Friday, November 01, 2024

 USA

Election and Widening War

Thursday 31 October 2024, by Against the Current Editors



With war and genocide spreading from Palestine to Lebanon and Iran, with Florida and southern states inundated by the twin biggest climate-change flood disasters in U.S. history, and people’s general insecurity about their own and the country’s future, the United States lurches toward what’s called “the most consequential election in our lifetime” that may resolve little or nothing.

The outcome isn’t known as Against the Current goes to press a couple weeks before November 5, but will be shortly after or before this issue reaches our subscribers — or possibly the results, unless they’re unexpectedly decisive, might be rejected as illegitimate by close to half the country, with a looming potential for constitutional crisis and chaos.

Rather than speculate on the outcome, we’ll look here at the confluence of domestic and global factors that go into making such a volatile moment in U.S. politics, set to persist well after November 5.

1) The 2024 presidential election rides on likely razor-thin margins in seven or so “swing states,” so that a few tens of thousands of votes either way outweigh 150 or 160 million cast nationwide — the product of the United States’ uniquely absurd Electoral College system.

The latter is not only grotesquely undemocratic but vulnerable to all kinds of voter-suppression and other schemes at state levels. This includes threats that election results might not be certified by local officials or hopelessly delayed by bureaucratic obstruction (such as a new Georgia ballot hand-count requirement, voter roll purges and barriers to registration).

The MAGA-run Republican Party in particular is openly putting in place the mechanics for a multi-front Grand Theft Election game to be rolled out in vote counts and certification battles — procedural, legal and potentially physical. And while these moves are pretty well publicized, the Democrats are contributing their share to voter suppression through various pretexts to exclude the Green Party and other options from state ballots.

Arsenal of Genocide

2) U.S. elections conventionally don’t hinge on international issues. In 2024, however, it’s impossible to overlook the explosion in the Middle East, where the United States plays the central role as the arsenal of genocide. Israel’s war now entails the depopulation of southern Lebanon, and a potential risk to the very survival of that country — while northern Gaza undergoes what Palestinian officials call “genocide within genocide.”

Throughout the year-long destruction of Gaza, the Biden administration has pontificated about Israel’s right to “defend itself,” while bleating about its own “round the clock” brokering negotiations for ceasefire and hostage release deals. The government of Benjamin Netanyahu, driven both by his personal need to stay in power and by the ideological goal of continuing and expanding the war, has openly sabotaged these efforts. In the process it has essentially abandoned the Israeli hostages in Gaza captivity.

It’s also entirely clear that Netanyahu (like Russia’s Vladimir Putin) intends to boost the chances of Donald Trump’s return to the White House. Yet faced with Netanyahu’s contempt, the U.S. president responds with more and more weapons transfers to Israel. That amounts to Biden pouring gasoline on the fire he claims to be trying to put out — with predictable results.

Biden sends unlimited weaponry to Israel — with no restraints, even when U.S. law explicitly forbids arming human rights violators. Meanwhile Biden refuses to give Ukraine permission to use American-supplied weapons to attack the Russian bases that launch terror bombing raids on Ukraine’s people and its critical infrastructure.

The Gaza massacre continues. That now constitutes mass murder for its own sake, with the real death toll by now almost surely well into six figures. Meanwhile and mostly under the daily headline radar, the Israeli military and heavily armed settlers rampage with murderous impunity in West Bank Palestinian villages.

Amidst this came the stunning sequence of events, beginning with Israel’s assassination in Tehran of Hamas leader Ismael Haniyeh — who served as the organization’s negotiator for a ceasefire and hostage release deal. This was followed in Lebanon by the detonation of Hezbollah’s pagers and walkie-talkies, systematic assassinations of its leadership, and bombings carried out with U.S.-supplied weapons with little regard for civilian death and destruction in densely populated neighborhoods.

A million desperate Lebanese civilians are displaced not only from the south of the country but districts of Beirut as well. It’s the height of delusion to think that somehow these atrocities wouldn’t feed back into U.S. politics, from the November election to events well into the future. The impact on the Arab-American vote in November is just for openers. Additional factors include the alienation of sectors of the Democrats’ progressive voter base, the bitter polarization on university campuses and punitive repression of pro-Palestinian activism.

Israel’s assault on Lebanon is an “incursion” which no sane observer expects to remain “limited.” And Netanyahu’s ultimate dream, to bring the United States into a war with Iran, may be changing from fantasy to reality (and more likely if Trump returns to office).

Even though Israel’s military and intelligence services were so unprepared for the October 7, 2023 Hamas raid, for the past 18 years they’ve prepared the war to destroy Hezbollah — ever since the inconclusive end of the 2006 33-day war. Inevitably this is also a war against Lebanon itself that may lead to the total collapse of that fragile state. Netanyahu himself has warned the Lebanese population to “rise up against Hezbollah” or suffer the fate of Gaza.

Undoubtedly U.S. and probably other allies’ intelligence agencies assisted Israel in the astounding penetration of Hezbollah’s security infrastructure. Furthermore Hezbollah’s leader Hassan Nasrallah apparently believed, along with most commentators and probably Washington and Tehran too, that its rocket exchanges with Israel would remain “within bounds” short of full-scale-out war. That was a fatal miscalculation, and not Israel’s intention.

Whatever happens next, Israel has torn an enormous hole in the strategic capacity and fearsome image of what’s called the “axis of resistance.” This “axis” included Hezbollah and the Houthi movement in Yemen, as well as forces allied to Iran inside Iraq.

Contrary to rightwing and Israeli propaganda, these forces are not puppets responding to Iran’s orders. They are actors with their local interests and initiative — and despite their rhetoric and the illusions of some activists, Palestinian freedom is not the top of their respective agendas. But they — especially Hezbollah — are or at least had been a kind of insurance policy for Iran against the threat of a direct Israeli-U.S. attack.

As that shield is severely weakened if it still exists, the Iranian rulers, already facing a very weak economy and openly at war with their own population, may be forced to pursue closer protective relations with Russia and China.

Attacking Iran has potential implications for other conflicts, including Russia’s annexationist invasion of Ukraine which the Iranian regime has supported, that are difficult to predict. U.S. imperialism is inextricably front and center in these events, whatever the verbal postures of the Biden team to “prevent a wider war” may have been.

The transition period between the November 5 election and the January 20 presidential inauguration could be even more ominous globally as well as at home. In the end, “Genocide Joe” Biden’s presidential legacy is the destruction of Gaza and the new Middle East catastrophe. Whether it also includes the return of Donald Trump is to be determined.

Political System in Decay…

3) On the home front, whatever the ultimate result, the U.S. electoral cycle has revealed the stench of decay in the country’s supposedly sacred institutions. It’s not just that the system of elections is vulnerable to voter suppression and manipulation, in ways we sketched at the outset and more.

What were supposed to be safeguards of “stability,” if not democracy — the absurdly unrepresentative Senate, the autonomous powers assigned to the states, the supposedly above-partisanship of a Supreme Court whose nearly uncontrollable majority is now both white-supremacist and semi-monarchist — are now enablers of instability and potential chaos.

More than that, the elimination of any meaningful campaign finance regulation in our politics has turned the twin Republican and Democratic parties into money-vacuuming apparatuses. There is no accountability to anyone but the corporate powers and megadonors (let alone the parties’ nonexistent “memberships”). That domination in turn makes the capitalist parties, and the political system, largely impervious to the popular will or the massive crises that affect the society.

A partial counterweight is available in the form of ballot initiatives in some states, notably right now as a vehicle for defending reproductive and abortion rights against the vicious attacks from the right wing. Women’s right to abortion of course is a central and critical issue on which the Democrats hope to cling to the presidency.

But fundamental issues that should be at the core of political discussion are ignored: We’ve repeatedly emphasized that the obscene inequalities of wealth and opportunity in the United States are at the heart of the stresses afflicting millions of Americans from inflation, poor access to medical care, miserable housing and working conditions.

Because neither capitalist party addresses the core issues and consequences of inequality, their quarrels about economic policy are mainly empty noise, or in Donald Trump’s case about the health care crisis, “concepts.”

Within the next few years, the United States along with the whole world will confront climate-change disasters of magnitudes we can barely imagine now. The incredible devastation in southern states wrought by Hurricane Helene, hundreds of miles inland from landfall and estimated at $100 billion or more even before Milton hit Florida, is just a foretaste. The Amazon rainforest is drying and burning throughout South America, from Brazil to Ecuador to Colombia.

…While Struggle Continues

4) The left in the United States does not meaningfully affect electoral outcomes, but more importantly social movements and working-class struggles have not taken a break for the long election season. Although the east coast longshore strike won a huge wage increase, it is suspended until mid-January with talks continuing over automation. After a five-week strike Boeing mechanics voted down a contract with a 34% wage increase over four years because it failed to restore pensions. Meanwhile the United Auto Workers threaten to strike Stellantis over the company’s failure to implement provisions of the historic contract that the union won last year.

No matter how the election turns out, campus and community movements in support of Palestine will persist with renewed energy, especially with Israel’s escalating invasion of Lebanon. University administrations, pressured by donors and congressional committees, have embarked on punitive and repressive campaigns against pro-Palestinian students and faculty that threaten the very foundations of campus speech and academic freedom.

At the same time, there are initiatives within unions and city councils for Palestinian rights. These call for divestment from Israeli-linked corporations and arms suppliers, demand a U.S. arms embargo, and support the resolution initiated by Bernie Sanders in the Senate to block the Biden administration’s new $20 billion weapons transfer to Israel. Here is where leftwing activism can play a significant role.

An open question is whether a significant opening for independent politics — the Green Party in particular — can emerge from progressive revulsion over “Genocide Joe” Biden’s role in the Middle East slaughter and broader disaffection from the capitalist parties’ destructive duopoly. It’s important to note that the Green Party runs campaigns not only in top-level national elections but also in local races, with some significant impact.

Right now, none of the left forces in the electoral field have anything like a mass base, but each speaks to different sectors looking for political alternatives. One urgent task is to continue finding common grounds among movements toward building a a serious, genuine political alternative that can reach out to broader popular sectors in the electoral sphere. That prospect is by no means quick or easy, but beyond November 5 and in the period to come will be part of urgent ongoing discussions. As always, building the movements of resistance — whether under Trump or Harris — remains central.

Against the Current


Elections smelling of gas in Mozambique


Monday 28 October 2024, by Paul Martial


As the results of Mozambique’s presidential election approach, tension is mounting and the ruling FRELIMO  (Mozambique Liberation Front) party is not about to relinquish power, hoping to benefit from the gas windfall. Nearly 17 million voters were expected in Mozambique for the parliamentary, provincial and presidential elections on 9 October.

An outsider

FRELIMO reigns supreme in the country. It wins the majority of votes every time, although the accuracy of the ballot is systematically questioned by the opposition as well as by many international observers. Current president Filipe Nyusi is not eligible to stand for a third term, so Daniel Chapo has been chosen to represent FRELIMO. As in the previous election in 2019, other candidates include Ossufo Momade for the RENAMO (Mozambican National Resistance) party and Lutero Simango for the Mozambique Democratic Movement (MDM), a split from RENAMO.

The newcomer is Venâncio Mondlane, a former RENAMO member who left after failing to become the candidate for these elections. Very popular with young people, he has become FRELIMO’s main rival. As for the political programmes of the two parties, they hardly vary. Initial figures show a high abstention rate, with a turnout of around 35%. The authorities have announced that the final results will be known in around ten days’ time. However, initial results show Chapo in the lead, followed by Mondlane.

Blood in the gas

What will be at stake in these elections is whether or not there will be a second round. And if there is, then the FRELIMO candidate could be in an uncomfortable position.

Fingers are already being pointed at fraud. In a number of polling stations, turnout rates have exceeded 100% in favour of FRELIMO, and in some cases the police have seized ballot boxes or polling station presidents have been caught stuffing ballot boxes. Such fraud could trigger street protests after the results are announced.

The major concern for the FRELIMO leaders is gas exploitation by the big majors such as ExxonMobile and TotalEnergies in Cabo Delgado. This is a guarantee of substantial enrichment. Already in 2015, the country’s leaders had opaquely borrowed 2 billion dollars, a large part of which was misappropriated, causing the country’s economic stagnation.

Gas exploitation is yet to begin, and is far from a foregone conclusion. The authorities are facing a jihadist insurgency, which they have brought under control thanks to the intervention of soldiers from the Rwandan army. However, the situation remains extremely precarious. The population is as much the victim of radical Islamists as it is of the Mozambican armed forces. The latter are accused of executions and torture even inside TotalEnergies’ premises after the company had withdrawn its staff.

17 October 2024

Translated by International Viewpoint from l’Anticapitaliste.

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How West Africa’s military juntas exploit anti-French sentiments for support but undermine human rights


Published 
From Left: Col Assimi Goïta of Mali, General Abdourahamane Tchiani of Niger, and Capt Ibrahim Traoré of Burkinabé.

First published at National Record.

The key problems for the common people in most countries across West Africa are the same as in Nigeria, poverty, inequality and corruption. Across the Sahel, especially in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger this had led to armed insecurity led by Islamic militants. It was the failure to quell such violence that led to the military coups in recent years.

French troops also failed to contain the Islamic militants. This failure and incidents where French forces shot dead local people led to widespread opposition to the French troops and their eventual exit from these countries. This demonstrated that their governments had far more control over the French forces than many people imagined.

However, military solutions were never likely to be successful. The underlying causes of poverty, inequality and corruption have to be addressed before insecurity can be significantly reduced. This is the reason that Boko Haram and ISWAP remain active in the north east of Nigeria.

The military juntas have benefited from, and encouraged, the wave of anti-French feelings and this also helped the opposition to win the presidential elections in Senegal. The anti-French nationalism has provided a certain focus for the bitterness of the mass of workers, peasants and the lower middle classes over their economic plight. But it also restricts their demands to those that do not upset the ruling classes in each country.

Expelling the French military from these countries does nothing to reduce poverty, inequality or corruption. In addition, there is an ideological conservatism which accompanies these anti-Western feelings. So, there are moves against women’s rights, and against protections for LGBT people etc. Opposition to French imperialists in West Africa is not necessarily progressive.

The second issue was the currency that remains a hang-over from the colonial era in these French speaking countries. The military juntas have gained a level of mass support with promises to move away from the CFA currency. This was also one of the main planks in the success of the opposition in the Senegalese elections earlier this year. The currency clearly remains a symbol of the former colonial power.

However, at least for the West African countries, almost all aspects of the CFA were removed in May 2022 when the remaining foreign reserves, previously held by the French Central Bank, were repatriated to the common central bank, the BCEAO, in Dakar. In addition, French representation was reduced to only one member on the 27-person Monetary Policy Committee. There is now no representation at all from France on the main board of the BCEAO Central Bank.

There are benefits, especially for the rich elite, from this common currency and its parity with the euro. It means their imported goods are cheaper, it is easier for them to transfer their looted funds out of the country and their savings do not dwindle due to the low rate of inflation.

The workers of Senegal, at least, also benefit from this low inflation as the minimum wage, as in Nigeria, has not been increased over the last nearly five years. But over this time, inflation in Senegal has only been the same as in Nigeria over the last six months.

The governments of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have shown that they can successfully demand for the French soldiers to leave their country (and more recently in Niger also the removal of the US troops). They are also in a position to break from the link to the Euro, if the governments choose, but given the above advantages they may not actually make this change.

In 1960, when countries of West Africa gained independence from France, this may have only been flag independence. But nearly 65 years later things have changed. Even in terms of trade France no longer dominates. In the two largest economies, Cote d’Ivoire and Senegal, the largest trading partners are now China and India rather than France.

French multinational firms still form 10 of the 20 largest firms in Senegal, so they are clearly significant. But they no longer totally dominate the economy. The 13 largest French controlled firms only provide 3.3% of the formal employment in Senegal. So less than one worker in 20 in the formal sector works for a French controlled company. This is a major change from 1960.

The relationship between France and its former colonies in West Africa can also be extremely beneficial for the leaders of these countries, if they are prepared to support France in international arenas.

So, for example, the then French President, François Hollande, admitted that the French made arrangements for Blaise Compaoré to leave for the Ivory Coast when he was overthrown by a popular uprising in 2014. In 2019, the French foreign minister admitted that French warplanes had struck a rebel convey in Chad to prevent a coup d’etat against the former President Idriss Deby. France then supported the current dictator when he took power after the death of his father two years later. The President of Cote d’Ivoire, Alassane Ouattara has received firm support from France after being elected in contested elections for an unconstitutional third term in December 2020. A former French president attended the swearing-in ceremony.

Swapping French and US troops for mercenaries from Russia has not reduced insecurity across the Sahel. As in Nigeria, the root causes of poverty, inequality and corruption must be addressed by robust trade union action. Changing the currency will not allow the poor majority to buy enough food to eat. A decent minimum wage is what we all need.

The main claims by the West African military juntas, when they took power in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, was that they would quickly address the security issues in their countries. In each case, they have failed to do this. If anything, the insurgency by Islamic militants is getting worse, especially in Burkina Faso and Mali. In addition, the military are extending their rule with promises of elections and a return to civilian rule being postponed or forgotten. The authoritarian military rulers have inflicted further attacks on human rights in each of these four countries as we show below.

Despite this, the trade unions are still able to organise and are beginning to improve the conditions of their members, at least in some countries. However, much more is needed to reduce the levels of poverty, inequality and corruption that are the main drivers of insecurity.

Burkina Faso

“The human rights situation in Burkina Faso is very worrying”, said Drissa Traoré, Secretary General of the International Federation for Human Rights (IFHR) in early October. In addition, the National Commission of Human Rights is concerned about the arrests and kidnappings of citizens by unidentified individuals and outside of any adequate procedures.

Two years after Ibrahim Traoré’s coup d’état, human rights organizations paint a bleak picture of freedoms violated in the country. IFHR denounces in particular arbitrary arrests of opponents, the forced recruitment of civilians, the disappearance of defenders of freedoms and the end of freedom of the press. Street protests have been banned in Burkina Faso since the Traoré led coup in September 2022.

This situation has been made worse by the introduction of anonymous hotlines. In September alone, 726 denunciations were made and these resulted in at least 350 arrests. In October, a meeting of about 50 journalists complained about the disappearance of four of their colleagues who are thought to be “in the hands of the military”.

IFHR also shares its concern about the increase in disappearances of human rights activists and the growing repression of dissident voices. “We are witnessing a resurgence of arbitrary arrests and pressure on journalists and activists”. Several prominent figures found themselves sent to the front to fight against Islamic militants, including human rights defender Daouda Diallo and former foreign minister Ablassé Ouédraogo.

Last year, Amnesty International said, “public figures were abducted or arrested and forcibly disappeared, including the national president of an organization representing pastoralists’ interests” who are blamed for the insurgency.

Russian military personal are used to personally protect Traoré. When he came to power, he promised to only stay for 21 months. But this was extended by another five years in May 2024. In addition, Captain Traoré is to be free to continue his rule by being a presidential candidate when the elections finally take place.

The IFHR calls for a general mobilisation to restore fundamental freedoms in Burkina Faso and guarantee the independence of the justice system. Some fifteen Burkinabe unions, united in a collective, have called for a rally on October 31 in Ouagadougou to protest against “restrictions on freedoms” which they say have been imposed by the country’s military authorities.

“This mainly concerns the restriction of individual and collective freedoms (which) result in forced disappearances of citizens, kidnappings of citizens by armed and hooded individuals, forced recruitment, measures to close press organs”, said Moussa Diallo, Secretary General of the General Confederation of Burkina Workers (CGT-B), the principal trade union centre in Burkina Faso. He was effectively sacked from his university lecturer post in April 2024 and is now in hiding to avoid being kidnapped or arrested.

Minimum wages

CountryMonthly wage (CFA F, thousands)Monthly wage (N thousands)Date of last increase
Burkina Faso45125June 2023
Mali44123January 2016
Niger42117January 2024
Guinea550 (Guinea francs)108June 2022

Mali

The Malian military authorities, in power since the second coup of 24 May 2021, have continued to drastically restrict the civic and democratic space in the country. The last four years have seen a resurgence of arrests, arbitrary detentions, abductions, secret detentions and also of judicial harassment of anyone who expresses a dissenting opinion.

The four years of military rule have also been marked by threats and intimidation, kidnappings and arbitrary arrests of Malian journalists and opinion leaders. International media journalists have their authorities denied.

Presidential elections scheduled for 27 February 2024, which would have allowed a return to civilian rule, were again postponed in September 2023. In April and May 2024, the Malian military authorities organised the Inter-Malian Dialogue, national consultations aimed at proposing solutions to the political and security crisis in Mali. The dialogue produced 300 recommendations, including calls to “extend the transition period from two to five years” and to “promote the candidacy of Colonel Assimi Goïta in the next presidential elections“.

In June 2024, 11 leading politicians were arrested for demanding the return to civilian rule.

Also, in June 2024, the National Union of Banks, Insurance Companies, Financial Institutions and Enterprises of Mali (SYNABEF) held a three-day strike by banks and petrol stations and won the release of its secretary general, Hamadoun Bah after five nights in detention. Bah is also the secretary general of UNTM, the largest trade union centre in Mali. A coalition of political parties and associations (Synergy of Action for Mali) also called for protests against the high cost of living and power cuts.

Again, in June 2024, the higher education union, SNESUP held a 3-day strike. They had several grievances, including the suspension of the Dean of the Faculty of Economics and Management and the implementation of the agreement recently reached with the government following the previous indefinite strike in 2023. They also demanded improvements in working conditions, salary increases, regularization of salary arrears and security for schools and universities.

At the end of October, the head of one of the cattle markets in the capital, Bamako, was arrested by state security. This was after a 1-day strike over the relocation of the cattle market.

Niger

The military authorities in Niger have cracked down on the opposition, media, and peaceful dissent since taking power in July 2023, says Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Federation for Human Rights (IFHR).

On May 29, the justice and human rights minister issued a circular suspending all visits by human rights organizations to Nigerien prisons “until further notice“, in violation of national and international human rights law.

On August 27, 2024, Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani established “an automated data processing file containing personal data of people, groups of people or entities involved in acts of terrorism.” “Niger’s new counterterrorism order allows people to be labelled suspected terrorists on vague criteria and with no credible evidence,” said Human Rights Watch. Those included in the database face severe consequences, including being denied the ability to travel nationally and internationally, and having their assets frozen.

The Trade Union of Magistrates of Niger (SAMAN) called for a 72-hour strike at the beginning of June, 2024 to defend judicial independence and protest against the intervention of the executive branch in judicial affairs.

Negotiations opened between government ministers and trade union leaders in mid-October. Before the coup, the trade unions held a 2-day general strike to demand the harmonization of allowances for all state agents, the recruitment of contract civil servants in education and health to the civil service and the increase in the minimum wage. These demands remain to be addressed. However, in July the price of petrol was reduced from 550 à 499 FCFA (N1,500 to N1,350) and in August the fees and charges in public hospitals were reduce by 50%.

Guinea

A 3-day general strike was held in February 2024. The call was launched by trade unions from the public, private and informal sectors, seeking a reduction in the prices of basic necessities and an end to media censorship. The unions also demanded and won the release of Sékou Jamal Pendessa, Secretary General of the Union of Press Professionals of Guinea. The strike received the support of the main political parties and most civil society organisations.

There was then a truce between the military and the opposition and civil society. In May, the military regime released Foniké Menguè and two other civil society leaders while civil society suspended its demonstrations.

But then, the Prime Minister said in late September: “We do not yet have complete and precise information on where they may be,” in response to a question about the disappearance, since July 9, of two activists from the National Front for the Defense of the Constitution (FNDC), Foniké Menguè and Mamadou Billo Bah. Since then there has been no news about their whereabouts.

In July, before his disappearance, Foniké Menguè said: “So what is certain is that we will resume our meetings, and following the meetings, you know that we will again go on demonstrations. We will continue the fight against the seizure of power by the CNRD.”

Also in July, the Guinean customs also seized nearly a thousand copies of the autobiography of Foniké Menguè. The stock of books was being transported from Dakar. According to the Customs Directorate, it was seized at the land border with Guinea for reasons of “public order and public security.”

Earlier this year the junta agreed to hold elections by the end of 2024, but then backtracked on this in July.

Earlier in October, the trade union centre, the National Confederation of Guinea Workers (CNTG) demanded the full implementation of the agreement of November 2023. This included the negotiation of a revised minimum wage for the private and informal sectors and improved public sector transport services.

Conclusions

The military coups in West Africa have not addressed the key issues of poverty, inequality and corruption. Neither have they been able to address the insecurity around the Islamic militants which was the main issue many of them gave for removing the previous civilian governments. Where the insecurity is worse, in Burkina Faso and Mali, the military coups have led to a major worsening of human rights.

However, the trade unions have managed to continue to organise. They are beginning to reassert their rights and to push for improvements in the conditions of their members. We can only hope that this will continue and that they are able to address some of the issues of deep poverty and inequality that led to the Islamic rebellions.

This assertion of trade union activism is also needed in the countries of West Africa that are still ruled by civilian governments where poverty, inequality and corruption remain major issues.