year behind their white counterparts.

We cannot address equitable loan forgiveness when we have yet to address pay inequity. It is not enough to talk about economic inequality and then move along with little to no action, as the president did. 

As a Black woman in ministry, I carry a double injury. Thanks to the oppressive tactics of white supremacy and its offspring, patriarchy, men are often encouraged to enter ministry in their teen years. The average woman more often accepts her call as a second, or third, career, acquiring student loan debt later in life, at a time when we are shouldering multiple financial responsibilities, often for both our dependents and our parents. We bear this weight while usually earning smaller salaries than our male counterparts.

While the president celebrated his political win, I, and many Black women, cried at the reminder of our inability to shield our children and ourselves from the tentacles of debt.

There is a Judeo-Christian concept known as jubilee. The Bible’s Book of Deuteronomy instructs us that there should be a time that all of those held captive by debt should be released by having all of their debts forgiven. This week in “Black August” — Black August, 403 years since we were initially plundered on this soil — has been a painful reminder of how much work this nation and the Church must do to make all of us who have been plundered whole.

The Rev. Cassandra Gould. Photo via Missouri Faith Voices

The Rev. Cassandra Gould. Photo via Missouri Faith Voices

To those, like me, saddled by debt acquired to attain the alleged “American dream” of education: I see you. Let’s keep working toward jubilee and liberation for all who are held captive. 

(The Rev. Cassandra Gould serves as the senior strategist on Faith in Action’s Faith Leadership Strategies Team and is an associate pastor at Metropolitan A.M.E. Church in Washington, D.C. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)