Sunday, October 03, 2021

Amazon Workers in Canada Are Getting Organized
JACOBIN
10.03.2021

Amazon tripled its profits during the pandemic while its workers experienced sickness and stress. Workers at the company are fighting back by launching a unionization drive that could reshape Canada’s labor movement.
The Teamsters’ union has began organizing Amazon workers in at least nine of its fourteen Canadian facilities. (Watchara Phomicinda / MediaNews Group / the Press-Enterprise via Getty Images)

For most people, the COVID-19 pandemic has been a disaster. By all accounts it has exacerbated income inequality, imperiled workers forced to put up with unsafe conditions to keep their jobs, and increased the ranks of the working poor, unable to afford housing and food. The hardship has, however, not been evenly distributed.

Amazon is one of the many companies that has done well during the pandemic. In April, the Financial Times reported that the multinational conglomerate had recorded two successive quarters of over $100 billion in sales. The company’s profits have more than tripled over the course of the last year and a half.

Having weathered the pandemic, Amazon now faces a new threat. The Teamsters’ union has launched organizing drives in at least nine of its fourteen Canadian facilities. If successful, these unionization drives would mark a watershed moment for organized labor in North America. To date, no attempt to unionize an Amazon warehouse has been successful in Canada or the United States.

Success in Canada may point to a way forward for more than just Amazon’s twenty-five thousand Canadian workers. Amazon is totemic of a form of capitalism that is dependent on exploiting precarious, underpaid yet “essential” workers. Striking a blow against the behemoth could lead to a rise in organizing campaigns in other key industries.

Several Teamsters members and Amazon workers spoke with Jacobin’s Mitchell Thompson to shed light on Amazon workplace conditions and the aim of union organizers.

The Nisku Vote

The Teamsters are organizing “Fulfillment Centers” in Alberta, British Columbia, and across Ontario, from Kitchener and Cambridge to Milton and the Greater Toronto Area. So far, the most successful drive has been at the YEG 1 fulfillment center in Nisku, Alberta. There, Local 362 filed for a vote to certify union membership on September 14, confident it has the support of at least 40 percent of the facility’s nearly eight hundred workers.

The Nisku facility opened officially in the summer of 2020, with the promise that it would offer opportunities to workers negatively impacted by low oil prices and production cuts. In just over a year, the Nisku warehouse has been the site of over a hundred COVID-19 infections.

Because the warehouse was deemed a critical industry by the government it was exempted from closure. This was despite the fact that for nearly five months, from November 14, 2020 to March 20, 2021, the workplace was listed officially as “in outbreak.” Workers bore the risk, throughout this time, without a sustained pay raise.


Amazon has recently announced a paltry pay increase for some Canadian fulfillment center workers. The company will increase workers’ pay to a starting salary of between $17 and $21.65 an hour. This may be an attempt to get in front of the Teamsters’ organizing drives. Even so, as the union notes, $17 per hour is well below the average unionized warehouse wage and the increase comes with no promise to change workplace conditions.

A change in workplace conditions is a sticking point for many Amazon workers. Local 362 spokesperson Christopher Monette told Jacobin that “we hear that workplace conditions are brutal — they’re brutal on the body.” Monette adds that workers are shocked by the fact that they are forced to endure such appalling working conditions whilst their bosses rake in record profits:



When Amazon workers at Nisku look at their working conditions, where there have been so many COVID-19 cases and look at the incredible wealth this company generated through the pandemic, there is an obvious disconnect.

Amazon is well known for putting profit ahead of workers’ health. Before COVID-19, its productivity monitor — measuring the intervals between scanning stock or “Time Off Task” (TOT) — forced workers to put speed before all else. The cost of not keeping up to pace is workplace discipline or termination. Research into working conditions at the company has linked the speed at which Amazon’s management requires employees to work with countless injuries in the United States. Amazon has acknowledged that this system continued across Canada throughout the pandemic.

According to Monette, the company expects its Nisku workers to scan a new item at least every nine to twelve seconds.

If they fall behind, their wages can be affected, and their job security is put into question. We’re seeing young, fit workers with lower back pain that they should not be having because they’re struggling to keep up with these unreasonable standards.

“The Real Danger Comes From the Nature of the Work”

Workers at other Amazon facilities across Canada told Jacobin conditions are just as hazardous as those found in the United States. “The real danger comes from the nature of the work,” explained one Ontario Amazon picker. “Managers keep a very tough target of the number of units we stow per hour and keep pressuring workers to meet the target,” she added.

“They’re asked to do more than what they’re humanly capable of doing,” said James Killey, an organizer with Teamsters Local 879 near Hamilton. “They’re watched all the time. Penalized if they get hurt. They count days off as most companies do and when they’re up for review, that goes against them.”

“They suck blood,” the Ontario picker remarked.


Nobody can take these long hours of continuous lifting, stowing, and picking. I have seen people literally crying when things go beyond their control. Another worker told me that he was so scared to go high on aisles with the pit machine, she used to cry out of fear.

 Managers keep pushing.

In both 2019 and 2020, data from Ontario’s Workplace Safety and Insurance Board indicated that the company’s injury rate in the province increased sharply from its rate in 2017. This was due in large part to “overexertion” and sprains. Across Canada, the Toronto Star found, many of Amazon’s facilities had injury rates above the company’s US average.

“Social distancing while we’re supposed to be picking the products is not happening,” an Amazon worker told Ricochet. “Because there’s a time limit on what we’re supposed to be picking, we can’t be standing around waiting for people to get out of the way.”

“There’s a general atmosphere of fear and anxiety,” another worker told Jacobin. “In your contract, it says you can be fired whenever.”

A Wave of Unionization

If successful, these unionization drives could result in the first unionized Amazon facilities in North America. Late last year, Amazon fought off a drive in Alabama using a campaign of union-busting and intimidation of staff. In a conciliatory letter to shareholders intended for broad circulation, former CEO and now executive chair of Amazon, Jeff Bezos, told shareholders he doesn’t “take comfort” in the defeat of the union drive.

In the letter, Bezos emphasized the company’s brighter side: “We terminate the employment of less than 2.6 percent of employees due to their inability to perform their jobs.” The executive and space travel hobbyist also noticed that 42 percent of injuries at Amazon are musculoskeletal disorders and conceded that something had to be done about it. Instead of letting workers slow down, however, Bezos’s letter suggested using “sophisticated algorithms” to “rotate employees among jobs that use different muscle-tendon groups” before they develop disorders.

More recently, the same Amazon management claimed that a union at its facilities would overrepresent the “voices of a select few.”

But neither union-busting nor Bezos and his “sophisticated algorithms” have stopped Amazon workers from organizing in Canada. “We’ve had thousands of conversations with thousands of Amazon workers across this country. They’re stopping to chat with union organizers, they’re taking those leaflets,” Monette says. “When they see Teamsters organizers outside their facilities for the first time their reactions are, ‘Oh finally a union — where have you been?’’’

Worker Power


Amazon’s profits don’t come from the sky, from the charm of Jeff Bezos, or the intestinal fortitude of its current CEO Andy Jassy. Throughout 2020, Amazon’s workers moved billions of dollars’ worth of goods with their hands. Worked to the bone, they delivered enormous revenue to the company’s owners. Without these workers, nothing would be moved and no orders “fulfilled.”

It is not because their workers are insufficiently productive that Amazon is able to keep wages low and working conditions grim. Amazon is able to neglect its workers because its management is confident that they will always show up the next day to move their goods and deliver their profits.

It’s true that tight margins and just-in-time production can be used to weaken worker power. But it is also the case that these on-a-dime production methods can also maximize the impact of even a short-term refusal to work.

A union can provide Amazon’s workers with the power to grind the companies production to a halt, and demand what is owed to them. This could empower other more precarious and low-wage “essential workers” — long neglected by the official labor movement — to stand up for themselves and assert their rights. “The general momentum that the campaign has is indicative of how COVID-19 has changed workers’ perceptions,” Monette says.

During the Alabama drive, Thomas A. Stefanik of Torkin Manes LLP, one of Canada’s largest corporate law firms, warned that Canadian employers “should be very wary of what happened at Amazon.” Stefanik can read the writing on the wall. Looking to the future, he advised that bosses batten down the hatches to prepare for impending worker militancy:

Although employers are generally engaged almost full time now combatting pandemic-related issues, now may be the best time to seek assistance and advice in preparing for a post-pandemic union organizing campaign.

Just weeks prior to the announcement of the Teamster union drive, one of Canada’s largest newspapers asked whether a “wave of unionization” is sweeping retail and other low-wage sectors. Last week, workers in Alberta, Canada’s least labor-friendly province, put the grocery chain Real Canadian Superstore on notice. Members of the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union voted 97 percent in favor of strike action.

In January, the Toronto Star reported that union density rose through 2020. This increase is due to both job losses at nonunion workplaces and to prominent union drives by mistreated “essential workers” in health care, retail, and food service.

If Amazon workers exercise their right to unionize, other workers will take note. Because of the company’s profile and reputation, a union win at an Amazon warehouse will signal to other workers that they can also fight, and win, against their bosses. Amazon workers choosing to come together to demand dignity, respect, and proper wages will be a win for everyone.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Mitchell Thompson is a writer, researcher, and occasional radio producer in Toronto.
Batteries of the Future Set to be Cheaper and Better – Thanks to Sugar

By Good News Network
-Oct 1, 2021


Simply by adding sugar, researchers from the Monash Energy Institute have created a longer-lasting, lighter, more sustainable rival to the lithium-ion batteries that are essential for aviation, electric vehicles, and submarines.

The Monash team, assisted by CSIRO, report that using a glucose-based additive on the positive electrode they have managed to stabilize lithium-sulfur battery technology, long touted as the basis for the next generation of batteries.

“In less than a decade, this technology could lead to vehicles including electric buses and trucks that can travel from Melbourne to Sydney without recharging. It could also enable innovation in delivery and agricultural drones where light weight is paramount,” says lead author Professor Mainak Majumder, from the Department of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering and Associate Director of the Monash Energy Institute.


In theory, lithium-sulfur batteries could store two to five times more energy than lithium-ion batteries of the same weight. The problem has been that, in use the electrodes deteriorated rapidly, and the batteries broke down.

There were two reasons for this—the positive sulfur electrode suffered from substantial expansion and contraction weakening it and making it inaccessible to lithium, and the negative lithium electrode became contaminated by sulfur compounds.

Last year the Monash team demonstrated they could open the structure of the sulfur electrode to accommodate expansion and make it more accessible to lithium.

Now, by incorporating sugar into the web-like architecture of the electrode they have stabilized the sulfur, preventing it from moving and blanketing the lithium electrode.

Test-cell prototypes constructed by the team have been shown to have a charge-discharge life of at least 1000 cycles, while still holding far more capacity than equivalent lithium-ion batteries.

“So each charge lasts longer, extending the battery’s life,” says first author and PhD student Yingyi Huang. “And manufacturing the batteries doesn’t require exotic, toxic, and expensive materials.”

MORE: To Replace Lithium Batteries For Grid Storage ‘Gravitricity’ Uses Gravity

Yingyi and her colleagues were inspired by a 1988 geochemistry report that describes how sugar-based substances resist degradations in geological sediments by forming strong bonds with sulfides.

RELATED: Biodegradable Algae Solar Panels Clean The Air While Growing Green Energy

Dr Mahdokht Shaibani, second author of the paper, published in Nature Communications, and Monash researcher, says, “While many of the challenges on the cathode side of the battery has been solved by our team, there is still need for further innovation into the protection of the lithium metal anode to enable large-scale uptake of this promising technology—innovations that may be right around the corner.”

Source: Monash University
Iron battery breakthrough could eat lithium’s lunch
Bloomberg News | October 1, 2021 | 

Image: SB Energy

The world’s electric grids are creaking under the pressure of volatile fossil-fuel prices and the imperative of weaning the world off polluting energy sources. A solution may be at hand, thanks to an innovative battery that’s a cheaper alternative to lithium-ion technology.


SB Energy Corp., a U.S. renewable-energy firm that’s an arm of Japan’s SoftBank Group Corp., is making a record purchase of the batteries manufactured by ESS Inc. The Oregon company says it has new technology that can store renewable energy for longer and help overcome some of the reliability problems that have caused blackouts in California and record-high energy prices in Europe.

The units, which rely on something called “iron-flow chemistry,” will be used in utility-scale solar projects dotted across the U.S., allowing those power plants to provide electricity for hours after the sun sets. SB Energy will buy enough batteries over the next five years to power 50,000 American homes for a day.

“Long-duration energy storage, like this iron-flow battery, are key to adding more renewables to the grid,” said Venkat Viswanathan, a battery expert and associate professor of mechanical engineering at Carnegie Mellon University.

ESS was founded in 2011 by Craig Evans, now president, and Julia Song, the chief technology officer. They recognized that while lithium-ion batteries will play a key role in electrification of transport, longer duration grid-scale energy storage needed a different battery. That’s because while the price of lithium-ion batteries has declined 90% over the last decade, their ingredients, which sometimes include expensive metals such as cobalt and nickel, limit how low the price can fall.



The deal for 2 gigawatt-hours of batteries is worth at least $300 million, according to ESS. Rich Hossfeld, chief executive officer of SB Energy, said the genius of the units lies in their simplicity.

“The battery is made of iron salt and water,” said Hossfeld. “Unlike lithium-ion batteries, iron flow batteries are really cheap to manufacture.”

Every battery has four components: two electrodes between which charged particles shuffle as the battery is charged and discharged, electrolyte that allows the particles to flow smoothly and a separator that prevents the two electrodes from forming a short circuit.

Flow batteries, however, look nothing like the battery inside smartphones or electric cars. That’s because the electrolyte needs to be physically moved using pumps as the battery charges or discharges. That makes these batteries large, with ESS’s main product sold inside a shipping container.

What they take up in space, they can make up in cost. Lithium-ion batteries for grid-scale storage can cost as much as $350 per kilowatt-hour. But ESS says its battery could cost $200 per kWh or less by 2025.

Crucially, adding storage capacity to cover longer interruptions at a solar or wind plant may not require purchasing an entirely new battery. Flow batteries require only extra electrolyte, which in ESS’s case can cost as little as $20 per kilowatt hour.

“This is a big, big deal,” said Eric Toone, science lead at Breakthrough Energy Ventures, which has invested in ESS. “We’ve been talking about flow batteries forever and ever and now it’s actually happening.”

The U.S. National Aeronautics and Space Administration built a flow battery as early as 1980. Because these batteries used water, they presented a much safer option for space applications than lithium-ion batteries developed around that time, which were infamous for catching on fire. Hossfeld says he’s been able to get permits for ESS batteries, even in wildfire-prone California, that wouldn’t have been given to lithium-ion versions.

Still, there was a problem with iron flow batteries. During charging, the battery can produce a small amount of hydrogen, which is a symptom of reactions that, left unchecked, shorten the battery’s life. ESS’s main innovation, said Song, was a way of keeping any hydrogen produced within the system and thus hugely extending its life.

“As soon as you close the loop on hydrogen, you suddenly turn a lab prototype into a commercially viable battery option,” said Viswanathan. ESS’s iron-flow battery can endure more than 20 years of daily use without losing much performance, said Hossfeld.

At the company’s factory near Portland, yellow robots cover plastic sheets with chemicals and glue them together to form the battery cores. Inside the shipping containers, vats full of electrolyte feed into each electrode through pumps — allowing the battery to do its job of absorbing renewable power when the sun shines and releasing it when it gets dark.

It’s a promising first step. ESS’s battery is a cheap solution that can currently provide about 12 hours of storage, but utilities will eventually need batteries that can last much longer as more renewables are added to the grid. Earlier this month, for example, the lack of storage contributed to a record spike in power prices across the U.K. when wind speeds remained low for weeks. Startups such as Form Energy Inc. are also using iron, an abundant and cheap material, to build newer forms of batteries that could beat ESS on price.

So far, ESS has commercially deployed 8 megawatt-hours of iron flow batteries. Last week, after a six-month evaluation, Spanish utility Enel Green Power SpA signed a single deal for ESS to build an equivalent amount. SB Energy’s Hossfeld, who also sits on ESS’s board, said the company would likely buy still more battery capacity from ESS in the next five years.

Even as its order books fill up, ESS faces a challenging road ahead. Bringing new batteries to market is notoriously difficult and the sector is littered with failed startups. Crucially, lithium-ion technology got a head start and customers are more familiar with its pros and cons. ESS will have to prove that its batteries can meet the rigorous demands of power plant operators.

The new order should help ESS as it looks to go public within weeks through a special-purpose acquisition company at a valuation of $1.07 billion. The listing will net the company $465 million, which it plans to use to scale up its operations.

(By Akshat Rathi, with assistance from Tom Metcalf)

ESS Inc signs 2GWh iron flow battery deal with Softbank’s SB Energy

ByAndy Colthorpe
October 1, 2021
An ESS Inc Energy Warehouse being lowered into place. Image: ESS Inc via Twitter.

A framework agreement for the deployment of 2GWh of iron electrolyte flow batteries has been signed between manufacturer ESS Inc and SB Energy, the clean energy arm of Japanese telecoms giant Softbank.

SB Energy will use the long-duration battery energy storage systems (BESS) at utility-scale solar projects that it has under development in the US, in Texas and California. ESS Inc said the first order in the 2GWh deal, which runs to 2026, has already been delivered to an SB Energy project site in California, for commissioning during October.

The agreement appears to mark a significant step up for the Oregon-headquartered long-duration battery storage company, which was founded in 2011. It also appears to be the biggest flow battery deal of any kind seen so far.

After years of lab development and pilot deployments, ESS Inc has been working more recently to turn its unique, proprietary technology offering into a commercial offering and towards the beginning of this year launched a grid-scale product based on its iron and saltwater electrolyte battery chemistry.

The non-toxic, non-degrading battery chemistry is designed to be environmentally sustainable and last many years in the field. It is configurable to offer from four hours up to 12 hours of storage and ESS Inc said that in addition to using abundant materials, it is low-cost.


In 2019, former CEO and co-founder Craig Evans told this site that the batteries can “cycle tens of thousands of times,” and do so with “zero capacity fade”. Evans was speaking then on the occasion of a US$30 million Series C funding round closing, with SB Energy among investors participating. Other investors in the company have included the Bill Gates-founded Breakthrough Energy Ventures.

SB Energy: ‘US-made clean energy technology aligns with Biden policy aims’


While the specific projects SB Energy intends to equip with the iron flow batteries have not been revealed in a press release issued yesterday, it did point out that the developer owns 1.7GW of solar PV capacity across five utility-scale projects in Texas and California, already in operation or under construction. It has a further multi-gigawatt pipeline of solar and storage projects in development in the US for execution in the next few years.


“ESS’s unique ability to manufacture and ship batteries using iron, salt, and water is a game-changer, enabling SB Energy to offer our customers safe, sustainable and low-cost energy storage today,” SB Energy’s co-chief executive officer Rich Hossfeld said.


“Long-duration storage is absolutely critical to providing flexible, affordable renewable energy at scale and aligns perfectly with the Biden administration’s ambitious clean energy initiatives,” Hossfeld, who is also an ESS Inc board member, added, while also highlighting that ESS Inc will be capable of manufacturing its battery systems in the US.

ESS Inc claimed an industry first in 2019 by launching a 10-year battery insurance plan through Munich Re which covered its Energy Warehouse 50kW-70kW / 400kWh-600kWh product but has since been expanded to include the 3MW Energy Center product.

The company is currently targeting a listing on the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) through combination with special purpose acquisition company (SPAC) ACON 2 Acquisition Corp. The deal will value the combined company at just over a billion dollars and will release around US$465 million in net proceeds.

ACON 2 shareholders are set to vote on the merger in the next few days.

In terms of other recent deployments, Energy-Storage.news reported just a few days ago that 17 Energy Warehouse systems totalling 8.5MWh are being sold to Enel Green Power EspaƱa for installation across solar farms in Spain. Again, ESS Inc has said that that deal is for a wider engagement with Enel Green Power across various European Union territories.

“The energy transition will require massive amounts of storage capacity in the coming years and we are focused on scaling up our manufacturing capacity to help meet that demand,” ESS Inc CEO Eric Dresselhuys said.
China roundup: Tesla supplier CATL to buy Canada’s Millennial Lithium

Rita Liao@ritacyliao / 10:03 AM MDT•October 2, 2021

Image Credits: CATL

Hello and welcome back to TechCrunch’s China roundup, a digest of recent events shaping the Chinese tech landscape and what they mean to people in the rest of the world.

China’s anti-competition tech crackdown continues to redefine the dynamics among the country’s internet giants, leading to collaboration between Alibaba and Tencent in the payments race. In the meantime, China’s tech giants are expanding fearlessly around the world. TikTok became the first internet firm from China to have topped 1 billion overseas users, and Tesla’s battery supplier CATL is on course to buy a Canadian lithium company to lock up critical battery components.
Lithium race

China’s battery-making giant Contemporary Amperex Technology, known as CATL, has made some big moves to shore up its lithium supply that is critical for electric car production. The firm has agreed to acquire Vancouver, Canada-based Millennial Lithium in an all-stock cash deal valued at CAD$377 million, or $297 million, according to an announcement made by Millennial Lithium on Wednesday.

The deal is set to secure the critical metal lithium for CATL, one of the world’s largest automotive battery makers. Millennial Lithium’s main exploration activity takes place in Argentina, which, along with Chile and Bolivia, forms the “lithium triangle” that holds most of the world’s lithium resources.

CATL has been riding the EV boom in recent years, with its revenues spiking from 5.7 billion yuan ($880 million) in 2015 to over 50 billion yuan in 2020. It struck a major partnership with Tesla earlier this year to supply lithium-ion batteries to the American EV maker from 2022 to 2025, which will no doubt further boost its revenues.

The Millennial investment is just one piece of CATL’s gigantic investment empire. A few weeks ago, news came that it had bought 8.5% in Australian lithium miner Pilbara Minerals. It also holds an 8% stake in another Canadian lithium firm, Neo Lithium.
China tightens political control of internet giants

Sun., October 3, 2021,

BEIJING (AP) — The ruling Communist Party is tightening political control over China’s internet giants and tapping their wealth to pay for its ambitions to reduce reliance on U.S. and European technology.

Anti-monopoly and data security crackdowns starting in late 2020 have shaken the industry, which flourished for two decades with little regulation. Investor jitters have knocked more than $1.3 trillion off the total market value of e-commerce platform Alibaba, games and social media operator Tencent and other tech giants.

The party says anti-monopoly enforcement will be a priority through 2025. It says competition will help create jobs and raise living standards.

President Xi Jinping’s government seems likely to stay the course even if economic growth suffers, say businesspeople, lawyers and economists. “These companies are world leaders in their sectors in innovation, and yet the leadership is willing to squash them all,” said Mark Williams, chief Asia economist for Capital Economics.

The crackdown reflects Xi’s public emphasis on reviving the party’s “original mission” of leading economic and social development, said Steve Tsang, a Chinese politics specialist at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London. He said it could also help Xi politically if, as expected, he pursues a third five-year term as party leader.

Chinese leaders don't want to reimpose direct control of the economy but want private sector companies to align with ruling party plans, said Lester Ross, head of the Beijing office of law firm WilmerHale.

“What they are worried about is companies getting too big and too independent of the party," said Ross.

Chinese internet companies and their billionaire founders, including Alibaba Group’s Jack Ma and Tencent Holdings' Pony Ma, are among the biggest global success stories of the past two decades. Alibaba is the biggest e-commerce company, while Tencent operates the popular WeChat messaging service.

But party plans emphasize robots, chips and other hardware, so these companies are rushing to show their loyalty by shifting billions of dollars into those.

The ruling party's campaign is prompting warnings the world might decouple, or split into separate markets with incompatible technology. Products from China wouldn't function in the United States or Europe, and vice versa. Innovation and efficiency would suffer.

U.S. curbs on Chinese access to telecom and other technology haven't helped.

Alibaba said it will invest $28 billion to develop operating system software, processor chips and network technology. The company has pledged $1 billion to nurture 100,000 developers and tech startups over the next three years.

Last year, Tencent promised to invest $70 billion in digital infrastructure. Meituan, an e-commerce, delivery and service platform, raised $10 billion to develop self-driving vehicles and robots.

Chinese officials recognize the campaign imposes an economic cost but are unwilling to speak up, said Tsang. “Who is going to stand up and say to Xi Jinping, your policy is going to be harmful to China?”

Investors, many burned by the drop in technology shares, are keeping their money on the sidelines. Tencent's market capitalization of $575 billion is down $350 billion from its February peak, a decline equal to more than the total value of Nike Inc. or Pfizer Inc.

CEO Masayoshi Son of Japan’s Softbank Group — an early investor in Alibaba — said on Aug. 11 he will put off new China deals. Softbank invested $11 billion in ride-hailing service Didi Global, whose share price has fallen by one-third since its U.S. stock market debut on July 30.

The crackdown began in November when Beijing ordered Ant Group, which grew out of Alibaba’s Alipay online payments service, to postpone its stock market debut in Hong Kong and Shanghai. The company, which offers online savings and investment services, was told to scale back its plans and to install bank-style systems to vet borrowers and manage lending risks. Industry analysts cut forecasts of Ant’s expected stock market value.

Meanwhile, Xi’s government is tightening control over data gathered by private companies about the public — especially at Alibaba and Tencent, which have hundreds of millions of users. China’s leaders see information about its 1.4 billion people as a tool for gaining insight into the public and economy — and a potential security risk in private hands.

A law that takes effect Nov. 1 establishes security standards, prohibits companies from disclosing information without customer permission and tells them to limit how much they collect. Unlike data protection laws in Western countries, the Chinese rules say nothing about limiting government or ruling party access to personal information.

Beijing also is accused of using its stockpile of data about the public in a campaign of repression against Uyghurs and other mostly Muslim minorities in China's northwestern region of Xinjiang.

"Very lax” until a few months ago, China has become “one of the most active and forceful jurisdictions in regulating the digital economy,” wrote Angela Zhang, an anti-monopoly expert at the University of Hong Kong law school, in a paper this month.

In April, Alibaba was fined 18.3 billion yuan ($2.8 billion) for offenses that included prohibiting vendors that wanted to use its platforms from dealing with Alibaba’s competitors.

Units of Alibaba, Tencent, live-streaming site Kuaishou, microblogging platform Sina Weibo and social media site Xiaohongshu also have been fined for distributing sexually suggestive stickers or short videos of children. Tencent’s music service was ordered to end exclusive contracts with providers.

Beijing is also using the crackdown to narrow China’s politically sensitive wealth gap by pushing tech giants to share their wealth with employees and consumers.

Didi, Meituan and other delivery and ride-hailing businesses were ordered in May to cut fees charged to drivers and improve their benefits and security. Meituan CEO Wang Xing promised to donate $2.3 billion to environmental and social initiatives. Tencent’s Ma pledged $2 billion to charity.

Alibaba has promised to spend 100 billion yuan ($15.5 billion) on job creation, rural development and other initiatives to support Xi's “common prosperity” campaign.

Such income redistribution plans are “reminiscent of the mass mobilization and populist strategies” of the 1950s and '60s under then-leader Mao Zedong, Zhang wrote.

___

Soo reported from Singapore.

Joe Mcdonald And Zen Soo, The Associated Press

New Hamilton project aims to put up paradise and tear down parking lots

At Barton and Fullerton, concrete, asphalt and rubble have been replaced with gardens and trees

Stephen Colville-Reeves steadies an oak tree planted beside the building he owns. His company, Amaprop, has been a financial supporter of the Green Venture Depave Paradise project. (Kathy Renwald)

Take a slow tour of Barton Street East and you will notice gardens showcasing native trees and perennials, with inviting places to sit.

At the corner of Barton and Gibson a stone path leads to a picnic table, where a mural on the EduDeo Ministries building is the backdrop for a rain garden.

At Barton and Fullerton columnar beech trees anchor a garden planted with perennials and ornamental grasses.

These gardens have replaced concrete, asphalt and rubble. They have turned waste places into pockets of paradise. The gardens are possible because of the Depave Paradise project spearheaded by Green Venture Hamilton.

The simple philosophy is this: dig up hard surfaces, replace bad soil with good, and plant layers of green comprised of trees, shrubs and perennials.

It's an idea that has many benefits. More trees are added to the city's tree canopy, hot areas turn to cool retreats, and rainwater is absorbed into the ground instead of pouring into the overworked sewer system. And no price can be put on creating beauty in neighbourhoods with many challenges.

While the idea is simple, depaving is complex. Many partners must be onboard. The gardens are on boulevards owned by the city. Business owners bordering the gardens need to agree to the project. But they do more than agree, they often support the gardens with their own money.

The money comes from a handful of government agencies. Local businesses like NVK Nurseries, Millgrove Garden Supplies and Budget Bin donate product. And there are many others supporting the effort.

The project is led by landscape architect Adele Pierre. "I do a range of work, the profession is very broad, but this is where my heart is," Pierre says as she watches a tree planting at the garden she designed at Barton and Westinghouse Avenue.

Stephen Colville-Reeves, a director with Barton Village BIA, is renovating the building he owns bordering the garden. He supports the depave projects with both money and muscle. Joining a group of volunteers he is finessing a tree into a planting hole where it should thrive for years to come.

"We know the environmental benefits of these gardens, but I believe we are also planting hope and optimism at the same time," Colville-Reeves says.
Landscape Architect Adele Pierre says these small gardens with so many environmental and social benefits are the most satisfying aspect of her work. (Kathy Renwald)

'You never know what you'll find when you start removing paving'

Since 2012 Green Venture credits their depave gardens for absorbing billions of litres of stormwater at sites that would have normally sent that water into overloaded storm sewers.

"You never know what you'll find when you start removing paving," Pierre says. "We dug up one site and found just a thin layer of plywood covering an entrance to a basement. Cars had been parking on it."

This weekend work begins at the newest Green Venture depave project in front of the Good Shepherd Venture Centre on Cannon Street East. Once again, the big dig pulls together a wide range of community partners and volunteers.

That sort of grassroots cooperation is a symbol of the work going on to green Hamilton, particularly neighbourhoods that are deficient in parks and open space.

Environment Hamilton, a partner in depave projects, has a massive free tree giveaway coming up for anyone living in Hamilton. Native trees in one to two gallon pots must be ordered by Monday Oct. 4. A separate giveaway for Ward 1 residents has an ordering deadline of Friday Oct. 1.

The selection of trees from small species to big ranges from serviceberry and redbud trees to majestic shade trees like sugar maple and red oak.

All the information is here at: environmenthamilton.org/trees_please

Work on a new depave garden on Barton Street East at Westinghouse Avenue started with hand removal of paving and then the arrival of soil, trees and plants. The change from paved surface to garden absorbs rain water, provides shade, pollinator habitat, and beauty to the neighbourhood. (Kathy Renwald)
Indonesia’s pandemic-fuelled problem: Mounds of medical waste

From masks and gloves to IVs and COVID tests, reporter Adi Renaldi visits the landfills and dumpsites that are now home to toxic medical waste.

Bagong Suyoto, from the NGO National Waste Coalition, holds up intravenous drip lines with needles still attached, collected by scavengers from landfills on the outskirts of Jakarta, Indonesia [101 East/Al Jazeera]

By Adi Renaldi
1 Oct 2021

The overpowering stench is the first thing that I notice, filling my nose and making my eyes water. Then I see the mountains of rotting waste. This is Burangkeng, one of Indonesia’s largest landfills, in the city of Bekasi some 30km from the capital, Jakarta.

On the surface it looks like any other large dumpsite, but among the regular rubbish lies a growing amount of toxic medical waste. From blood-filled drip lines to masks, medical gloves and COVID-19 tests. All hidden in plain sight.
KEEP READINGAsia’s Pandemic Waste EmergencyWhy has COVID-19 taken hold in Indonesia?What’s behind Indonesia’s COVID-19 surge?Cemeteries full as Indonesia reports 1,000 COVID deaths in a day

As a journalist investigating the impact of the pandemic on Indonesia’s waste system, I have spent a great deal of time reporting from morgues, cemeteries and hospitals, watching how the virus takes tens of thousands of lives and renders others hopeless and isolated.

Every time I go into the field, I feel isolated, too, as I have to separate from my family for fear of spreading the virus. I have come to Burangkeng to find out what happens to COVID-19 waste.

At the entrance, I meet Bagong Suyoto. He is surrounded by heavy trucks full of waste from across Jakarta, waiting to unload.

Reporter Adi Renaldi and Bagong Suyoto from the National Waste Coalition uncover used intravenous drip lines, dumped in the Burangkeng landfill 
[101 East/Al Jazeera]

A man in his early 50s, he knows this site well and visits it regularly. He heads an NGO called National Waste Coalition (KPNas) and for more than two decades has been advocating for better management of waste in Indonesia.

“I did not have an understanding about waste at first, I wasn’t even interested in it. But after I investigated it, I found out that waste is a problem for the environment and for humanity,” he says.

‘Used and dumped’


Since the early days of the pandemic, Suyoto has noticed a rapid increase in the amount of untreated medical waste appearing in Jakarta’s landfills. He is going to show me how easy it is to find.

It does not take us long. Just a few metres inside Burangkeng landfill, Suyoto locates intravenous (IV) drip bags and lines scattered among other types of plastic waste. Then he spots COVID-19 rapid tests.

Discarded COVID-19 rapid tests and other medical waste are found mixed in with with regular rubbish at the Burangkeng landfill in Bekasi city 
[101 East/Al Jazeera]

“There are still many in here,” he says. “They look like they have just recently been used and dumped in here.”

According to the United Nations Environment Program (PDF), the rate of medical waste disposal has risen by 500 percent in Jakarta and four other Asian capital cities.

As we sift through used masks with gloved hands and poke bags filled with old medicines, I wonder how this waste came to be here, among household debris.

Suyoto tells me that most of the medical waste he finds is mixed with regular waste inside plastic bags. Because the waste is concealed, it is difficult to track how it enters the landfill, or to trace it back to its source.

Further inside the dump, as we squat on the side of a track watching trucks unload, Suyoto says the medical waste is mixed like this purely for economic purposes.

He explains that it is far cheaper for hospitals and clinics to dump their waste than pay disposal businesses to remove it.

By law, medical waste should be incinerated or sterilised. But the reality is only 4 percent of Indonesia’s 3,000 hospitals have a licence to operate an incinerator.

The Burangkeng landfill in Bekasi city, 30km from Jakarta,
 is one of the country’s largest 
[101 East/Al Jazeera]

In July 2021, the Minister of Environment and Forestry Siti Nurbaya acknowledged the growing problem of medical waste. She announced the government would relax some rules for hospitals and clinics that were struggling with increased waste, allowing the operation of some unauthorised incinerators under the ministry’s supervision.

To a man like Suyoto, who has fought to bring the government’s attention to this problem for decades, this response is not enough to stem the growing tide.

“Governments must provide more thermal technology or incinerator technology to destroy medical waste, especially waste related to the COVID pandemic treatment. The government must be serious about it,” he tells me.

At the source

To see the source of medical waste first-hand, I visit the University of Indonesia Hospital. As I walk in, lines of people wearing masks stretch past the front door as they wait for treatment. Of the 160 to 170 patients admitted here every day, 80 percent have COVID-19.

I meet Siti Kurnia Astuti, who manages the hospital’s waste. She takes me on a tour of the hospital, showing me how staff in the COVID ward take off their PPE, carefully placing it in marked bags and then in bins, which will be wheeled to the disposal area at the back of the building.

Here, we find workers weighing the medical waste and storing it for collection. Astuti tells me the amount has quadrupled during the pandemic, rising to 10 tonnes each month.

Siti Kurnia Astuti is the head of sanitation at the University of Indonesia Hospital. She shows reporter Adi Renaldi where the hospital stores its medical waste before collection [101 East/Al Jazeera]

The hospital used to have its own working incinerator to burn this waste, but it broke down. Now, they must pay a company about 70 cents per kilogram to take it away and process it for them.

“So you can imagine how high the cost is that needs to be paid by the hospital, just in waste processing. While, if we process it using our own incinerator, we can save about 50 percent of the cost,” Astuti says.

But she still worries about where it could end up, and says the hospital sometimes follows the trucks that take the waste away, to ensure it is not being dumped.

Back at the Burangkeng landfill, I watch hundreds of waste pickers scavenging through the piles of rubbish, as if looking for treasure. Carrying large bamboo baskets and metal picks, they search for items that can be sold.

IV drip bags and lines are prized products that can be sold for 38 cents per kilogram to unscrupulous recycling plants.

Scavengers and middlemen

Wilson Pandhika is the secretary-general of Indonesia Plastic Recyclers, an association that represents 120 plastic recycling businesses. He says the industry relies heavily on the informal sector.

He also admits that sourcing plastics from unofficial waste collectors has led to a convoluted supply chain with layers of middlemen.

The scavengers who collect medical waste are also putting themselves at great risk.

Near some landfills on Jakarta’s outskirts, is a village of people who pick through the rubbish to find recyclable items to sell, including some medical waste
 [101 East/Al Jazeera]

Suyoto takes me to meet them at a village near the Burangkeng landfill. Here we find small children running around and playing games while men clean IV drip lines and bottles, stacking them into baskets and bags.

Suyoto picks up some lines with needles still poking off the end and one of the scavengers tells us how he once got pricked by a needle while collecting waste.

“You can get tetanus from it!” Suyoto warns him.

Needle-stick injuries can lead to serious infections while contact with other types of medical waste can result in chemical or radiation burns.

Solutions to the problem

Indonesia’s waste management system is a major concern among environmentalists. The country has more than 400 landfills on almost 9,000 hectares (22,240 acres) of land.

The practice of dumping waste in open landfills without proper management, has created mountains of rubbish as high as 40 metres in another of Jakarta’s landfills – Bantar Gebang. Built in the 1980s, each day it receives an estimated 7,500 tonnes of waste. It is predicted it will reach its capacity in 2021, according to the Regional Development and Planning Agency.

But you don’t have to go to a landfill to clearly see that the country is struggling with the amount of medical waste being generated. Discarded masks on the streets are now a common sight.

Scientist Dr Akbar Hanif Dawam Abdullah has perfected a method to recycle used masks into plastic pellets 
[101 East/Al Jazeera]

I am not the only one taking notice of this. Dr Akbar Hanif Dawam Abdullah, a scientist at the Cibinong Science Centre, did the maths.

He says, “Fifty percent of the urban population are wearing disposable masks. It’s a big number. Indonesia has 270 million people and if half of them are wearing disposable masks, we would have 130 million. And if they change masks every day … we tried to calculate it and found that it produces more than 100 tonnes of disposable masks waste per day.”

I visit Dr Dawam at his lab in Bandung, West Java, some 150km southeast of Jakarta, where he and his team have been working tirelessly to find solutions. When I ask him to explain why he decided to tackle this problem, his eyes light up and he becomes animated.

Dr Dawam has studied bioplastics for five years, and knows that most medical protective equipment contains a plastic called polypropylene that can be recycled.

He shows me the various bits of equipment in his lab as his assistants, wearing goggles, gloves and white coats, demonstrates the method they have perfected to turn masks into plastic pellets.

Dr Akbar Hanif Dawam Abdullah monitors the melted plastic as it emerges along a conveyor belt 
[101 East/Al Jazeera]

First, they sterilise the masks using alcohol or bleach, then dry them. The sterilised masks are then melted down at 170 degrees Celsius (338 degrees Fahrenheit).

I watch as the melted plastic comes out of a machine in a long blue sticky line and is fed onto a conveyor before being cut to pieces.

Dr Dawam proudly holds up the results to show me – colourful pellets that can be made into new plastic products, including more protective equipment.

He tells me he is waiting for new regulations to start the implementation of programmes like his, and that some small and medium recycling industries are already interested.

“Some industries know it, but they don’t dare to proceed. The society has shown their enthusiasm in this matter. Some people have even started to sterilise [masks], to wash it, to collect,” he says. “It’s like we are halfway, we just need to continue.”

Pricing carbon: Canada’s ‘carbon tax’ versus international gas taxes

By Barry Saxifrage | Analysis | October 1st 2021
#1756 of 1757 articles from the Special Report:
NATIONAL OBSERVER

When I was a kid, oil companies gave away trinkets with each fill-up, like collectible drinking glasses and fake tiger tails. Now we get bigger things — like 1,000-year heat waves, superstorms, megafires, and crop failures.

In fact, Canadians filling up at the pump have been a primary driver behind our nation's 30 years of climate failure. As my first chart below shows, Canadian tailpipe emissions have been surging relentlessly upwards since 1990.

The dashed line shows the climate pollution from gasoline and diesel purchased at the pump, for both passenger and freight vehicles. This makes up the lion's share of Canada's transport sector emissions, which also includes domestic aviation, rail, and shipping. And these pump sales are what have been driving the huge surge in this sector's emissions.

Back in 1990, the gasoline and diesel we bought at the pump created the same amount of climate pollution as our nation's electricity generation — nearly a hundred million tonnes of CO2 (MtCO2) per year.

Since then, Canadians have made a big push to close coal-fired power plants. As a result, our electricity sector now emits 30 MtCO2 less per year than in 1990.

But all that climate progress was more than wiped out by a 60 MtCO2 surge in the climate pollution we dump out our tailpipes.


That's roughly the same pollution increase as from Canada's oilsands industry — whose emissions jumped by 68 MtCO2 over these same years. Combined, the increased emissions from the oilsands and our pump sales equal all of Canada's 128 MtCO2 jumps in climate pollution since 1990.

In total, pump sales now cause 154 MtCO2 per year. If you include the additional “upstream” emissions from extracting and refining all that gasoline and diesel, the full climate impact reaches 190 MtCO2. On the chart, those additional emissions are included in the oil & gas sector line.

To put the climate pollution from our gasoline and diesel-burning into an international context, there are 150 nations whose entire economies emit less.

Why is our pump-and-dump so out of control in Canada? And what have other nations done to rein theirs in?

Putting a price on carbon

The primary tool nations use to rein in profligate gasoline burning is the gas tax. Gas taxes raise the price at the pump. Higher prices create greater incentives to use gasoline more efficiently. And higher prices also make the less-toxic and less climate-damaging alternatives — like transit, cycling, and electric vehicles — more attractive and cost-competitive.

Analysis: Maybe charging a bit closer to what these other nations do to pump-it-and-dump-it would finally get us headed in the right direction on the road to a safe and sane climate future, writes columnist @bsaxifrage. #CarbonTax #GasTax #emissions


Nations differ widely in the amount they tax gasoline. Canada, even with our much-ballyhooed “carbon tax,” is one of the laggards. Take a look.



This next chart shows gasoline taxes for Canada and many of its peers. The data comes from the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).

I've converted the tax per litre to the equivalent “carbon tax” per tonne of CO2 (tCO2) emitted. (Math note: $0.10/L = $43/tCO2 emitted.)

As you can see, nations like Italy, Norway, Britain, and Germany tax their gasoline at least $550 per tCO2. That's $400 more per tCO2 than Canada levies.

What does Canada charge? You need to look way down at the bottom to see that Canada taxes gasoline at just $160 per tCO2.

Notice, also, that our official “carbon tax” (the dark green part of the bar) is tiny compared to the de facto carbon tax imposed by Canada and other nations via other taxes on gasoline. Focusing just on our small official “carbon tax” can distract from the big picture — how high Canada and other nations are setting the effective carbon price on gasoline via all taxes combined.

By 2030, Canada says it will raise our official “carbon tax” up to $170 per tCO2. You can see what that will do by looking at the pale green part of Canada's bar on the chart.

We'll still be charging much less for our tailpipe emissions — in 2030 — than nearly every other OECD nation charges today.
Cheaper carbon = super-polluting cars

As we've seen, Canada's low carbon price for gasoline has greenlighted our surging emissions and decades of climate failure. And there's another threat it has been unleashing — locking in large amounts of future climate pollution and financial risk.

My next chart shows why. 


I've added big red dots to show how climate-polluting the average new car is in each nation.

This data comes from the International Energy Agency (IEA). It's in grams of CO2 emitted per kilometre (gCO2/km).

Unsurprisingly, nations that make it more expensive to dump climate pollution out the tailpipe have fewer climate-damaging cars. Like the U.K. and Germany, where new cars average around 140 gCO2/km.

And the flip side is that nations with smaller taxes on gasoline have the most climate-damaging new cars. Like in Canada, Australia, and the U.S., where new cars average over 180 gCO2/km.


In fact, the IEA says Canadians buy the world's most climate-polluting new passenger vehicles. Each one emits 206 gCO2 per kilometre, on average.

This means that Canadians are choosing to burn 50 per cent more gasoline every kilometre — and thus emit 50 per cent more climate pollution — than the British and Germans.

And all our new cars and trucks will still be on the road for another decade or more.

This is what locking in climate failure looks like.

By keeping the price to climate pollute so far below what most OECD and G7 nations charge, we've filled our roads and driveways with the world's most gas-guzzling, hyper-emitting fleet of vehicles. And millions of these will still be there well past 2030, still super-polluting with every kilometre driven.

In addition to locking in excess climate pollution, they also lock in significantly greater financial risk for Canadians who own them. The looming financial risk is that the cost to fill up these highest-emitting-in-the-world vehicles will skyrocket if humanity acts to save itself from the rapidly metastasizing climate crisis.

While Canada chose to keep the cost to climate pollute with our vehicles low, the British took the opposite approach.
The U.K.’s gas tax climate policy

Back in the 1990s, the U.K. introduced a “Fuel Duty Escalator” that raised its gas tax by 39 pence per litre over eight years. (Currency note: The rise was 28 pence at the time, which is equal to 39 pence in today's prices. Dollar prices discussed below are in current Canadian dollars.)



As my next chart shows, the total increase equalled $290 per tCO2 emitted — an additional $36 every year.

Compare that to Canada's official “carbon tax” that is currently raising our gas tax by just $5 per year — seven times slower than the U.K.

Why did the British raise their gas tax so quickly?

The Fuel Duty Escalator was introduced in 1993 by the Conservative government of John Major. Its stated goal was to reduce the nation's climate pollution: “The largest contribution to the growth in United Kingdom carbon dioxide emissions in the coming years is expected to come from the transport sector … (this escalator will) provide a strong incentive for motorists to buy more fuel-efficient vehicles.”

Then in 1997, when a Labour government won, the policy continued. The explanation: “The tax system sends critical signals about the economic activities that a society wishes to promote and deter ... Road traffic is the fastest-growing source of carbon dioxide and the increased commitment will therefore provide a significant contribution to meeting the government’s target for a 20 per cent reduction in emissions of carbon dioxide by the year 2010.”

I want to pause here to highlight that the U.K. did this three decades ago. The climate science was clear enough back then, but the brutal climate impacts occurring now hadn't arrived yet. Now they have. Yet Canada is still dragging its feet on taxing our tailpipe pollution.

So, did the U.K.'s transportation emissions go down?

Yes. Climate pollution from cars and trucks in the U.K. stopped rising in the early 2000s and has since fallen. It's now down to just below 1990 levels. That's obviously a lot better result than in Canada, where our tailpipe emissions soared 50 per cent higher and are still rising.

In addition, the U.K.'s higher carbon price on gasoline has resulted in new passenger cars and trucks there emitting a third less climate pollution every kilometre than ours do in Canada. So, the U.K. has locked in fewer future climate emissions and less gasoline dependency/risk than we have.

Along the way, the U.K. also reduced all its national emissions by 43 per cent. And it managed to meet all its climate targets. Canada … not so much.
Climate pollution changes versus climate targets in Canada and the U.K. from 1990 to 2019.

In Canada, we've allowed our national emissions to rise by 21 per cent — the worst, by far, among the G7 nations. And we've wildly overshot all our climate targets, as well.
What if…

Hey, I know this sounds crazy, but what if Canada did exactly the same thing that our Commonwealth peers did — raise our gas tax by $290 per tCO2 over the next eight years?

It would then reach around $500 per tCO2 by 2030. That's still below what many nations, like the U.K., Norway, and Germany levy now. But we would at least be in the same ballpark when it comes to putting a price on carbon pollution at the pump.

Maybe charging a bit closer to what these other nations do to pump-it-and-dump-it would finally get us headed in the right direction on the road to a safe and sane climate future.

As a bonus, today we have the luxury of lots more high-quality, low-carbon alternatives to switch to — from improving public transit options in our big cities to a rapidly growing list of electric vehicles of all shapes and sizes.

Threatened Hollywood strike could ripple into some projects in Canada

If it goes ahead, IATSE strike could halt U.S. film and TV

 productions

The International Association of Theatrical Stage Employees (IATSE) is taking a harder line in contract talks with film and TV producers on quality-of-life issues for production crews by asking for a strike mandate. (Dan Kitwood/Getty Images)

More than 60,000 people who work behind the scenes on U.S. film and television began casting ballots on Friday on whether to give their union a strike mandate, which could lead to a mass walkout and Hollywood's biggest disruption to production since the 1940s.

The vote was announced after months of talks broke down between the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees (IATSE) and the Alliance of Motion Picture and Television Producers (AMPTP) over two agreements covering U.S. film and television productions. 

The union has been negotiating for better quality-of-life conditions — longer breaks during a workday, shift turnaround provisions and assurances that members won't have to work so many consecutive hours on set that they become exhausted.

Messages from union members, writing anonymously, have been pouring in via social media, describing onerous working conditions.

"I was the prop master on a big budget network show. Exhausted, biking home from the stage one night, I was hit by a car and my neck was broken and several vertebrae were cracked," writes one worker on the Instagram feed ia_stories.

"My first thought when I awoke in the hospital was that I had to get to work the next day for a big stunt scene."

The contract dispute has drawn support for the union from a number of celebrities, including Josh Ruben, Seth Rogan, Ben Stiller and Lily Tomlin.

"It's an issue of mental and physical well-being, and just long, extensive hours working," IATSE director of Canadian affairs John Lewis told CBC News.

Streaming residuals

The union is also fighting for streaming residuals and higher pay for its lowest-paid workers.

It wants fair compensation for crews working on shows for online streaming services, Lewis said, after "most unions and guilds took discounts to allow studios to establish this new genre or platform for production, and now it's well-established with big budgets. And we don't think those discounts are necessary or appropriate any more."

Although Canadian union members aren't affected by the possible strike authorization, there could be headaches for some U.S. productions in Canada should a strike go ahead.

There are typically "a handful" of crew members from the U.S. who work north of the border on U.S. film or TV projects and are covered by one of the two collective agreements, said Lewis.

"It's rare to have no U.S. crew at all, particularly [on] the higher budgeted U.S. productions."

IATSE hopes the vote on the strike mandate will spur the studios to come back to the table and negotiate, he added.

"In the event — and we hope it doesn't come to this — there is a labour stoppage, it could impact some productions in Canada."

He said his office has not yet heard when a strike might occur, should union members authorize a walkout.

Producers addressed 'economic realities'

The AMPTP disputes the union's characterization that the alliance has been negotiating in bad faith.

"The AMPTP put forth a deal-closing comprehensive proposal that meaningfully addresses the IATSE's key bargaining issues," it said in a statement.

"When we began negotiations with the IATSE months ago, we discussed the economic realities and the challenges facing the entertainment industry as we work to recover from the economic fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic."

Strike authorization needs 75% 'yes' vote

The union members are voting until Sunday night, with results expected to be announced Monday. IATSE represents a wide range of workers in creative positions, including directors of photography, costume and set designers, and hair and makeup artists.

The threshold to pass strike authorization is a "yes" vote of 75 per cent.

IATSE also has the support of 118 members of the U.S. Congress, who signed a letter sent Thursday to the head of the industry's alliance, saying "these workers have risked their health, working through the COVID-19 pandemic," to keep film and TV productions running, and they have the right to "adequate sleep, meal breaks and living wages."

With files from CBC's Allie Elwell