Saturday, April 13, 2024

 

How 17-year-old Ukrainian Valeriia escaped a Russian re-education camp

Valeriia, who escaped a Russian re-education camp.
By Johanna Urbancik & Daria Artemova (Interpreter)
Share this articleComments

17-year-old Ukrainian Valeriia was abducted to a Russian re-education camp in Crimea. She tells Euronews how she made it back to Ukraine on her own.

Before the full-scale invasion, 17-year-old Valeriia lived an ordinary life as a 10th-grade student, preparing for exams and taking part in activities, including dancing and aerial gymnastics. She lived with a family member since the age of 13 following the death of her parents.

Everything changed with the Russian full-scale invasion

Valeriia had a bright future ahead of herself – everything was supposed to work out the way she wanted. When she heard about the full-scale invasion on the news, it felt surreal to her. Everything changed rapidly, and she struggled to fully understand the situation.

Russian troops soon arrived and occupied the southern Ukrainian city of Nova Kakhovka, also her hometown. During a particularly intense period of shelling, she was forced to live without food after Ukrainian supplies ran out, but the situation stabilised after supply trucks from occupied Crimea started arriving. Back then, Russian military police gradually appeared in the city, located in the Kherson Oblast. It was a quiet period - explosions didn't shatter the air.

In October 2022, Russian troops announced an “evacuation” of children from Nova Kakhovka to occupied Crimea. Valeriia, along with other kids, had to gather in the main square surrounded by armed military. Buses took them to the Crimean border. Upon arrival, they confiscated the children's passports and documents.

“Russia will give you everything”

After Valeriia arrived in a Crimean camp called ‘Luchystiy,' paediatricians examined the children for lice and COVID-19. She remembers the camp resembling a retirement home, but devoid of child-centric amenities. Plus the facility was surrounded by armed police officers, constantly guarding the children. A regimented daily routine included singing the Russian National Anthem - which she refused. Authorities promoted Russian universities and lifestyles, promising them that “Russia will give you everything”.

For Valeriia, the coerced environment raised concerns about her freedom and future, but the daily schedule was unpredictable, therefore making it difficult to plan. “The camps were re-education camps”, she added. In her opinion, they served the purpose of ensuring the majority of children ended up going to Russia. The classes could therefore only be described as propaganda, she remembered, adding that learning Ukrainian at the school was not an option.

The re-education camp in occupied Crimea.
The re-education camp in occupied Crimea.Euronews

The programme at these camps is called 'University Shift' and operates with the support of the Russian Ministry of Education of Russia and the Ministry of Education and Science. It aims to (re-)educate children aged 12-17 from temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories into Russian culture and history.

“The forceful deportation of Ukrainian children is a part of genocidal policy”

According to Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, human rights lawyer and Center for Civil Liberties-leader, Oleksandra Matviichuk, these camps and their aim to russify Ukrainian children is not just a war crime, but part of a broader picture. “This war has a genocidal character”, she said, “Putin openly said that Ukrainians don’t exist, that we are the same as Russians. We see these words implemented into horrible practice on the ground since 2014.” 

Just like Valeriia, she also mentioned the deliberate ban on the Ukrainian language and history. “For ten years, we’ve been documenting how Russians deliberately exterminate acting locals, such as mayors, journalists, civil society actors, priests and artists, for example.”

In this regard, the forceful deportation of Ukrainian children is part of a genocide policy, because some of them are put in re-education camps where they’re told they’re Russian and Russia is their motherland, she told me. “Later, some of them are subjected to forceful adoption into Russian families to be brought up as Russians”, Matviichuk continued.

Nobel Peace Prize winner Oleksandra Matviichuk.
Nobel Peace Prize winner Oleksandra Matviichuk.Christian Gustavsson for Right Livelihood

As a lawyer, she knows how difficult it is to prove this crime, especially according to the current standards. “Even if you’re not a lawyer, it’s easy to understand that if you want to partially or destroy a national group, you have several strategies, such as killing them or forcefully changing their identity,” she added.

Forceful abduction of Ukrainian children is a part of this broader genocidal policy of the Russian state against Ukraine.
 Oleksandra Matviichuk 
Nobel Peace Prize winner

“Forceful abduction of Ukrainian children is a part of this broader genocidal policy of the Russian state against Ukraine.” The Genocide Convention's Article II defines genocide as the deliberate act of destroying a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group, either wholly or partially. It excludes, however, political groups and what is referred to as 'cultural genocide'.

Valeriia decides to pursue her dream of studying medicine

In the camp, poor-quality food frequently caused stomach issues, with limited access to medical care. Very small children suffered greatly due to inadequate care and harsh conditions, remembered Valeriia. With their parents or guardians absent, they roamed unsupervised, enduring cold weather without proper clothing. Many fell ill with bronchitis. Outbreaks of diseases like chickenpox and lice were common.

Though the children were allowed to use their phones, there was hardly ever any service. Valeriia just about managed to contact a member of her family, asking to be picked up.

Ukrainians living in the occupied territories are considered "New Russians" by the Russian authorities

According to the Crimean Centre of Civil Education, Alemenda, these kinds of camps restrict the children's return citing parental political stance. Instances of forced relocation and psychological pressure have been reported, with family members facing obstacles to reuniting with their children, especially when they are pro-Ukraine. When these children express a desire for their parents to visit them, the family members are encouraged to relocate to Russian-controlled territories. Ukrainians living in temporarily occupied territories are seen as “New Russians” by the authorities.

Her family member was therefore able to pick her up, since they lived in occupied territory. After having stayed in the camp for a total of two months, she went to occupied Henichesk in southern Ukraine.

Valeriia travels on her own to Ukraine

Having experienced this dire medical situation in the camp, Valeriia decided to pursue her childhood dream of becoming a doctor. As an orphan from an occupied territory, she leveraged her circumstances in university admissions, and had both Russian and Ukrainian passports. While staying in temporary-occupied Henichesk, she chose a university in Odesa and applied online, as she didn’t want to stay in Russian-controlled and occupied territories.

Russian army tanks move down a street on the outskirts of Mariupol, Ukraine, March 11, 2022.
Russian army tanks move down a street on the outskirts of Mariupol, Ukraine, March 11, 2022.Evgeniy Maloletka/Copyright 2022 The AP. All rights reserved

From occupied Henichesk, Valeriia started her journey by herself on a bus. Passing through various occupied Ukrainian cities, such as the destroyed Melitopol and Mariupol, then crossing into Rostov in Russia.

With a Russian passport, crossing the border was smooth. In the temporary-occupied territories, possession of a Russian passport is essential for proving property ownership and retaining access to healthcare and retirement benefits. Failure to obtain the forced new passport by July 1, as mandated by a new Russian law in occupied territories, may lead to imprisonment as a ‘foreign citizen’, risking custody loss, imprisonment, or worse.

The last border crossing

Continuing through Belgorod and the Sumy region, the journey, facilitated by efficient border crossings, took her a day to complete. At the final border in Sumy, which is still open for pedestrians but entails strict filtering by the Russian guards, Valeriia kept her Ukrainian passport hidden and used her Russian passport to pass the border. Checks were organised in groups from a bus, with passports being collected and Valeriia being questioned about travelling alone underage without a guardian.

Valeriia's route from the occupied Ukrainian territories to Ukraine.
Valeriia's route from the occupied Ukrainian territories to Ukraine.Euronews

Aware of potential risks, she strategically explained her journey, emphasising passing through Ukraine without any intent to stay. Valeriia informed the guards that her sole intention was to traverse Ukraine to pick up her aunt from Europe and bring her back to Russia. She remembered the importance of telling the officials what they needed to hear. At the border, amidst their apprehension, they scrutinised her documents and phone, such as her photos, Telegram messages and E-Mails.

Despite Valeriia's prior composure, the situation at the border crossing was very overwhelming. Since she had hidden her Ukrainian passport, she wasn't forced to undergo a lie detector test, and because she was a minor, she couldn’t legally sign any documents. As soldiers with machine guns deliberated among themselves, one guard proposed letting her cross. From the Russian checkpoint, she had to walk through fields to reach Ukrainian territory – and when she did and heard Ukrainian, she was overcome with emotions.

Soldiers of Ukraine's state border guard discuss the agenda at a military position in the Sumy region, Ukraine, Friday, Nov. 24, 2023.
Soldiers of Ukraine's state border guard discuss the agenda at a military position in the Sumy region, Ukraine, Friday, Nov. 24, 2023.Hanna Arhirova/Copyright 2023 The AP. All rights reserved.

Change of plans?

Her initial plan was to go to Odesa to study medicine, but things didn't quite go according to plan. Upon her arrival in Sumy, she was given the option to move to Kyiv due to the constant shelling in Odesa at the time. She stayed in Sumy for approximately half a week, during which she underwent thorough medical screenings and tests to ensure her well-being having survived the re-education camp and occupation. 

“Throughout my stay, I was closely monitored by the juvenile police and representatives from Kyiv. Afterwards, accompanied by the juvenile police, I travelled to Kyiv, where I immediately visited the ombudsman's office”, she told me.

She currently lives in Kyiv, initially staying in a hostel before enrolling in Kyiv Medical College. To maintain a sense of normality, she engages in several activities and attends frequent therapy sessions. “I enjoy learning about medicine and exploring the city of Kyiv. I am grateful to speak Ukrainian and the support of my guardian, Olha, who has become like a parent to me”. 

Olha und Valeriia
Olha und ValeriiaPhoto provided by Olha

She met Olha through meetings with a psychotherapist and established a strong bond.

“In her presence, I can embrace my youth and momentarily forget about the responsibilities of adulthood. I appreciate the psychological support I've received,” Valeriia added. She is receiving free therapy consultations provided by Voices of Children, which is helping her deal with the things she’s gone through.

What psychological effects do children go through after living in occupation?

Upon returning to Ukraine, the mental state of children is deeply influenced by their experiences during the occupation, says Yulya Tukalenko, a psychologist at the Voices of Children charity foundation. 

“Factors such as the duration of their stay, living conditions, age, and the hardships they endured play significant roles”, she added. Deprivation, particularly in terms of limited social interaction and restricted movement, is a common challenge faced by children. Prolonged exposure to dangerous conditions where speaking Ukrainian or showing support could result in harm, fosters mistrust in others.

A bus with repatriated children arrives in Ukraine.
A bus with repatriated children arrives in Ukraine.Photo provided by Save Ukraine

According to Tukalenko, the aftermath of such experiences often manifests in various symptoms across behavioural, emotional, and physical domains. These include emotional outbursts, sadness, self-harm, sleep disturbances, and digestive issues. Left untreated, these symptoms can evolve into more serious conditions like depression, anxiety disorders, and impaired social functioning. Therefore, a timely intervention by trained professionals is crucial to address and mitigate the long-term effects of occupation on children's mental health.

Out of nearly 20,000 abducted and displaced children, only 400 have been returned

Since Russia's 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, both Ukrainian and international organisations have documented grave human rights violations against children. Reports detail children forcibly deported or displaced by Russian forces, subjected to re-education and forced adoption. 

The Children of War initiative reports that over 19,500 children have been deported or displaced, with fewer than 400 returned. In response, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for President Vladimir Putin and the Children's Rights Commissioner for the President of the Russian Federation, Maria Lvova-Belova, for child deportation.

“After 2014 and the full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022, we lost from 15 to 20% of our child population,” said Mykola Kuleba of Save Ukraine, a charitable organisation aiding families and children affected by war. These children encompass those who lost parents to Russian shelling, along with those residing in institutions or under foster care, such as Valeriia, who is an orphan. Russia alleges that these children lack parental care. 

An investigation by the AP reveals Russian officials deported Ukrainian children without consent, convincing them their parents don’t want them any more, exploiting them for propaganda, and placing them with Russian families granting them citizenship.

Mykola Kuleba, founder of Save Ukraine, with children who have been returned to Ukraine.
Mykola Kuleba, founder of Save Ukraine, with children who have been returned to Ukraine.Photo provided by Save Ukraine

This process is simplified if the children are already native-Russian speakers. “To resolve the issue of acquisition of Russian citizenship by Ukrainian children, they granted the right to submit a relevant application on behalf of the child to guardians, and heads of institutions for children, including educational and medical ones. The child's opinion, of course, is not taken into account. Therefore, it is enough to enrol a Ukrainian child in an educational institution or put them in treatment, and the director or the chief doctor has the right to apply for the acquisition of Russian citizenship for the child under a simplified procedure”, explained Kuleba.

“Being in a Ukrainian city feels like a reward, and I deeply appreciate it”

Living in Kyiv means still living under frequent air-raid alerts. There were no air raid alarms, as the shelling was constant when she lived under occupation. “No one bothered to turn on the air-raid warning signal to the Ukrainians under occupation. However, there are still moments of uncertainty in Kyiv. Despite the risks, you have to continue living your life in those moments”, said Valeriia.

Olha and Valeriia
Olha and ValeriiaPhoto provided by Olha

For the 17-year-old, a lot has changed in the past couple of years. She added she’s not in contact with any of the kids in her camp who chose Russia – even her former girlfriends and classmates. For her, “being in a Ukrainian city feels like a reward, and I deeply appreciate it.”

Ukrainian Christian Groups Face Violent Crackdown From Russian Forces


ENGLISH

Project
Many Christians Under Threat in Ukraine
READ MORE ABOUT THIS PROJECT



Video by Yegor Troyanovsky.

Russia first occupied the Ukrainian city of Melitopol in March 2022. After the persecution of pro-Ukrainian activists, former government officials, human rights defenders and journalists, Russian secret services turned its attention to churches, their pastors and congregations. With the support of the Pulitzer Center, special correspondent Simon Ostrovsky and videographer Yegor Troyanovsky report.


Read the Full Transcript


Notice: Transcripts are machine and human generated and lightly edited for accuracy. They may contain errors.

Geoff Bennett: Russia first occupied the southern Ukrainian city of Melitopol in early March 2022.

And Russian secret services, after persecuting pro-Ukrainian activists, former government officials and human rights defenders, have since targeted the churches and their pastors and congregants.

With support from the Pulitzer Center, special correspondent Simon Ostrovsky and videographer Yegor Troyanovsky reports from Ukraine.

Simon Ostrovsky: All across Russian-occupied Ukraine, soldiers are shutting down places of worship that don't fit the world Vladimir Putin wants to build.

Mikhaylo Brytsyn, Pastor, Grace Evangelical Church: September 11, 2022. It was Sunday. It was worship service. It's like 20 armed people with masks, military uniform, and they were very brutal.

Mark Sergeev, Pastor, New Generation Church: They said: "You have to stop this. You have to stop these meetings." And he said: "I'm a pastor. I cannot stop the will of the people." And they said: "If you will not stop, you're going to see the blood."

Simon Ostrovsky: Mikhaylo Brytsyn and Mark Sergeev are ministers who once led their flocks in the Southern Ukrainian city of Melitopol, but no longer. Since the occupation, evangelical congregations, Protestant churches, all the non-Russian Orthodox Christian faiths have been deemed undesirable and tens of thousands of believers have been forced to flee. Those who remain gather in secret in private homes for fear of angering the new regime.

The head of that new regime makes himself out to be the defender of the faith, his faith. With the client patriarch of the national church at his side, Vladimir Putin and his supporters make little secret of their plans to put Russian Orthodox Christianity above all other forms of Christianity. This footage is from the Grace Evangelical Church. The people gathered here don't know it's their last service in this building. A Russian soldier stops the worship and tells the women and children to go downstairs to have their I.D.s checked.

No one knows what will happen next. By this stage in the war, Russian forces had already killed five priests in the occupied parts of Ukraine.

Mikhaylo Brytsyn: They start to fingerprint everybody. They copied their I.D., make pictures, addresses.

Simon Ostrovsky: To keep their spirits up, believers sing as they wait their turn to be questioned by Russian soldiers.

Mikhaylo Brytsyn: We were accused of being an extremist organization. We were accused of being German spies and then American spies.

Simon Ostrovsky: Mikhaylo Brytsyn is pretty far from being a spy. He's been a pastor at Grace Church since 1991, when the church building was given back to the evangelical community of Melitopol after being nationalized by the Soviet Union.

Mikhaylo Brytsyn: I was conveyed to their military vehicle, and they searched all church buildings. They searched all my house. And they told us to leave in two days.

Simon Ostrovsky: In two years of war, no denomination has been spared death and destruction. This was an Orthodox church affiliated with Moscow, collateral damage in a Russian missile strike a year ago.

But two groups in particular have suffered the most in terms of sheer numbers. And that's the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and Protestant churches that have come under extreme pressure in areas occupied by Russia.

Mark Sergeev (through translator): A Baptist Protestant church. It's still standing but everything is destroyed.

Simon Ostrovsky: At least 206 evangelical churches have been expropriated or destroyed, according to the Institute for Religious Freedom, a Ukrainian watchdog group. Steven Moore is a former Republican congressional staffer and founder of the Ukraine Freedom Project, a nonprofit.

Steven Moore, Founder, Ukraine Freedom Project: When the Russians come into a town in an occupied area, they see Protestant churches, they say, this is an American religion. You must be an agent of the American government.

So they go to the churches. They shut them down. They frequently torture the pastor, and, sometimes, they murder believers for their faith. And we know of 29 Christian leaders who have been murdered in Ukraine by the Russians.

Mark Sergeev (through translator): Today, here in Melitopol, they blew up a Ukrainian tank.

The Russians came in the city maybe in 7:00 p.m. 24 of February. I see like chaos in the whole city. So many families, they're afraid to stay in the houses, in apartments. Three weeks under the occupation of Melitopol, our church was the shelter for the people.

Simon Ostrovsky: New Generation Church was the largest in Melitopol and the first to draw the ire of the Russian occupation.

Mark Sergeev: I think they are looking for us, because my father, like a senior pastor, when he preached, he always said that we have our own country, our own culture, and we have to pray for Ukraine.

Simon Ostrovsky: The Russian Security Services approached Mark's father several times, threatening violence to pressure him to publicly pledge loyalty to Russia.

Mark Sergeev: And they said, if you will not stop, they're going to — you're going to see the blood. And they said, you have to record a video. He has to record a video that Russia already here. We have to just relax. Putin is great president, and everything's OK.

But father said: "I will never do this."

Simon Ostrovsky: A day after this incident, Mark's father, Victor, was tipped off to leave the city as soon as possible because of the imminent threat to his life.

The whole family escaped to Ukraine-controlled territory. A few days later, Russian soldiers stormed the church building and broke through the doors. But they didn't stop there.

Mark Sergeev: I remember this day. I think I'm going to remember it for the whole of my life. We are driving with my brother, and father called me and said: "Look, there's no cross anymore. They just cut the cross."

Simon Ostrovsky: Russian forces searched Mark's home and broadcast the search on state-controlled television in a ham-fisted attempt to portray his family as an armed resistance cell.

Man (through interpreter): We received information that there was a weapons cache in the building.

Mark Sergeev: They showed like they found some bomb and the guns in the garage of my father and said, look, this is the pastor who works with the United States and with CIA.

Simon Ostrovsky: Meanwhile, the New Generation Church building was expropriated by Russia, the large cross that once stood out front replaced with a Russian flag. Where people once prayed, officials hold secular events such as this citizenship ceremony.

Mikhaylo Brytsyn: There is no protest on churches in all occupied territory.

Simon Ostrovsky: So the only church still open in Melitopol is the Orthodox church affiliated with Moscow?

Mikhaylo Brytsyn: Yes.

This isn't the first time religion has faced persecution, priests have been killed, and churches are being shut down. In the 1930s, when Stalin launched his infamous campaign of Red Terror, religious leaders of all denominations were targeted, including evangelists from Mikhaylo Brytsyn's church.

Mikhaylo Brytsyn: We get some documents from KGB archive, and we found the case when ministers of our church were accused during Stalin's terror, and these documents show that they were accused being extremists and German spies.

Simon Ostrovsky: Three pastors were put to death on the espionage charges, which were declared to be false after Stalin's death. It's incredible how similar the language in the Soviet documents is compared to the modern Russian documents declaring your organization as an extremist organization. And this was made in December of 2022.

The wave of religious persecution has forced most evangelists to flee Russian-occupied Ukraine. Those who remain have to pray in secret.

Mikhaylo Brytsyn: I don't think that a lot of Americans know about Ukraine and all the more about Protestant in Ukraine. It's part of my mission now is just to tell the truth, just to raise awareness of what happened in occupied territory.

Simon Ostrovsky: Mark, who was also forced to leave occupied Melitopol, is still a preacher. His main job is now on the front lines with soldiers as a chaplain.

Mark Sergeev: In the name of Jesus, let us defeat and destroy this enemy. I wanted to say to the whole English-speaking world, we have so many Protestant churches in Ukraine, and they have to understand that so many pastors were killed. We need weapons because Russia cannot stop. Pray for Ukraine. Still pray. It's only us — what I can ask you to do, really.

Simon Ostrovsky: For the "PBS NewsHour," I'm Simon Ostrovsky in Komyshuvakha, Ukraine.










As a nonprofit journalism organization, we depend on your support to fund coverage of global conflicts. Help us continue funding the hard costs of in-depth coverage of the Ukraine invasion—including travel, hostile environment safety training, and the increased security expenses that arise from reporting in war zones.



Country:
UKRAINE

Authors:


Simon Ostrovsky
GRANTEE


Yegor Troyanovsky
GUEST CONTRIBUTOR


Shahida Tulaganova
GUEST CONTRIBUTOR


ANALYSIS: Russian Orthodox Church Hails Moscow’s Imperialist Expansionism as a ‘Holy War’

Moscow Patriarchate calls for the conquest and absorption of the Ukrainian and Belarusian nations into an ultranationalist ‘Russian world'.


By ISW
March 30, 2024, 
President Vladimir Putin and Russian Orthodox Patriarch Kirill. AFP

The Russian Orthodox Church Moscow Patriarchate (ROC MP), a Kremlin-controlled organization and a known tool within the Russian hybrid warfare toolkit, held the World Russian People’s Council in Moscow on March 27 and 28 and approved an ideological and policy document tying several Kremlin ideological narratives together in an apparent effort to form a wider nationalist ideology around the war in Ukraine and Russia’s expansionist future.

ROC MP Head Patriarch Kirill, reportedly himself a former Soviet Committee for State Security (KGB) officer and a known staunch supporter of Russian President Vladimir Putin, chaired the congress of the World Russian People's Council that approved the document, and Kirill likely coordinated the document’s ideological narrative and policy recommendations with the Kremlin.

The document, "The Present and Future of the Russian World,” addresses Russian legislative and executive authorities with specific calls to amend Russian policy documents and laws. These calls are likely either attempts to socialize desired Kremlin policies among Russians before their implementation or to test public reactions to policies that Kremlin officials are currently considering.

Putin and Kremlin officials have gradually attempted to elaborate on amorphous ideological narratives about the war in Ukraine and their envisioned geopolitical confrontation with the West since the start of the full-scale invasion, and the ROC MP appears to be offering a more coherent ideological framework for Russians.

Ukraine Already Uncovers 11 Spy Cells This Year: Ukrainian Intelligence
Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) Chief Vasyl Maliuk said Ukraine has exposed 11 intelligence networks spying for Russia so far this year, where some agents were working for state enterprises.


The ROC MP released the document a week after the Crocus City Hall terrorist attack and roughly a month before the start of the Orthodox Easter Holy Week, and likely aims to seize on heightened anxieties following the terrorist attack and increased Russian Orthodoxy observance to garner support for its desired ultranationalist policies and ideological vision.

The ROC MP intensified Kremlin rhetoric about Russia’s war in Ukraine and cast it as an existential and civilizational “holy war,” a significant inflection for Russian authorities who have so far carefully avoided officially framing Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as any kind of “war.” The ROC MP called Putin’s “special military operation” a holy war (Svyashennaya Voyna) and a new stage in the Russian people’s struggle for “national liberation...in southwestern Russia,” referencing eastern and southeastern Ukraine.

The ROC MP claimed that the Russian people are defending their lives, freedom, and statehood; their civilizational, religious, national, and cultural identity; and their right to live within the borders of a single Russian state by waging Putin’s war of conquest in Ukraine.

The ROC MP argued that the war in Ukraine is a holy war because Russia is defending “Holy Russia” and the world from the onslaught of globalism and the victory of the West, which has fallen into Satanism.

The ROC MP asserted that the war in Ukraine will conclude with Russia seizing exclusive influence over the entire territory of modern Ukraine and the exclusion of any Ukrainian government that the Kremlin determines to be hostile to Russia.

The ROC MP’s description of Russian goals is in line with repeated Kremlin statements indicating that Putin retains his objective to destroy Ukrainian sovereignty and statehood. The ROC MP’s use and description of the holy war in Ukraine is also consistent with Kremlin efforts to frame the war as an existential national struggle against Ukraine and the collective West but notably expands the alleged threats that defeat in Ukraine poses for Russians.





The term “holy war” may also conjure allusions to the Great Patriotic War (the Second World War), as the Soviet Union’s unofficial war anthem shared the same name, and the Kremlin has routinely invoked the mythos of the Great Patriotic War to generate domestic support for the war in Ukraine.

The Kremlin has continued to stress that the war in Ukraine is a “special military operation,” however, and the ROC MP’s direct acknowledgment of the conflict as a holy war may elicit support from Russians who have found the Kremlin’s comparatively restrained rhetoric uninspiring. The ROC MP did not define the holy war as a purely Orthodox concept and instead tied it to the Kremlin’s purposefully broad conception of who is a part of the Russian nation and Russkiy Mir (Russian World).

Ukrainian victory does not pose these existential threats, however, as Ukraine’s struggle to restore its territorial integrity, return its people, and defend its national identity does not infringe on Russian identity, statehood, or territorial integrity.

The ROC MP called for the codification of elements of the Russkiy Mir and may be gauging public support for the formal inclusion of ethnic Ukrainians and Belarusians in the Kremlin’s concept of the Russian nation. The ROC MP stated that Russia is the “creator, support, and defender” of the Russkiy Mir and that the Russkiy Mir is a “spiritual, cultural, and civilizational phenomenon” that transcends the borders of the Russian Federation and historical Russian lands and encompasses everyone that values Russian traditions and culture.

The ROC MP claimed the Russkiy Mir’s mission is to destroy and prevent efforts to establish “universal hegemony in the world” and that the reunification of the “Russian nation” should be one of the priorities of Russian foreign policy.


The ROC MP stated that Russia should return to the “trinity doctrine” of the Russian nation, which falsely asserts that the “Russian nation” is comprised of sub-groups of ethnic Russians, Belarusians, and Ukrainians whom Russia should reunify.



PUBLIC OPINION: Do you support deploying European troops to Ukraine?


The ROC MP called on Russia to codify the “trinity doctrine” in law, make it an “integral part” of the Russian legal system, include it in the “normative list” of Russian spiritual and moral values, and give the concept legal protection.

Putin and other Kremlin officials have consistently invoked similar claims about the “Russian people” and Russkiy Mir since before the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine as a means to justify Russian aggression against Ukraine while undermining Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and denying the existence of a Ukrainian ethnic identity. The ROC MP may be gauging the response to the idea of codifying the “trinity doctrine” on the Kremlin’s orders. The Kremlin may codify this doctrine as official Russian policy.

The ROC MP heavily emphasized Russia’s need for traditional family values and an updated migration policy to counter Russia’s ongoing demographic crisis. The ROC MP labeled Russia’s demographic crisis as Russia’s main existential threat and characterized steady demographic growth as a critical national security priority. The ROC MP asserted that Russia should aim to grow its population to 600 million people (a roughly 450 million increase) in the next 100 years and laid out a series of measures that it envisions would allow Russia to achieve this monumental task.

The ROC MP called for the revival of the “traditional large family” and traditional family values in Russia – echoing Russian President Vladimir Putin’s emphasis on 2024 as the “Year of the Family” in recent major national addresses. The ROC MP claimed that the Russian government should recognize the family and its well-being as Russia’s “main national development goal” and a “strategic national priority” and should amend Russia’s main strategic planning documents to reflect this. The ROC MP called on Russian popular culture to create a “cult of the family” in society and suggested various economic benefits the state should enact to encourage larger families.




The ROC MP claimed that a new state migration policy is also key to an “effective” demographic policy. The ROC MP complained that migrants who do not speak Russian, do not understand Russian history and culture, and cannot integrate into Russian society are “deforming” Russia’s unified legal, cultural, and linguistic space. The ROC MP alleged that the “uncontrolled” influx of migrant labor decreases the “indigenous” population’s wages and access to jobs and that “closed ethnic enclaves” are “breeding grounds” for corruption, organized crime, extremism, and terrorism.

The ROC MP offered a series of policy recommendations that Russia should prioritize in a new migration policy, including “significant” restrictions on low-skilled foreign laborers, guarantees of employment and high incomes for Russian citizens, protections of the rights and interests of ethnic Russians, and other indigenous peoples of Russia, the mass repatriation of "compatriots” to Russia, and the relocation of highly-skilled foreign specialists who are loyal to Russia and ready to integrate into Russian society.

The ROC MP’s demographic and migration policy suggestions continue to highlight how the Kremlin struggles with inconsistent and contradictory policies concerning migrants and the interests of its ultranationalist population. Select Russian officials and ultranationalist voices have recently called for Russia to enact anti-migrant policies following the Crocus City Hall terrorist attack, but ISW continues to assess that Russia is unlikely to introduce any restrictions that would reduce the number of migrants in Russia given that Russia continues to heavily rely on migrants to offset domestic labor shortages and for force generation efforts.

Putin asserted in December 2023 that Russia’s “compatriots abroad” are those who have historical, cultural, or linguistic ties to Russia, and the ROC MP appears to suggest that the repatriation of such “compatriots” to Russia could be a large resource Russia could tap into to solve its demographic crisis. Some of the ROC MP’s other policy recommendations, however, contradictorily seek to restrict some of the very migrants that would fall under Putin’s definition of “compatriots abroad.” The ROC MP’s approach to the Russkiy Mir appears to be at odds with Putin’s previous definition of Russkiy Mir which posits a diverse and inclusive Russian civic nationalism.

The ROC MP appears to be combining previously parallel Kremlin narrative efforts into a relatively cohesive ideology focusing on national identity and demographic resurgence that promises Russians a period of national rejuvenation in exchange for social and civic duties.



The ROC MP highlighted that “the restoration of the unity of the Russian people” through the war in Ukraine is a key condition for Russia’s survival and successful development throughout the 21st century. This call for restoration amounts to the full-scale destruction of the Ukrainian nation and its envelopment into Russia.

The ROC MP aims to also envelop ethnic Belarusians into the Russian nation through its conception of the “trinity doctrine” while also massively repatriating other “compatriots” abroad. The ROC MP’s calls for Russians to assume the responsibility for steadily increasing birth rates and averting demographic catastrophe similarly promises Russians that Russian sovereignty and identity will persist in the 21st century.

These efforts to expand Russia’s control over those it considers to be a part of the Russkiy Mir, whether through mass repatriation or forceful means like Russia’s war of conquest in Ukraine, serve the same purpose as the calls for Russians to increase birth rates — increasing Russia’s overall population with people that ultranationalists consider to be “Russian.”

The ROC MP argued that the establishment of a stable and sovereign Russkiy Mir under the Russian state will lead to economic opportunity and Russia’s role as one of the leading centers of a multipolar world order. The ROC MP stated that the typical embodiment of the Russkiy Mir after the promised national rejuvenation would be a Russian family with three or more children and their own single-family home, offering ordinary Russians future socioeconomic benefits in exchange for sacrifices made now in backing the ROC MP’s suggested ultranationalist ideology and achieving Russia’s “unification” with Ukraine and Belarus.

The ROC MP’s suggested ideology explicitly ties Russian national security to the preservation of an imagined and disputed Russian nation and Russian demographic growth, offering the Kremlin expanded justifications for acts of aggression against neighboring countries and the West in the name of protecting the overall size and growth of the imagined Russkiy Mir.

The Kremlin may choose not to fully align itself publicly with the ultranationalist ideology that the ROC MP has proposed at this time but will highly likely borrow from and leverage it to generate support for the war effort in Ukraine and any future acts of aggression against Russia’s neighbors and the West.

See the original here.