Sunday, September 29, 2024

Militarism Abuse Disorder



 September 25, 2024
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Image by Thomas Hawk.

My name is Frida and my community is military dependent. (I feel, by the way, like I’m introducing myself at a very strange AA-like meeting with lousy coffee.) As with people who have substance abuse disorders, I’m part of a very large club. After all, there are weapons manufacturers and subcontractors in just about every congressional district in the country, so that members of Congress will never forget whom they are really working for: the military-industrial complex.

Using the vernacular of the day, perhaps it’s particularly on target to say that our whole country suffers from Militarism Abuse Disorder or (all too appropriately) MAD.

I must confess that I don’t like to admit to my military dependency. Who does? In my case, it’s a tough one for a few reasons, the biggest being that I’m an avowed pacifist who believes that war is a crime against humanity, a failure of the imagination, and never (no, not ever) necessary. Along with the rest of my family of five, I live below the taxable income level. That way, we don’t pay into a system that funds war preparations and war-making. We have to be a little creative to make our money stretch further and we don’t eat out or go to the movies every week. But we don’t ever feel deprived as a result. In essence, I’ve traded career success and workplace achievement for a slightly clearer conscience and time — time to work to end militarism and break our collective addiction!

The Peter G. Peterson Foundation estimates that, in 2023, the United States of America spent $142 billion buying weapons systems and another $122 billion on the research and development of future weaponry and other militarized equipment. And keep in mind that those big numbers represent only a small fraction of any Pentagon budget, the latest of which the Pentagon’s proposing to be $849.8 billion for 2025 — and that’s just one year (and not all of what passes for “national defense” spending either). A recent analysis by the Costs of War Project at Brown University calculated that, since September 11, 2001, the United States has used an estimated $8 trillion-plus just for its post-9/11 wars. Talk about addiction! It makes me pretty MAD, if I’m being honest with you!

It would be nice to ignore such monstrous numbers and the even bigger implications they suggest, to unfocus my eyes slightly as I regularly drive by the fenced facilities, manicured office parks, and noisy, bustling shipyards that make up the mega-billion-dollar-a-year industry right in my own neighborhood that’s preparing for… well, yes… the end of the world. Instead, I’m trying to be clear-eyed and aware. I’m checking my personal life all the time for compromise or conciliation with militarism: Am I being brainwashed when I find myself cheering for the fighters in that blockbuster movie we splurged on? Am I doing enough to push for a ceasefire in Gaza? Am I showing up with young people in my community who are backing higher salaries for teachers and no more police in schools? And of course, I keep asking myself: How are my daily consumer decisions lining up with my lofty politics?

I don’t always like the answers that come up in response to such questions, but I keep asking them, keep trying, keep pushing. Those who suffer from Militarism Abuse Disorder can’t even ask the questions, because they’re distracted by the promises of good jobs, nice apartments, and cheap consumer goods that the military-industrial complex is always claiming are right around the corner.

But here in my community, they never deliver!

New London: A Profile of Militarism Abuse Disorder

New London is a town of fewer than 28,000 people. The median income here is a little over $46,000 — $32,000 less than the state average. We are a very old community. Long part of the fishing and hunting grounds of the Eastern Pequots, NehanticsMashantucket Pequot, and Mohegan, the city was founded in the 1600s and incorporated in the late 1700s. You see evidence of our age in the shape of our streets, curbed and meandering, long ago carved out of fields by cows and wagons, and in our architecture — aging industrial buildings, warehouses, and ice houses in the neighborhoods where their workers once lived — now derelict and empty or repurposed as auto repair stores or barber shops.

Sometimes I watch, almost mesmerized by the ferocious energy of all those cars careening up Howard Street on their way to work at General Dynamics. Car after car headed for work at the very break of day. Every workday at about 3 p.m., they reverse course, a river of steel and plastic rushing and then idling in traffic, trying to get out of town as fast as possible.

General Dynamics Electric Boat repairs, services, and manufactures submarines armed with both conventional and nuclear weapons. And it certainly tells you something about our world that the company is in the midst of a major hiring jag, looking to fill thousands of positions in New London, Groton, and coastal Rhode Island to build the Columbia-class submarine, the next generation of nuclear-powered, nuclear-armed subs. Those behemoths of human ingenuity and engineering will cost taxpayers a whopping $132 billion, with each of the 12 new boats clocking in at about $15 billion — and mind you, that’s before anything even goes wrong or the schedule to produce them predictably stretches out and out. The company has already solved one big problem: how to wring maximum profits out of this next generation of planet-obliteration-capable subs. And that’s a problem that isn’t even particularly hard to sort out, because some of those contracts are “cost plus,” meaning the company says what the project costs and then adds a percentage on top of that as profit.

Such a cost-plus business bothers me a lot. I could almost be converted into a hard-nosed militarist if our weapons production industry was a nonprofit set of organizations, run with the kind of shoestring ingenuity that dozens of outfits in New London employ to feed the hungry, house the homeless, and care for the victims of domestic violence.

I break from my traffic-watching fugue on Howard Street to reflect on all that furious effort, all those advanced degrees, all that almost impossible intelligence being poured into making an even better, bigger, faster, sleeker, stealthier weapons-delivery system, capable of carrying and firing conventional and nuclear warheads. Why? We have so many already. And as the only nation that has ever used nuclear weapons in war (in 1945) and has tested, perfected, and helped proliferate the technology of ultimate destruction for the last eight decades, the United States should be leading the charge to denuclearize, disarm, and abolish such weaponry. That, after all, is what’s called for in the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.

If we are ever going to break our MAD addiction, one place to start is here on Howard Street with people who make their living working on one tiny component of this incredibly complex system. Economic conversion, moving resources and skills and jobs from the military-industrial complex to civilian sectors, is a big project. And it could indeed begin right here on Howard Street.

You Get What You Pay For

Our small town is also home to the Coast Guard Academy and two private colleges. Add the acreage of those three non-taxpaying institutions to the nearly 30 churches, synagogues, and other houses of worship that enjoy tax-free status here; throw in the dozens of nonprofits that do all the good work and you end up with an awfully small tax base. As a result, the municipal budget leans heavily on commercial taxpayers like General Dynamics Electric Boat, the military-industrial behemoth that moved into 24 acres of prime waterfront real estate in 2009 after it was vacated by the tax scofflaw Pfizer.

General Dynamics, like other military manufacturers, essentially only has one customer to please, the United States government. That makes the cost-plus contracting scheme even more egregious, guaranteeing that, no matter what goes wrong, its profits are always assured. Such a bonkers, counter-capitalist scenario passes all the costs on to American taxpayers and allows the privately held corporation to pocket all the profits, while handing out fat dividends to its shareholders. According to Sahm Capitol, “Over the past three years, General Dynamics’ Earnings Per Share grew by 3.7% and over the past three years, the total shareholder return was 62%.”

For 2024, General Dynamics Electric Boat is paying taxes on property valued at $90.8 million — almost twice as much as that of the next highest taxpayer in our town. But it is also a bone of contention. The company, which paid CEO Phebe Novakovic $22.5 million in salary and stock awards in 2023, has no trouble taking the City of New London to court when they feel like their property is being overvalued or overtaxed. They win, too, so their property valuations yo-yo year to year when New London has been ordered to repay taxes to General Dynamics. Whether they pay taxes based on $90.8 million in property or $57 million doesn’t really matter to the company. It’s literal pocket change to the Pentagon’s third largest weapons contractor, a company that boasted $42.3 billion in revenue in 2023. But it matters a lot in a place like New London, where the annual budget process routinely shaves jobs from the schools, public works, and the civil service to make the columns all add up.

According to a report by Heidi Garrett-Peltier for the Costs of War Project at Brown University, $1 million of federal spending in the military sector creates 6.9 jobs (5.8 direct jobs and 1.1 in the supply chain). That same $1 million would create 8.4 jobs in the wind energy sector or 9.5 jobs in solar energy. Investing $1 million in energy efficiency retrofits creates 10.6 jobs. Use that $1 million to build streets or highways or tunnels or bridges or to repair schools and it will create “over 40 percent more jobs than the military, with a total multiplier of 9.8 jobs per $1 million spending.”

Wait, what? Are you telling me that, with their lack of transparency, accountability, and their cost-plus contracts, while building weapons systems for the sole purpose of destruction and wasting a lot of money in the process, the military-industrial complex is a lousy job creator? Am I to understand that spending money on just about anything else creates more jobs and more economic activity, while not threatening the world with annihilation?

As I work on a local level in my small town in Connecticut, I see how municipal policy should prioritize small businesses, mom-and-pop stores made of brick and mortar, over multinational corporations or big business. I see the return on investment from a small business in granular and tangible ways: the grocery store owner who starts each day by picking up garbage in his parking lot, the funeral home that sponsors the Little League team, the woman at the art gallery and frame shop who waters the street flowers, or the self-employed local photographer who serves on the board of the cooperative grocery store.

These businesses don’t employ tens of thousands of people, but they also don’t insist on tax abatements that undermine our local budget or fill our crowded streets with commuters hell-bent on getting away from the office and our town as quickly as possible.

You get what you pay for, right? Garrett-Peltier’s Costs of War report goes on to note that “healthcare spending creates more than twice as many jobs for the same level of spending, while education creates up to nearly three times as many jobs as defense spending… The employment multipliers for these domestic programs are 14.3 for healthcare, 19.2 for primary and secondary education, and 11.2 for higher education; the average figure for education is 15.2 jobs per $1 million spending.”

These are numbers I wish my City Council would commit to memory. In fact, we should all know these numbers by heart, because they counter the dominant narrative that military spending is good for the economy and that good-paying jobs depend on militarism.

The United States is investing trillions of dollars in the military, as well as in weapons contractors like General Dynamics, Boeing, and Lockheed Martin. Every U.S. president in modern history has prioritized the bottom lines of those corporations over a safe and healthy future for the next generation. Consider all of that as just so many symptoms of Militarism Abuse Syndrome. Isn’t it finally time to get really mad at MAD? Let’s kick the habit and get clean!

This piece first appeared on TomDispatch.

Frida Berrigan is the author of It Runs In The Family: On Being Raised by Radicals and Growing into Rebellious Motherhood. She is a TomDispatch regular, writes occasionally for WagingNonviolence.Org, and serves on the Board of Kirkridge Retreat and Study Center. She has three children and lives in New London, Connecticut, where she is a gardener and community organizer.

Public Radio, Public Media and Local News Deserts


 September 26, 2024
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Image by Getty and Unsplash+.

The late sixties was a heady time for the civic pioneers who persuaded Congressional lawmakers to provide the American people with radio and television programs with real news – local and national – and also report what civic advocates and civic communities were proposing or doing. In 1961 commercial television stations were described by the chairman of the Federal Communications Commission Newton Minow as a “vast wasteland,” before the National Association of Broadcasters. The audience was startled. (He could have included radio in his critique.) But things only got more commercial, profit-driven, and violative of the Communications Act of 1934 standard of providing for the “public interest, convenience and necessity,” information needs of viewers and listeners.

Encouraged by pragmatic visionaries like the former president of CBS Fred Friendly, the Carnegie Corporation, and the Ford Foundation, Congress acted and, in 1969, gave birth to Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) and in 1970 the National Public Radio (NPR). They were mandated to be publicly-funded serious news gatherers, featuring presenters and reflectors of diverse voices, political and civic institutions, culture, and people in their communities. Commercial entertainment, music, sports, and incessant advertisements were left for the commercial stations.

As Bill Siemering, one of the organizers and first program director of NPR, said in 1970: “National Public Radio will not regard its audience as a ‘market’ or in terms of disposable income…”

Fast forward, NPR’s budget, mostly stripped of Congressional funding, became reliant on funding from corporations and wealthy donors and has indeed become a “market” with all that such commercialization entails for its programming priorities and biases.

Today, NPR and its affiliate stations have about 30 ads an hour using the repetitive phrase “support for this station comes from…” It has too many entertainment-celebrity stories, too much music time (especially after 6:00 pm on weekends), too little local content being produced by NPR’s hundreds of local station affiliates, too much self-censorship regarding corporate malfeasance and power, too much indifference to the civic community, too much aloof smugness. Many of their editors and reporters are uncommunicative and many of their managers are obsessed with raising money and shaping programming decisions accordingly.

NPR has been largely ignored by Congress because the former critics – conservative Republicans – now like its receptivity to their opinions and because commercial interests like Walmart, Chevron, Eli Lilly, Amazon, Raymond James Brokers, and large Banks advertise and support NPR and PBS. As a result, there has been a serious absence of supportive Congressional hearings and oversight. The House Energy & Commerce Committee did, however, hold a hearing because House Speaker Mike Johnson believes NPR needs to be held “accountable for its ideological bias and contempt for facts.” Speaker Johnson is not known for his appreciation of facts.

Public media escapes scrutiny and higher expectation levels by its audience because comparisons with the rancid commercial radio/TV stations makes it look good. NPR and PBS do have some good programs – documentaries, features from the field, and some investigative reports, especially when, for example, NPR collaborates with nonprofit media groups like Pro Publica.

However, its news slots raise the issue of mimicry of their commercial counterparts. Top-of-the-hour news by NPR is just like that of CBS or ABC – just three minutes or less of often the same news bite stories. The local affiliates are not much better with the exception of several stations like WNYC-FM (New York) or WAMC (Albany), WGBH (Boston), KQED-FM (San Francisco), and KAXE (Northern Minnesota) that have numerous full-time local reporters. Restoring public media to its founding purposes is more essential than ever as financing for the private press has collapsed and 1800 counties now lack a daily local news source.

Michael Swerdlow, the author of our report, “The Public’s Media: The Case for a Democratically Funded and Locally Rooted News Media in an Era of Newsroom Closures , demonstrated that NPR’s “commercialization means that public media remains reliant on the satisfaction of corporate donors and is obsessed with treating its ‘audience’ as a market….” This has meant that many of its talented, experienced reporters are underchallenged, working on routine, repetitive abbreviated deliveries that invoke pathos.

Our report is designed to spark support to return Public Media to its original public interest missions and decrease corporate domination on its national and local station Boards of Directors. The report notes that “The United States spends $3 per person, New Zealand spends $21, Canada spends $33, Australia $53, Japan spends $67, the U.K. spends $97, and Germany spends 41 times more at $124.” Public Media needs more adequate public and per capita funding. The Public Media must become structurally more open to the civic communities’ information needs and inputs which were the legislation’s original inspiration.

Swerdlow’s report is deep on constructive reforms, innovative proposals, and references to other Western nations’ approaches to governance and funding of their Public Media. His analysis explains how the collapses of the “business model” for local for-profit news media – hundreds of daily and weekly newspaper closings or retrenchments – leaves Public Media with even greater responsibilities to fill gaps created by the spread of news deserts in county after county.

We invite audiences to raise their expectation levels for Public Media’s daily performance and demand an annual public budget of about $10 billion dollars (the cost of two-thirds of an unneeded aircraft carrier) to provide the information and two-way engagements with the audience that gives meaning to the functioning of our First Amendment protections. We also invite PBS and NPR staff to share their concerns about the decline of Public Media with us by sending an email to: info@csrl.org or sending a letter to the address below.

You can receive a printed copy of our report by sending a check for $15.00 to: CSRL, P.O. Box 19367, Washington, DC, 20036 (a PDF version is available online at CSRL.ORG).

You should find it troubling, fascinating, empowering, and quite original in its analysis, data, and recommendations.

Ralph Nader is a consumer advocate, lawyer and author of Only the Super-Rich Can Save Us!