Saturday, October 08, 2022

Kentucky football players sue police over false burglary accusations



"This lawsuit is another tragic example of the damage caused by corrupt policing in America," one of the players' attorneys said.
 Photo courtesy Loevy & Loevy/UPI

 (UPI) -- Five current and former University of Kentucky football players are suing police for their handling of a burglary investigation last year that falsely suspected them of being involved in the crime.

The players are suing Lexington police, arguing that the investigating officer sought to "frame and defame" them after fraternity members at the party subjected them to racial slurs and instigated a fight.

Kentucky players Reuben Adams, JuTahn McClain, Andru Phillips, Devito Tisdale and Joel Williams filed the legal complaints, which say police officer Cory Vinlove made up false charges without probable cause and the ordeal led to "a torrent of social media and other public abuse."

The players are Black and Vinlove is White. Phillips, McClain and Tisdale are still on Kentucky's football team.

All five players were later cleared of the burglary charges by a grand jury. The University of Kentucky football team suspended them during the investigation and allowed them to return when they were cleared.

"This lawsuit is another tragic example of the damage caused by corrupt policing in America," attorney Elliot Slosar, who filed the suits, said in a statement. "It is shocking how Officer Cory Vinlove, in spite of objective evidence and the University of Kentucky's thorough investigation, damaged so many lives.

"As the lawsuits demonstrate, these five young Black men were targeted by a White officer with an axe to grind and determined to make a name for himself."

Police officer Donnell Gordon, Lexington Police Chief Lawrence Weathers and the Lexington-Fayette County Urban Government are also named as defendants in the lawsuits.

A police spokesperson said that the department will let the legal process play out before they comment on the accusations.

This season, Kentucky is 3-0 so far and ranked No. 9 in the USA TODAY Sports AFCA Coaches Poll and No. 8 in the Associated Press Top 25.
CRIMINAL CAPITAL$M
Walmart, 3 other companies agree to pay fines over discriminatory job listings



Federal investigators said four companies, including Walmart and Capital One, had posted discriminatory job listings on college job boards online. 
File Photo by Jim Ruymen/UPI | License Photo


(UPI) -- Four companies including mega retailer Walmart have settled a dispute with the Justice Department and agreed to pay a fine over job postings that discriminated against non-U.S. citizens.

The department said Walmert, Capital One, Carmax and Axis Analytics LLC had created the job postings on college recruiting websites.

The settlement stems from a federal investigation that found at least one job announcement from the companies that excluded non-U.S. citizens on one recruitment platform for the Georgia Institute of Technology.

Officials said the investigation found dozens of other discriminatory listings on Georgia Tech's platform and others operated by colleges across the United States.

The department fined the companies hundreds of thousands of dollars each.

"With these four new settlements, the department has now held 20 companies accountable this year for hiring discrimination against students based on their citizenship status," Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights Kristen Clarke said in a statement.

"The Civil Rights Division is committed to enforcing the law to ensure that job seekers -- including lawful permanent residents, U.S. nationals, asylees and refugees -- are not unlawfully excluded from job opportunities for which they are qualified."

The department said all four companies are also required to provide anti-discrimination training to its employees.

The companies must also refrain from including specific citizenship or immigration status designations in their campus job postings unless the restrictions are required by law.

"These four agreements add to the department's recent settlements with 16 other companies to resolve similar claims in June 2022, bringing the total civil penalty amount for all 20 employers to over $1.1 million," the department added.

'Godzilla' lizard found climbing on Florida home's window


 (UPI) -- A Central Florida family captured video when they had an unusual visitor -- a large monitor lizard climbing on a window.

Jocelyn Penson, who posted the video to Facebook, said the footage was filmed at the home of her son, Frank Crowder, in Apopka, Fla.

The video shows the lizard climbing on the window in an apparent attempt to find its way into the house. The reptile ends up flopping off the window and down to the ground.

"Looks like Godzilla to me!" Penson wrote.

Penson's family initially said the animal appeared to be a tegu lizard, but Ron Magill, a wildlife expert with Zoo Miami, said the reptile is a monitor lizard from Sub-Saharan Africa.

"It's a lizard that could be anywhere between 3 and 5 feet, generally speaking," he told WSVN-TV.

Magill said the lizard was likely a former pet that either escaped or was abandoned into the wild by its owner.

Friday, October 07, 2022

Telus workers give union strong 97% strike mandate


Publishing date: Oct 06, 2022 

BURNABY, British Columbia — Telus technicians and call centre workers across Canada have overwhelmingly voted to give their union a 97% strike mandate, the United Steelworkers union (USW) Local 1944 announced Thursday.

“I am proud of our members for rising up to give the union a strong strike mandate,” said Donna Hokiro, USW Local 1944 president. “The bargaining committee can now go back to the table with a clear indication of the support and strength of our members.”

The USW and Telus have been in negotiations since October 2021, and members have been without a contract since Dec. 31, 2021. After Telus refused to move off their concessions, the union went to the membership to obtain a strike mandate.

“The company needs to start hearing the union and the members’ message that we are not going to accept another round of concessions, especially when the company is pulling in big profits. Telus needs to remove their concessionary demands and provide our members with the job security and wage increases they deserve,” said Hokiro.

“Today’s strike mandate sends Telus a clear message that its practices of sending good paying jobs overseas and their exploitive reliance on underpaid contractors must stop now,” said Marty Warren, USW National Director for Canada. “When companies in Canada, such as Telus, are making billions of dollars year after year, Canadians expect that most of it should stay in the communities in which it was earned. If Rogers can bring jobs back to Canada then why can’t Telus?”

The USW represents 225,000 members in nearly every economic sector across Canada, including 7,000 members at Telus, and is the largest private-sector union in North America, with 850,000 members in Canada, the United States and the Caribbean.

Each year, thousands of workers choose to join the USW because of our strong track record in creating healthier, safer and more respectful workplaces and negotiating better working conditions and fairer compensation – including good wages, benefits and pensions.

Donna Hokiro, USW Local 1944 President donna.hokiro@usw1944.ca

Marty Warren, USW National Director for Canada, 416-544-5951

Shannon Devine, USW Communications, sdevine@usw.ca
ADVANCED CAPITALI$T ECONOMY
Fragility of Canada's supply chains on display as burning Alberta bridge stalls grain shipments

'An entire economy is relying on these little ribbons of steel through Canada'

Author of the article: Jake Edmiston
Publishing date: Oct 06, 2022 • 
A Canadian National Railway Co. container at the Intermodal Terminals in Brampton, Ont. 
PHOTO BY COLE BURSTON/BLOOMBERG FILES
Article content

Greg Sears was supposed to deliver 90 tonnes of his canola crop to a grain elevator near Grande Prairie, Alta., about 500 kilometres northwest of Edmonton, on Oct. 6. But before he left his farm, a local rep at Viterra Canada Inc., a major grain exporter, called and told him to hold off, likely for several weeks.

“That’s $75,000 to $100,000 of product that I’m not going to get a cheque for any time soon,” Sears said.

About 24 hours earlier, a bridge burned down on the Canadian National Railway Co. line, about 95 kilometres to the south, severing the only rail link in or out of Grande Prairie and causing backlogs for the grain shippers who depend on that track to get their product to port.

CN said the severed line only moves a fraction of the total grain coming off fields in Western Canada. But for grain farmers and exporters, the bridge fire was another example of the fragility of the national supply lines that connect one of the world’s most important bread baskets with seaports and global markets.

“An entire economy is relying on these little ribbons of steel through Canada,” said Sears, who serves as board chair of the Alberta Wheat Commission, a farm lobby group. “One bridge washout or fire or any type of event can cause some major impacts.”

CN already has angered exporters this season for making excuses about its inability to meet all of the demand for grain hopper cars during one of the most anticipated harvests in recent memory.

A CN locomotive pulls a train in Montreal.
 PHOTO BY CHRISTINNE MUSCHI/BLOOMBERG FILES

In an email to customers, the railway said it will be “at least a week” before trains start running again on the line affected by the bride fire, which spans from around Jasper National Park north to Grande Prairie.

David Przednowek, who heads CN’s grain unit, said the Grande Prairie line is one of two serving the broader Peace River region in northwestern Alberta. And the whole region represents about three million tonnes out of a total average annual crop of 75 million tonnes harvested in Western Canada, Przednowek said.

“That’s how you have to think about the overall scale,” Przednowek said. Still, he acknowledged that for farmers in and around Grande Prairie, it’s “a very consequential” event. “We are working as fast as we can,” he said.

The farm that Sears runs, near Sexsmith, Alta., 15 kilometres or so north of Grande Prairie, just finished harvesting canola, wheat, barley and field peas. He’s got to pay bills for that harvest, and start buying fertilizer and other inputs for next year. But he hasn’t had any cash flow for months, because he sold the last of his previous crop back in June.

“This is definitely not a great time for a rail outage,” Sears said. “For most farmers, it’s when your bank account is at its lowest.”

For most farmers, it's when your bank account is at its lowest
GREG SEARS

Pressure has been mounting in Ottawa for the government to co-ordinate an overhaul of the national transportation and supply infrastructure following major disruptions in the past year, including the extreme flooding in British Columbia last fall that effectively cut off West Coast ports from the rest of Canada.

“The system buckles. Every couple of years, it buckles,” Evan Fraser, director of the Arrell Food Institute at the University of Guelph, told the House of Commons agriculture committee last week. “You end up with these tiny, umbilical links between the Prairies and world markets,” he continued. “All the food production in this area the size of Europe going through, essentially, a small number of rail lines through a couple of passes.”

Przednowek, CN’s assistant vice-president for grain, said some of those disruptions are unavoidable.

“The CN network overall is 19,000 miles. It’s an outdoor sport,” he said, “and there are factors that are beyond anybody’s individual control that will have impacts on the supply chain. All of those can’t be eliminated.”

On Thursday, a federal task force issued a report warning that the supply chain is reaching “a breaking point.”

The National Supply Chain Task Force, a panel of executives and experts assembled by the federal government earlier this year, found that Canada’s patchwork of ports, railroads, warehouses, loading terminals and airports is so interconnected that the “slightest problem” can reverberate across the system, said Louise Yako, a logistics industry veteran who co-chaired the task force.

“This report is an urgent call,” Yako said at a news conference.

Yako and her colleagues settled on a list of 21 actions that need to be taken “before our country’s reputation as a reliable trading partner is further tarnished,” their report said.

And those major changes won’t happen without government intervention, the report said, because Canada’s supply chain is made up of private operators all trying to “to optimize their own operations without considering their impacts on others in the supply chain.”

• Email: jedmiston@postmedia.com | Twitter: jakeedmiston




BAD CANADIAN MINER

Guatemalan court nullifies referendum: Bluestone Resources 

(Kitco News) - The Constitutional Court of Guatemala has issued a ruling that nullifies a referendum and its results held in Asuncion Mita, said Bluestone Resources today.

Bluestone Resources is a Canadian-based precious metals exploration and development company. Its flagship asset is the Cerro Blanco Gold Project, a near surface mine development project, is located in Southern Guatemala in the department of Jutiapa.

The referendum was held last month. Bluestone said anti-mining groups formed a biased commission to organize a referendum that unfairly portrayed public opinion on future mining activities within the municipal limits.

The company said the courts decision invalidates the referendum.

"The ruling, of definitive nature, is based on clear evidence showing the referendum was unconstitutional," wrote the company. "The self-established commission that carried out the vote does not have the authority to hold a referendum outside of the legal framework of the municipality. The referendum was misrepresented by the commission as being valid and binding. Only the relevant national governmental agencies have the legal jurisdiction over mining licenses in Guatemala."

Bluestone was up 40% to 63 cents a share.


Bluestone Resources says Guatemala anti-

mining referendum illegal


Staff Writer | September 20, 2022 | 

The Cerro Blanco gold project is in southeast Guatemala approximately 160km by road from the capital, Guatemala City. (Image courtesy of Bluestone Resources.)

Canada’s Bluestone Resources (TSX-V: BSR) said the results of a referendum held during the weekend that would ban mining in the Asuncion Mita municipality of Guatemala, where it is looking to develop its Cerro Blanco gold deposit, are unlikely to be enforced.


The company said that the commission behind the vote against mining activity in the area was comprised of individuals with a clear agenda and biased. It also said illegal activities were observed during the referendum held on Sunday.

“This referendum is clearly unconstitutional and filled with irregularities. We are disappointed with the actions of these groups who use these biased referendums to create doubt and uncertainty around responsible mining projects such as Cerro Blanco,” the company’s president and CEO, Jack Lundin, said in the statement.

Bluestone Resources said its legal counsel believes the results of the referendum will not be legally binding, as it went ahead despite a judge’s ruling suspending it.

The Vancouver-based company acquired Cerro Blanco from fellow Canadian miner Goldcorp in 2017 for $18 million plus shares valued at about 9.9% of Bluestone’s capital.


The miner postponeed the beginning of operations as it decided that underground extraction should be switched to open-pit.

The change in mining method responded to the results of advanced engineering and optimization work that revealed an opportunity to capitalize on the project’s near-surface, high-grade mineralization through an open-pit development scenario. In fact, the assessment showed a doubling of the gold resource ounces and production profile.

But the fact that an open-pit operation would require the use of cyanide set off the alarms of environmental groups both in Guatemala and El Salvador, who expressed concern over the potential contamination of shared freshwater bodies such as the Güija lagoon and the Lempa river. The latter is the main water source for San Salvador, the Salvadoran capital.

Bluestone said the mine’s development plans includes a cyanide destruction process to neutralise it, which should ease environmental groups’ concerns.

A feasibility study for Cerro Blanco released in February calls for an open pit gold mine with an average annual production of 197,000 ounces over its 14-year life. At peak production the operation would produce 347,000 ounces of gold a year.

Referendum over Bluestone Resources’ Cerro

Blanco project in Guatemala underway


Valentina Ruiz Leotaud | September 18, 2022 |

Cerro Blanco project area. (Image by Bluestone Resources).

The fate of Bluestone Resources’ Cerro Blanco gold-silver project is to be decided this Sunday as Guatemalans vote in a referendum to either allow the mine to go ahead or halt its development over environmental concerns.


About 28,000 people from the southern Asunción Mita municipality are expected to participate in the consultation process, which started at 7 am and ends at 5 pm local time (1 pm to 11 pm GMT).

Bluestone Resources acquired Cerro Blanco from fellow Canadian miner Goldcorp in 2017 for 18 million dollars plus shares valued at about 9.9% of Bluestone’s capital. However, the mine has not started operations as it was decided that underground extraction should be switched to open-pit.


The change in mining method responded to the results of advanced engineering and optimization work that revealed an opportunity to capitalize on the project’s near-surface, high-grade mineralization through an open-pit development scenario. In fact, the assessment showed a doubling of the gold resource ounces and production profile, which effectively tripled the NPV5% of the project to $907 million.

But the fact that an open-pit operation would require the use of cyanide set off the alarms of environmental groups both in Guatemala and El Salvador, who expressed concern over the potential contamination of shared freshwater bodies such as the Güija lagoon and the Lempa river. The latter is the main water source for San Salvador, the Salvadoran capital.

The Lempa River, which originates in Guatemala, also serves dozens of Guatemalan and Salvadoran farming communities, while hundreds of fishers fear potential negative impacts on the Güija lagoon fish populations.

Despite these concerns, Bluestone – who completed the technical, environmental, and social due diligence work in 2020 – has said it will employ treatment plants to eliminate toxic waste before discharging effluents into the Ostúa river, a tributary of the Güija lagoon and the Lempa river.

If Cerro Blanco is allowed to go ahead, management expects a peak production of 334,000 ounces and an average annual production of 231,000 ounces of gold over the life of the mine. Total life of mine production is expected to be approximately 2.4 million ounces of gold and 10.3 million ounces of silver over an initial 11-year mine life.

(With files from AFP).

Bluestone Resources stock falls after referendum against mining in Guatemala town

Bluestone said the referendum was biased, illegal and one that 'unfairly portrayed public opinion'



Author of the article: Naimul Karim
September 20, 2022

  
Bluestone Resources Inc.'s Cerro Blanco project. 
 PHOTO BY BLUESTONE RESOURCES

Shares of Bluestone Resources Inc. fell to their lowest price in a year for two consecutive days this week after a referendum in Guatemala, which the Vancouver-based company said was illegal, voted against any kind of mining activity in the region.


Bluestone is developing its flagship Cerro Blanco gold project in southeast Guatemala, which is expected to produce about 300,000 ounces of gold annually when completed. But in a referendum on Sunday at Asunción Mita, a town located about seven kilometres away from the project, more than 85 per cent of voters said they were against mining activities.

The miner said the referendum, in which about 8,500 people, or nearly 30 per cent of the town’s registered voters, took part in, was biased, illegal and one that “unfairly portrayed public opinion,” in a press release on Monday.

“The commission responsible for the vote is fully comprised of individuals with an anti-mining agenda,” the company said. “The referendum is against the recommendations of the central government, no entity other than the relevant federal governmental agencies have the legal jurisdiction over mining licences in Guatemala.”

Guatemala’s ministry of energy and mines supported Bluestone’s views in a statement on Tuesday and said the municipal council of Asunción Mita isn’t legally allowed to make a decision related to the installation and operation of a mining project.

However, some lawyers and activists in Guatemala have said the vote was legal since it took place as per the municipal code and the question posed to voters was not related to any specific mining installation, but on the licence for “land use and construction.”

Canadian miners have faced trouble in Guatemala in the past. For example, a court in 2017 suspended Tahoe Resources Inc.’s flagship Escobal silver mine after a non-governmental organization alleged the country’s energy ministry had violated an Indigenous group’s consultation rights. Tahoe was acquired by Canadian miner Pan American Silver Corp. in 2019, but operations at the mine have not resumed.


“I don’t know what will happen in the near future, but it is clear that Asunción Mita does not want mining projects,” Francisco Guardado, the municipal mayor, said in a press briefing on Sunday. “We do not know clearly what the legal implications are for the future … but the results of today cannot be denied.”

Pedro Cabezas, coordinator of the activist group Central American Alliance of Mining, said the issue will likely be taken to court.

“The result of the referendum will either be denied or upheld by the courts, but the process is just beginning,” he said. “A lot of people are making statements, but the truth is, in the end what’s going to prevail are the decisions of the courts.”

Nicolas Dion, an analyst at Cormark Securities Ltd. who follows Bluestone, noted the referendum, even though “illegitimate,” illustrates the “type of opposition” Bluestone is facing from anti-mining groups in the region.

“We see risk to the permitting timeline; however, believe Cerro Blanco’s merits from an employment and tax perspective will eventually triumph,” he said in a research note to clients on Tuesday. “The open-pit approach … significantly increases the project’s net present value and production profile, while reducing technical risk; however, this comes at the cost of heightened permitting and funding hurdles.”

On Monday, a day after the referendum’s results were released, shares of Bluestone hit an all-time low of 52 cents. On Tuesday, the company’s share price fell to 51 cents before closing at 52 cents, down 11.8 per cent, or seven cents, from Monday’s close. The company has a market cap of $78.6 million.

• Email: nkarim@postmedia.com | Twitter: naimonthefield


THE REAL STORY


Guatemalans strongly reject mining project in

local referendum


by Sandra Cuffe on 23 September 2022
Mongabay Series: Latin America

Nearly 88% of participating residents voted against metallic mining in a municipal referendum in Asunción Mita, in southeastern Guatemala.

Locals fear the Cerro Blanco gold mining project would pollute soil and water sources, affecting the health of residents and crops.

There is also strong opposition in nearby El Salvador to the mine as it is located near a tributary of the Lempa River that provides water for millions of Salvadorans.

Cerro Blanco owner Bluestone Resources, the Guatemalan Ministry of Energy and Mines and a local pro-mining group contest the legality of the referendum.


ASUNCIÓN MITA, Guatemala – Cecilia López and Luz Elena González were in good spirits as they left, walking beneath blue and white plastic streamers strung across the school property in the community of Tiucal. The 24-year-old friends had just voted in a referendum on mining in the municipality of Asunción Mita, home to more than 50,000 people in southeastern Guatemala.

“This is something that affects everyone,” López told Mongabay, explaining that residents in their farming village are worried mining could pollute the water and soil, affecting onion, maize, bean and other crops.

“They say it is development, but the land is where our food comes from,” said González, a middle school teacher. “We hope the votes are no to mining.”

In a banner hanging above a street in Asunción Mita, the municipal government encourages residents to vote in a Sept. 18 referendum on mining. Image by Sandra Cuffe.

The vast majority of participating voters rejected metallic mining projects in the referendum held on September 18 in Asunción Mita. Residents are concerned about the impacts a Canadian-owned gold mining project would have on local water sources and a major river downstream in nearby El Salvador. Following the vote, however, the mining company, Guatemalan Ministry of Energy and Mines and industry groups have all contested the legality of the referendum.

Casting their ballots at the same six polling stations used in general elections, 87.98% of participating registered voters in Asunción Mita rejected mining.

Of the 8,503 participants, 7,481 residents voted against mining, 904 residents voted for it, and the remaining 118 ballots were spoiled or blank. Nearly 28% of just over 30,000 registered voters took part in the referendum, surpassing the 20-percent mark required for the results to be binding for the municipal government.

The ballots asked whether voters agreed with the installation and operation of metallic mining projects that impact natural resources and the environment in the municipality. However, this is not just a hypothetical question in Asunción Mita. A Canadian mining company was granted an exploration licence in the area 25 years ago, and another is now seeking to bring the Cerro Blanco gold mine into production.

In a Sept. 18 local referendum, residents voted on whether or not they agreed with the installation and operation of mining projects in the municipality of Asunción Mita.

Voting with families in mind

Bluestone Resources acquired the Cerro Blanco project in 2017, a decade after the Guatemalan government issued an environmental permit and exploitation license for the project. Bluestone is one of eleven Lundin Group companies involved in mining, oil and gas around the world. The plan for Cerro Blanco had been for an underground mine, but last year Bluestone announced its new plan for an open pit mine and applied to have the environmental permit amended to reflect the shift. The application is still pending. Bluestone anticipates the mine would produce 73.7 million grams (2.6 million ounces) of gold over 14 years.

Ariel Marín, a 39-year-old mechanic, hopes the company’s plans are realized. He is a member of the Asunción Mita Avanza Pro-Mining Industry Association, a local group in favor of the Cerro Blanco project. The mine would bring much-needed employment opportunities, according to Marín. Bluestone has estimated mine operations would provide jobs for 400 to 500 employees and contractors following a peak of 1,100 employees and contractors during construction.

“We are in favor of development,” Marín told Mongabay in the corridor of a school in town, where he and other Asunción Mita Avanza association members were participating as observers and scrutineers in the referendum. “We all need to support our families,” he said.

Asunción Mita residents wait their turns to vote in a local referendum on mining at outdoor tables in front of the municipal government building, on one side of the town plaza. 
Image by Sandra Cuffe.

Abrahán Estrada also had his family on his mind on the day of the referendum. He was one of the first people to vote, casting his ballot against mining in a classroom with student artwork on the walls. A 68-year-old father of ten and grandfather of many, Estrada worries the mine would have serious health impacts on future generations.

“It will destroy everything and that is the legacy we would be leaving our grandchildren. Maybe we will not see it but our grandchildren would suffer,” Estrada told Mongabay.

The Cerro Blanco mining project is only roughly 6 kilometers (3.7 miles) from the town of Asunción Mita and a few villages are even closer. Heavy water use, tailings and potential for long-term acid mine drainage are all serious concerns for many residents.

Water pollution is also a concern across the border in El Salvador, just 21 kilometers (13 miles) away downstream. The Ostúa River runs south through the municipality of Asunción Mita and drains into the cross-border Lake Güija, a Ramsar wetlands site, which in turn feeds into the Lempa River that provides water for some four million Salvadorans.

In 2017, El Salvador became the first country in the world to enact a nationwide ban on metallic mining. Legislators unanimously passed the ban after years of grassroots campaigns, protests, killings of several anti-mining community leaders, and five municipal referendums. Environmental and community groups in El Salvador have been calling on their government to take a stand against the Cerro Blanco mine across the border. They also showed up to support the referendum process in Asunción Mita, where more than 150 national and international observers – most of them from El Salvador – monitored the September 18 referendum.
A banner hanging from the Catholic church on the Asunción Mita town square reads, 
“I [heart] Mita! No to the mine”. Image by Sandra Cuffe.

“The decision of the people here will be critical. It is important for everyone,” Vidalina Morales, a member of the National Roundtable against Metallic Mining in El Salvador, told Mongabay in Asunción Mita, where she was an observer for the referendum. “With money one can live for a while, but with our water we live our whole lives.”

Asunción Mita residents have been organizing against mining for well over a decade and the Catholic church in the region has played a pivotal role. The pandemic slowed everything down for a while, but people sprang into action when they learned the company was trying to move forward with open-pit mining, according to María del Carmen Cifuentes, who founded a local school decades ago and is heavily involved in church activities.

“It put us on alert,” she told Mongabay. “We started with the collection of signatures to demand the consultation.”

Challenges against the referendum

Guatemala’s municipal code stipulates that residents can petition their local governments to call a referendum on matters of local importance if they gather the signatures of more than 10% of registered voters. The grassroots campaign surpassed that bar, so the municipal government established regulations for the referendum. A special commission was also set up to coordinate and oversee the referendum, comprised of three representatives of the municipal government, three from the Catholic church, and three from civil society. Cifuentes was chosen as the commission president.

Legal challenges against the process began before the referendum and will not be resolved anytime soon. Six days ahead of the vote, a regional court granted the Asunción Mita Avanza pro-mining association’s petition for an injunction against the referendum regulations. However, injunctions do not take effect until the appropriate parties are formally notified and neither the municipal government nor the special commission were notified before the referendum
.
After casting their ballots in a municipal referendum on mining in Asunción Mita, residents dip an index finger in purple ink. Image by Sandra Cuffe.

Shortly after the mayor and special commission announced the results the night of September 18, while people celebrated with firecrackers in the nearby town plaza, the first of several public statements condemning the referendum surfaced. The Asunción Mita Avanza association was the first to reject the event, calling it illegal and illegitimate despite the participation of its members and supporters as observers and official scrutineers during the referendum.

Bluestone Resources, the Guatemalan Ministry of Energy and Mines and industry groups followed with statements the next day, all referencing the legal challenge along with other arguments. Bluestone argued anti-mining groups formed a biased commission to organize a referendum that unfairly portrayed public opinion. The company made no mention of the involvement of the municipal government.

“This referendum is clearly unconstitutional and filled with irregularities. We are disappointed with the actions of these groups who use these biased referendums to create doubt and uncertainty around responsible mining projects such as Cerro Blanco,” Bluestone Resources president and CEO Jack Lundin said in the company’s September 19 statement.

Asunción Mita mayor René Francisco Guardado speaks at a press conference held Sept. 18 to announce the results of a municipal referendum on mining. Image by Sandra Cuffe.

The Guatemalan Ministry of Energy and Mines focused primarily on jurisdiction, noting in its September 19 statement that only the central government has the faculty to determine mining policy and projects. The ministry also argued that because mining projects have a clearly delineated area of influence, it is impossible for them to be a general issue affecting all municipal residents that could be the subject of a referendum under the municipal code.

The municipal government overstepped the scope of its functions, according to the Ministry of Energy and Mines.

Consultation is the heart of the issue

The special commission and municipal government never suggested the outcome of the vote would have any impact on central government decisions or mining licenses. The results would be binding only for the municipal government if more than 20% of registered voters participated. In the referendum regulations and when they announced the results, the commission and municipal government clearly expressed that the results would only be indicative of local sentiment, rather than binding, for the central government. The country’s Constitutional Court ruled as much when it upheld as valid a municipal consultation held in 2012 in Mataquescuintla, which had also been subject to a similar legal challenge.

“That referendum was the most attacked, to the point that they did exactly what they are doing now,” said Julio González, a member of Colectivo MadreSelva, a national environmentalist collective. “The issue of bindingness has been an issue of much concern for the government.”

Consultation and lack thereof has been what’s at the heart of mining conflicts in Guatemala. The Constitutional Court has suspended several mining projects, including two major operating mines, due to the state’s failure to consult with affected Indigenous peoples. The Fenix nickel mine was permitted to restart this year after a highly controversial consultation process that wrapped up under martial law amid protests and crackdowns on Indigenous Maya Q’eqchi’ community leaders. The Escobal silver mine is still on hold pending consultation with the affected Indigenous Xinka population.

María del Carmen Cifuentes, 70, is the president of the special commission for the municipal referendum on mining in Asunción Mita. Image by Sandra Cuffe.

In non-Indigenous areas, such as Asunción Mita, there is no clear duty to consult – or hold referendums. Since 2015, municipal-level consultations and referendums on mining have been held all over the country. Most have taken place in predominantly Indigenous regions, and the process has been determined by local customs. Elsewhere, as in Asunción Mita, the municipal code provisions for local referendums have been used.

National government and company backlash against referendums that could only be binding for municipal governments may seem misplaced but it is not, says González.

“There is the reason they do not clarify referendums,” he told Mongabay. “To construct any project in any place a municipal construction permit is required. So that has been the mechanism to stop projects of this nature and that is what they do not want people to know.”

Asked about the issue of municipal permits, Bluestone Resources told Mongabay in an email that “it is our understanding that a construction license would not be required. If a construction license is required, and adheres to the municipal code and abides by the law it is not permissible to withhold it.”

Asunción Mita mayor René Francisco Guardado knew ahead of time that the referendum would face legal challenges but said the municipal government was prepared for whatever is to come. Local participation and the months-long work of the special commission were crucial “to make true democracy prevail in this municipality,” Guardado told reporters the night of September 18, when the results were announced.

Banner image: A resident of Asunción Mita confirms his identity and signature to vote in a school classroom during a municipal referendum on mining. Image by Sandra Cuffe.

Related listening from Mongabay’s podcast: A conversation with Cultural Survival’s Daisee Francour and The Oakland Institute’s Anuradha Mittal on the importance of securing Indigenous land rights within the context of a global push for land privatization. Listen here:

Deadline for working group dealing with Las Bambas conflict extended to year-end

Valentina Ruiz Leotaud

The working group was created following the signing of a 30-day truce between the Indigenous communities of the Cotabambas province, the Peruvian government and Las Bambas, pictured here. (Image by the Presidency of the Ministers’ Council).

The Peruvian government, until December 31, 2022, the expiration date of the working group tasked with assessing and guaranteeing compliance with the agreements signed between the government, Las Bambas representatives and the communities of Fuerabamba, Chila, Choaquere, Chuicuni, Pumamarca and Huancuire located in the south-central Apurimac department.


Following a modification of a previous decision, the expanded timeline was settled in ministerial resolution 252-2022-PCM, which was made public over the weekend in the official gazette El Peruano.

The working group was established through a series of agreements signed in mid-June, following a blockade that forced Chinese miner MMG to halt operations at its flagship mine for more than 50 days, the longest in Las Bambas history.

The protest was started in mid-April by the communities of Fuerabamba and Huancuire, who say the mining company had not honoured all of its commitments to them. Both communities sold land to the company to make way for the mine, which opened in 2016.

The Chila, Choaquere, Chuicuni and Pumamarca communities joined later and all six of them are now part of the working group, which operates under the umbrella of the Presidency of the Ministers’ Council (PCM) and was supposed to be active only until September 18, 2022, two months after it was created.

However, according to the Secretariat of Social Management and Dialogue, even though there is a set schedule for the fulfillment of the commitments agreed upon between all the parties and six working subgroups have been installed to deal with each intervening community, “to date, it has not been possible to implement all of the agreements signed on June 9, 2022.”

Following the new December deadline, the group has 30 days to present a final report to the PCM.

The entire conflict has led to a 60% output drop for MMG, which was forced to suspend its copper production targets for the year.

Peru is the world’s no. 2 copper producer and Las Bambas is one of the world’s largest producers of the red metal, accounting for 1% of the Andean country’s gross domestic product.
Health benefits of removing coal from power generation unequally distributed – study

Staff Writer 

Fayette coal-fired power plant in Texas, USA. (Reference image by Larry D. Moore, Wikimedia Commons.)

A new study drawing on data from some southern states in the US found that the most common strategies for reducing greenhouse gas emissions from power generation also produce enough health benefits to completely offset the cost of these decarbonization efforts. However, while Black and low-income communities also benefit, they still face higher levels of air pollution and related health effects.


The research, led by a team at North Carolina State University, took a closer look at how health benefits associated with decarbonization can inform operational decisions in the power sector.

“If we can determine which specific plants are having the greatest impact on human health, and when, then power systems can modify power generation at those plants to reduce human health impacts,” said Jeremiah Johnson, co-author of the paper that explains the findings.



(Graph from Environmental Science & Technology).

In detail, Johnson and his colleagues evaluated the impacts of six decarbonization strategies. Three strategies involved using different power generation methods to replace coal-fired power plants: solar power, wind power and natural gas. Two of the strategies involved implementing carbon taxes at different levels—effectively increasing the costs of electricity generation based on the amount of carbon dioxide that power plants emit.

The sixth strategy involved requiring power plant operators to include the economic costs of health effects caused by emissions in their decision-making. The carbon tax and health damages strategies would significantly increase the expense of coal power, indirectly encouraging a shift to power generation that produces fewer emissions.
The data

The researchers drew on power generation data from across Texas, as well as health data from Texas and other states affected by air emissions from Texas’s power plants. The data was fed into an integrated suite of new and existing computational models to better understand the health effects of the various decarbonization strategies at the local level.

“We were able to assess health impacts at the census tract level, which is fairly granular—each tract represents between 1,200 and 8,000 people,” Qian Luo, first author of the paper, said. “Specifically, we drew on established studies to determine the extent to which air pollution was contributing to mortality numbers in each tract.”

By calculating the number of deaths associated with the relevant air pollution, the researchers were able to determine the monetized benefits of reducing that air pollution. This was done using the “value of a statistical life,” which is used by the federal government to perform cost-benefit analyses.

Low-income and Black neighbourhoods

The researchers found that all six decarbonization strategies reduced adverse health effects from air pollution more than enough to offset the cost of implementing the strategy.


However, while there were health benefits across the board, some areas still suffered from more air pollution than others. These areas tended to be low-income areas or neighbourhoods with large Black populations.

For example, the gap between Black neighbourhoods and other neighborhoods either stays the same or gets worse. In other words, while Black communities benefit from decarbonization, they don’t benefit as much as other neighborhoods. And the same holds true for low-income neighbourhoods across all races.

The researchers said that the findings were also sufficiently precise, pointing to specific emissions from specific plants at specific times, to inform operation decisions that could reduce human health impacts even if the plants are not taken completely offline.

“The takeaway message here is very simple: reducing coal power generation has significant, immediate health benefits,” Johnson said. “And all of the techniques under consideration for reducing coal power generation produce meaningful benefits.”
Russia’s secret gem sales are dividing the diamond world

Bloomberg News 

Russian diamonds. (Image by Ptukhina Natasha, Wikimedia Commons.)

The secretive sale of Russian diamonds, worth hundreds of millions of dollars every month, is fracturing the global trade that stretches from cutting factories in Mumbai to luxury stores on New York’s Fifth Avenue.


Many in the industry refuse to deal in Russian gems following the invasion of Ukraine and after mining giant Alrosa PJSC was hit with US sanctions. But there’s a handful of Indian and Belgian buyers who are snapping up large volumes at lucrative terms, getting to pick and choose the diamonds they need while others stay away.

The deals are happening quietly, even for the famously secretive diamond world.

And while they’re not breaching sanctions, there are other risks to consider — heavyweights like Tiffany & Co. and Signet Jewelers Ltd. don’t want Russian diamonds that were mined since the war began, and suppliers say they are worried about losing crucial contracts by dealing in Alrosa gems.

The sales present a problem for any attempts at a boycott: once stones enter the supply chain they can become near-impossible to track. Diamonds are sold in parcels of similar sizes and qualities — there are about 15,000 different categories — and can be retraded and remixed multiple times before ending up in an engagement ring or pendant.

Western retailers trying to avoid Russian gems are also concerned about securing enough diamonds, especially the small and cheaper types that Alrosa specializes in. The company accounts for about a third of rough diamond supply, and any Russian stones mined before the war are essentially all used up.

Some big European luxury brands have asked Alrosa’s rival, De Beers, to increase sales to suppliers they trust, according to people familiar with the matter who asked not to be identified discussing private information. The company has made some efforts to do so, but has little extra to sell, the people said.

As Russian supplies divide the diamond world, much of the tension is focused in the “midstream,” a vast network of mostly family-owned businesses that cut, polish and trade the world’s precious stones — many of them in India — and provide the link-up between mining companies and jewelry stores.

Before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Alrosa sold to more than 50 such customers every month. Sales froze up initially after the invasion but have now returned to near-normal levels.

But it’s happening very quietly. Before the war, the company ran 10 sales a year out of its Antwerp, Belgium, sales office based on a set calendar, and published the results afterwards. Alrosa has now stopped publishing any information on its sales or financial performance.

Most of the Indian midstream is still avoiding Russian purchases because of the risk that they lose western customers as a result, according to people familiar with the matter.

The US in particular is a crucial market — 50% of all polished diamonds are sold in the country, ranging from luxury pieces worth tens of millions to stones that sell for less than $200 at retailers like Walmart Inc.

While diamonds are a discretionary luxury for the people who buy them, the business itself is an economic bedrock for the major cutting and trading hubs. The diamond trade roughly supports an estimated one million jobs in India, where the government has pushed to keep business flowing. Belgium’s Prime Minister has also reiterated the country’s position that Russian stones should not be sanctioned — more than 80% of rough diamonds are traded through its port city of Antwerp at some stage.

For now, the vast majority of Russian stones are going through about 10 buyers. Indian companies Kiran Gems and Shree Ramkrishna Exports Pvt are the two largest buyers, according to people familiar with the matter.

Kiran and SRK did not respond to emails and calls seeking comment. Spokespeople for Alrosa and De Beers declined to comment.

After the Russian diamonds are cut and polished, the assumption is that they will end up in jewelry for markets like China, Japan and India. Those three countries together account for about 30% of global demand and — unlike western retailers — are happy to receive Russian production.

However, the opaque nature of the diamond trade with its long and convoluted supply chain means that Russian stones are likely to end up in western markets as well.

A diamond’s origin is clear at the start of the chain when it is issued a certificate under the Kimberley Process, which was designed to end the sale of “blood diamonds” that financed wars in the 1990s.

But after that, things can get murky. Parcels of gems are often intermingled at trading houses, and the original certificate will be replaced with “mixed origin” documentation, making it near-impossible to keep track of where Russian diamonds are eventually sold.

While the fear of alienating western companies is the biggest obstacle for most in the industry, the practical difficulties in buying from Russia are also a deterrent.

Following the US sanctions, most European and Middle Eastern banks have withdrawn from funding purchases from Alrosa, which previously sold almost all its diamonds in US dollars. That leaves a few Indian banks that have become more comfortable in recent months with how to facilitate transactions in other currencies, primarily euros and rupees.

In one sign of ongoing wariness, IndusInd Bank Ltd., one of the biggest financiers of India’s diamond buyers, has been requiring customers in those deals to sign waivers acknowledging they’re responsible if any transactions are frozen, according to people familiar with the situation.

A spokesperson for IndusInd said the bank “is compliant with domestic as well as international trade sanctions inter alia not undertaking transactions with sanctioned entities/individuals.”

For those who are still willing to buy, Alrosa is offering perks including unusual flexibility, although it’s kept pricing overall on par with De Beers.

Normally, customers are expected to take a pre-agreed assortment of diamond parcels. Now, the company is allowing buyers to handpick their packets, which means they can select diamonds that are in short supply or the ones that are likely to yield the best profit. In a reflection of the shifting structure of the industry, it’s also looking at establishing more permanent sales offices in India.



EMPLOYEE OWNERSHIP 


Nornickel plans to raise employees’ stake in mining giant, says top shareholder
Reuters | 

Norilsk Nickel biggest shareholder Vladimir Potanin. (Image by Kremlin.ru, Wikimedia Commons).

Russian mining giant Nornickel plans to increase the equity holdings of employees and other individuals to collectively comprise 25% of the company, up from 10% now, its largest shareholder Vladimir Potanin told RBC TV.


Nornickel, the world’s top palladium and refined nickel producer, was one of the biggest prizes in the post-Soviet carve-up of Russian industry in 1990s, and it currently employs 72,000 people.

“When Norilsk Nickel (Nornickel) was privatised about 25% of shares were owned by employees,” Potanin said in an interview broadcast on Saturday. “I would like to recover this historical justice and make sure that 25% of Nornickel’s shares are returned to the people, including employees.”


Potanin said the change would be included in a 10-year programme called “Digital Investor” that would begin in 2023, and would involve digital financial assets and lock-up periods. He did not give further details about the plan or how the equity holdings would be increased.

Potanin’s holding, Interros, owns 36% of Nornickel.

Aluminum producer Rusal, which owns 26% of the company, did not immediately reply to a Reuters request for comment.


Potanin in July floated the idea of a $60 billion merger of Nornickel with Rusal as a means of mitigating possible sanctions risks, but on Saturday said the idea had been postponed.

“I think the idea is still interesting, still alive, but we will have to put it off until later, when our colleagues are ready for talks on this,” Potanin said.

He also said a 10-year shareholder agreement protecting Nornickel’s dividend payouts was on track to expire at the end of 2022.

The deal ended a conflict between Interros and Rusal in 2012. There are no talks to renew the deal, sources told Reuters earlier this month.

Potanin also said Nornickel was preparing to reorient itself more towards Asian markets, to guard against any change in the West’s sanctions policy or clients trying to “twist our arms”.

Nornickel has not been directly targeted by the Western sanctions imposed on Moscow since it sent thousands of troops to Ukraine on Feb. 24.

“Some of our partners are trying to revise the terms of existing contracts in their favour, trying to reduce the volume of purchases for the upcoming period, imposing on themselves a kind of self-sanctions, moving away from goods of Russian origin as much as possible,” the Potanin said.

In the first seven months of this year, Europe accounted for the usual 50% of Nornickel’s sales and the United States about 20%, he added.

(By Polina Devitt, Anastasia Lyrchikova and Alexander Marrow; Editing by Pravin Char and Helen Popper)