Friday, August 19, 2022

NEW ZEALAND 

Ex-Celebration Church members believe 'deliverance' harmed them

A former Celebration member believes deliverance - the Pentecostal equivalent of exorcism - has been used to replace counselling, medical care, and even law enforcement at the controversial church. Others say the experience of having a demon 'cast out' made them physically ill or left them psychologically damaged.


Sam Olley, Reporter
@OlleySamantha Samantha.Olley@rnz.co.nz
3 Aug 2022

LONG READ


Celebration pastor Murray Watkinson says he has always thrived on a little bit of opposition. 
Photo: Youtube / Celebration Church TV

She remembers him telling the congregation there was a demon inside her. That her cheeks burned red as he shouted in tongues into the microphone, speakers booming his voice to hundreds of followers in the auditorium. Beneath the stage lights, his spit spattered her face.

Megan* has uncomfortable memories of him grabbing her head tightly and ordering the demon to "be gone". Church leaders circled her, with raised hands, praying for the crying, shaking girl to be 'saved'. She felt hot and dizzy. She was eight.

Megan, now an adult, says it was Celebration Centre Church pastor Murray Watkinson who performed the deliverance: a Pentecostal equivalent of exorcism.

She describes the process as "emotional torture" and says it left her ashamed and shell-shocked. She spent the rest of her childhood wondering if the demon still clung to her.

Megan is one of numerous former Celebration members who independently contacted RNZ to claim deliverance left them psychologically damaged - the latest in a series of allegations levelled at the church, based in eastern Christchurch.

In recent months, ex-members have called it "toxic", "hurtful" and "extreme". They claim they were manipulated and exploited. Some say they gave dozens of hours of unpaid work and hundreds of dollars in monthly tithes for years - all to support the church trusts and businesses (including childcare centres and a cafe), and all exempt from tax in New Zealand under the Charities Act.

'A toxic environment': Former Celebration Church members felt exploited

One former member says he and his wife gave 12,500 hours over seven years. Another says they cannot afford a house because they tithed their savings.

Even as Arise and Gloriavale churches face a swathe of negative publicity, Charities Services says it has received more complaints about Celebration than any other charity in the past five years.

Megan's voice still wavers when she speaks about deliverance at Celebration. She is infuriated when she sees the church's social media posts encouraging youth to join.

She has "pretty screwed-up" recollections of congregation leaders telling her to convert her entire family to Christianity or they would "burn in hell".

"It was absolutely terrifying. I would just have nightmares about that, I remember just going into intense panic. To put an eight-year-old through that, it was horrific."

She says Celebration members called her non-Christian mother a "witch".

"It was dark and f*****d up."

'Hocus pocus'


When Russell Kirkpatrick attended Celebration it smelled of astringent chemicals. Pastor Murray Watkinson set up the place-of-worship in remodelled buildings at a former chemical factory site in Wainoni, during the late Eighties and early Nineties. Kirkpatrick considered the buildings "brutalist but efficient".

He was Watkinson's second-in-command, but he believes Watkinson steered the evangelical assembly further and further towards Pentecostalism. Kirkpatrick became dismayed by what he saw as "ludicrous extremes" and "hocus pocus".


Russell Kirkpatrick has felt intense regret over his involvement with Celebration Church Photo: Cat Sparks

He is now talking over Zoom from Canberra, where these days he's an award-winning fantasy author, a "radical leftie" and a geography lecturer, with office walls covered in maps and an email address containing the term 'mapboy'. He adjusts his position in his chair and pauses.

"I've been waiting for this for 25 years. I knew eventually this was all going to come to people's attention."

Inside the former factory, deliverance began to happen regularly, and Kirkpatrick was increasingly worried. People's private struggles became public in church.

Those undergoing deliverance, at the altar, were commonly told they had a spirit of abortion, or homosexuality, in front of the congregation, he says. Sometimes those people had secretly had abortions or same-sex relationships, but other times they were random accusations that fellow churchgoers had relayed to pastor Watkinson.

Kirkpatrick believes, for some, the rituals replaced counselling, medical care, and even law enforcement.

Women who had been beaten were told to deal with it in-house, with deliverance, and not go to the police, he claims. People bereaved by sudden, traumatic death were told the church's cleansing - rather than grief counselling - would ease their pain.

Kirkpatrick recalls preaching that told vulnerable churchgoers that problems like mental illness and sexual violence came from an external force - "some sort of demon that's attracted that behaviour to you, and so you're the one that needs deliverance". He felt repulsed.

He believes the motives were sometimes racist; for example, he claims Watkinson told churchgoers Māori who expressed whētero (protruding the tongue) allowed evil spirits to enter their mouth.

Other times, he believes, the motives were misogynistic.

He alleges Watkinson confided that "a woman he [Watkinson] counselled who made him feel sexually aroused, [and] that was her fault, not his, because she had a spirit, a spirit of lust".

His answer to that?

"She needed deliverance."

Kirkpatrick felt the practice was also an "insidious" means to silence female abuse victims.

On more than one occasion, he says, when a man confessed to abusing his wife, the woman's "obedience" was questioned and she was pressured into deliverance. He saw it as "a way of the church avoiding having to actually deal with anybody's issues. It's awful. It's horrific".

He eventually left but wishes he had done so earlier. Now 61, he has felt deep, intense regret for decades.

"Their [Celebration followers'] lives, are, basically f*****d up by this kind of teaching. And I'm incredibly sorry that I wasn't together enough myself, to be able to give people a hand."


Murray Watkinson says Celebration is getting 'special attention' from the media because it is a 'special church' 
Photo: RNZ / Nate McKinnon

Kirkpatrick understands why Celebration parishioners become so dedicated to the church and the intense worship, because he's been there. He says he dove deeply into conservative Christianity as a teen, dazed by a difficult relationship with his father and yearning for unconditional love.

"That's what I felt the church gave me; God was going to love me no matter what."

When Kirkpatrick went through deliverance, the "oppressive" drama made him feel deeply uncomfortable, especially when he was "Slain in the Spirit".

He thought it was a "sham".

"When the preacher of power lays their hands on you, you're supposed to fall over, you're knocked over by the power of the Holy Spirit. Well, of course, if you don't, then you're considered to be in rebellion."

He cringed when church members spoke in tongues. He thought it had "no purpose other than to psychologically bind you to the church because you were doing something crazy."

People wail and collapse

It has been 25 years since Kirkpatrick left Celebration, but videos of services posted online recently, show the church continues to practice 'deliverance ministry' en masse, in 'altar calls'.

Each time, preachers walk down from a violet and pale blue stage to a crowd, speaking a combination of tongues and English, raising their voices and quickening their speech as they push down vigourously on attendees' heads and necks one by one.

People wail and collapse on each other. Some convulse and scream.

In May, the self-described Hastings-based 'apostle' Mike Connell, led deliverance at a Celebration family service in Christchurch. With Murray Watkinson by his side, he shouted "demons will flush out", rocking and chopping his hand from his chest to his legs for emphasis.

He leaned on the altar and told the congregation, "The thing that people that don't know is [sic] when you stand up in a leadership role in the Holy Ghosts' church is the level of Jezebelic witchcraft and warfare that comes against you."

He alternated between New Zealand and American accents, and declared, with his right hand in the air, "a breaking of all witchcraft assignments".

On Connell's website, under a photo of him wearing dark aviator sunglasses, is a blurb stating he "sets people free from an orphan mindset".

He claims to have "seen many thousands of people trained and equipped to move in the Spirit and minister healing and deliverance".

Connell's approach was less radical than that of Celebration's Rarotongan-based pastor Jonathan Cargill, who has also led deliverance in Ōtautahi.

In a Celebration conference last year he ordered churchgoers to "get a cough going" so he could "command the spirit powers to come out".

"We are going to dislodge some stuff," he added, bending over to demonstrate. "We are going to clean up a bit of a mess and we are going to drive [out] the demonic."

"I take authority over rebellion, in Jesus' name and over immorality. I take authority over every homosexual spirit, in the name of Jesus Christ, I take authority of every unclean demon."

Cargill then scanned the room and called for "spirits of abortion get off". Murray Watkinson paced in the background.

Attendees were stooped, rocking, their chests tensed and jolted. Their shoulders rose and fell as they pushed out coughs.

Cargill pushed their heads down. He pointed at random faces shouting "Ooshakalaba out you come". Some people shrieked back.

Cargill continued to shout through the microphone.

"Get out your homosexual spirit. Lose your hold lesbian spirit, out you get, in Jesus Christ's name. Immortality, vileness, filth: Go."

He continued for 40 minutes.

Sarah* was there for that altar call. It left her physically ill. It was the combination of prolonged pressure on her forehead, the emotional upset and the coughing.

"I've actually got to the point where I vomited. You're like screaming on the floor. You've just got yourself into such a state."

She claims others would throw up too. She recalls some Celebration parishioners talking in strange voices that scared her and that some flailed about "literally gnashing" and had to be physically restrained.

She says she first underwent deliverance as a devoted 18-year-old completing a weekend-long youth camp at Springbank, near Cust. She recounts days spent with dozens of young Christians, doing activities such as listing their sins and nailing them to a cross, followed by evenings of deliverance.

"It would be very, very weird, if you didn't [undergo deliverance]. They would come and find you in the seats, if you still stood on the seats and didn't come to the front," Sarah says.

But deliverance didn't make her feel healed, or pure-instead she felt "broken" and "crushed" by the shaming and hysteria in a large group. Sometimes her self-esteem dropped so low she took the next day off work.

She was most upset by churchgoers' private struggles being made public during deliverance. Sarah claims Wilkinson would reveal churchgoers' abortions, or gang connections, domestic violence, miscarriage and adoptions when speaking through his microphone, attempting to rid their 'demonic' troubles.

Sarah also couldn't stand it when people were singled out and, as she saw it, "coerced".

She says a man in a wheelchair, who was recovering from heart surgery, was told to walk onstage for 'healing' in front of the packed auditorium. He tried but was too weak. The furore of mass prayer and excitement awkwardly died away.

The pressure on him was "not good".

"He was so sick he just couldn't [walk]; the fact that he'd even got to church was a miracle in itself, but then you've got every single person staring at you and you're meant to have this 'faith' and he just literally couldn't do it. It was awful."

Eventually, Sarah left Celebration in her late 20s. She kept her Christian faith but not her friends, who she says, shunned her.

One of the first things Sarah did was get counselling, something she says church leaders had "actively discouraged" before her departure

She had relied on deliverance to remedy childhood trauma, but the depression and anxiety kept coming back.

In fact, the deliverance she underwent and witnessed at Celebration had created new "traumatising" and "horrendous" memories for which she also needed counselling.
'Good judgement goes out the door'

Peter Lineham MNZM finds it "very seriously troubling" to hear stories like these, but the Emeritus Professor of religious history at Massey University says it's not the first he's heard of problems at Celebration Centre Church.

"I have known people who've walked away from that church on exactly the same grounds; that they were troubled by its complete pastoral failure, and by its treating of everything as demonic and dramatic."

But he believes "churches like the Celebration Centre-which are created by their own pastors as a kind of private venture-don't really have a good structure of accountability".


Peter Lineham is concerned there may be an 'extreme' disregard for informed consent at Celebration 
Photo: Massey University

Celebration's website says there are members in Nelson, Warkworth and Kaikohe, as well as overseas in Rarotonga, Los Angeles, San Fransisco and parts of Asia and Africa The church describes itself as evangelical.

But deliverance is strongly associated with Pentecostalists, who, Lineham says, believe demons are constantly attacking humanity and they [demons] must be named and cast out to set people free from sin.

This casting out, called deliverance, is considered a form of Christian exorcism by many religious academics, including Lineham. Others say the practices are similar but ultimately different.

Exorcisms in Anglican and Catholic churches are normally ancient, private, carefully-protected rituals, Lineham says.

"Catholics and Anglicans would be extraordinarily cautious about conducting an exorcism; they would need to be assured that all aspects of mental health and of other physical ailments had been thoroughly explored before giving permission. And it would probably need the permission of the bishop before it went ahead."

But just like Catholic and Anglican exorcisms, Pentecostal deliverance calls on "the power of Christ to remove the occupation of the devil from the person".

Lineham is concerned that at Celebration there may be an "extreme" disregard for informed consent. That amid the congregational excitement, noise and enthusiasm during deliverance, "good judgement goes out the door in a second and the extremist voices carry the pack".

He says the accusations and shaming during deliverance in services can be "outrageous," "deeply shocking" and "not unlike the old witch trials of the 16th century".

"I'm really disturbed that a crowd of people think they have the right to determine the wellbeing of a person when they don't even sometimes know the person's name. And they actually abuse the lack of consent the person has."

Can exorcism, and more specifically, deliverance, be done safely? Lineham says yes, as long as people have given informed consent, are comfortable in the space, and can stop the process if they change their minds. He says they must not be guaranteed change and that exorcism must not be a substitute for health care.

Lineham attends Anglican, Baptist and rainbow congregations, and has visited churches all over New Zealand during his career researching and writing about religious institutions. But Celebration has never been on the itinerary.

Still, Lineham has witnessed deliverance, and was horrified when told he too was afflicted by a devil that must be "carved out".

He declined.

But how to say no at Celebration, a church accused of being fear-based, of fostering a "disease to please", as former members described it?

The existential threat of being outcast is strong even in the top tier of the church, according to one ex-member, Kate*, who ascended into Celebration's tight leadership circle over 20 years.

Now she describes it as a "cult".

She was so invested in the friendships, tithing, 'service' volunteering, bible groups and sermons, that leaving seemed unfathomable, despite her inner turmoil over the pressure to conform.

Some years, she says, altar calls were a weekly rite at Celebration.

Kate reluctantly took part but was continually concerned children and teens were also taking part without knowing what deliverance was, and without giving explicit consent.

"By not doing it [deliverance] you're shunned. You're judged. You don't belong, you don't fit in."

She believes the church was "brainwashing" youth into thinking they were tainted by demons, and she thinks it was a "violation" of their naivety.

"There's a lot of damage done to children."

Even some adults, coming to Celebration for the first time, raised concerns about what they'd unwittingly participated in.

"People that I'd brought would come back and say, 'What the heck just happened, that was freaky'. And you kind of just learned to explain it away, to tell people that it was good, it was okay. But it's actually not."

She feels guilty that she repeated "really manipulative" messages when she was part of the church leadership.

"The narrative was, 'If you aren't comfortable [during deliverance], it's because you've got demons in you that are manifesting against the church'."

In other words, "If you are uncomfortable, it means you need to stay up here and continue going through this process because it's something that's demonic, that needs to be out".

Permission was "sort of just taken rather than asked", Kate says, and people were "definitely" traumatised.

She remains a Christian but wants nothing to do with deliverance anymore.

"I would personally run away."

Today, Kate will see Celebration members at places like the supermarket-but most of the time they pass in the aisles like strangers. She normally gets a "judgmental" side-eye and is otherwise ignored.
Post-traumatic stress

Joseph Bulbulia's religious studies earned him a PhD from Princeton - he is now a psychology professor at Te Herenga Waka, Victoria.

Hearing Celebration leavers' stories make him feel "frustration and grief".

"They were clearly harmed, they have suffered."

He is particularly disturbed by reports of children and teens feeling pressured into deliverance.

"These are emotionally, developmentally, vulnerable human beings."

But Bulbulia can see why members of all ages might find it hard to say no to rituals - they likely fear alienation.

"That can leave people without a network or community - when they stand up to authority," he says.

"That [again] can leave them exposed to post-traumatic stress, to employment issues, to problems in their own relationships ... the magnitude of these problems shouldn't be underrated."
Lost hope

Ex-members told RNZ the church would not respond to requests for comment. They were right: RNZ's calls, texts and emails over several months went unanswered.

Pastor Murray Watkinson, however, has inadvertently confirmed receipt of the messages-he has lambasted them in services the church has posted on YouTube.

In late May, he warned the congregation a "fairly interesting article" was coming out, and the media had been "hunting" him.

A church musician nodded behind him onstage, as he said: "They've got about 20 accusations for us. But I just thought, 'Man, I'm not going to be, you know, influenced by that'."

RNZ's initial accusations challenged Watkinson's financial links to the church.

Celebration's facilities are based in Wainoni and Aranui, two of the most deprived suburbs in Christchurch. The church has amassed 13 properties worth more than $18 million in the last three decades, and its latest financial reporting (to 2020) shows it pays $110,000 per year to rent a property from one of Watkinson's family trusts.

It also pays more than $442,000 to remunerate Watkinson and four other church leaders. Two of them are his family members.

But he told followers the church was getting "special attention" from the media because it was a "special church".

He challenged media coverage again when ex-members called for the church's charitable status to be removed.

Preaching the next day, Watkinson was enthused, saying he "always thrived on a little bit of opposition".

In a sermon last month he said: "I don't want anybody whining to the newspaper saying 'I volunteered four hours a week for six years'. And, what a load of garbage. Weren't you doing it for God? Who were you doing it for? 'I gave a whole lot of money to the church and then I couldn't afford [mumbles]. What are you doing? You're not even Christian. You're just backslidden - bitter, twisted, backslidden people who have lost their way."

He has lobbed criticism in other directions too - declaring Covid-19 vaccinations don't really work, that Christians will love their enemies while "Muslims will kill you" - but he persistently comes back to the media.

In Watkinson's words, media contacting the church have "lost hope, they've lost sight of God".

But for ex-members interviewed by RNZ, it was not God they lost hope in, but Murray Watkinson himself.

The former second-in-command, Russell Kirkpatrick, was fed up with Watkinson refusing to take his advice and instead becoming bolder and bolder.

He fears the pastor has gone without checks and balances on his power and that Wilkinson "setting himself up as sole authority and not being accountable" is really dangerous.

Despite Kirkpatrick's perpetual cognitive dissonance and growing doubt over Watkinson's leadership, Kirkpatrick's dedication to the church was extreme. He has calculated that one year, he spent just three evenings at home. The 362 others were consumed by Celebration meetings, Celebration home visits, and Celebration music practice.

And while the ex-member thinks he did some good, he considers it highly likely that overall, his influence was negative.

"There was a fellow on the eldership, when Murray first joined, who took one look at him and said 'This guy's trouble'. And he left. And I should have listened to him. He was absolutely right."
NEW ZEALAND 
Emissions Trading Scheme: What you need to know

The Emissions Trading Scheme is one of the most important drivers of the changes needed to have any hope of avoiding the catastrophic impacts of climate change.

Hamish Cardwell, Climate reporter
@HamishCardwell hamish.cardwell@rnz.co.nz
20 July 2022


Photo: PHOTO NZ

Since it was launched nearly 15 years ago it has been under constant reform - and the government is working on yet more changes right now.

The recent forestry-related proposals to restrict some carbon farming have incensed Māori, and could end up in the courts, while sheep and beef farmers argue that rural communities could be destroyed without the moves.

Meanwhile the Climate Change Commission is expected to release its ETS advice to the government shortly.

Here is what you need to know about the ETS.

What is the Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS)?

It is a market managed by the government, and a key force to get long-lived climate gases to net zero by 2050.

Businesses that generate damaging gases have to buy units off the ETS.

The number of units available shrinks over time which causes their price to go up incentivising businesses to find ways to emit less.

The costs can be passed on to consumers, like they are with petrol prices, making lower emissions options more attractive.

Trees absorb carbon, so eligible forest owners can sell units to polluters at a price set by the ETS market.

The ETS covers about half of all emissions in Aotearoa including almost all from fossil fuels, industrial processes and waste.

The scheme is very effective because of that reach - although agriculture, which is a major emitter, is not covered and has been allowed instead to work with government officials to come up with a plan to price emissions by 2025 as an alternative to the ETS.

Revenue gathered from the scheme is used to fund efforts to reduce emissions - with nearly $3 billion in spending in the next four years announced during Budget week this year.

Some businesses and economists claim the ETS alone will get us to our reduction targets, but the Climate Change Commission, the IPCC and most experts say additional government policy is needed.
How does it work?

The basic idea is it makes businesses pay for the invisible but real effect of releasing damaging climate gases.

Its strength is that it lets firms weigh up their options and make fine-grained decisions about how to most cost effectively cut their own emissions (rather than, for example, have the government decide) or whether to pay others to reduce emissions.

They can buy units at government auction or from other market participants, but some businesses also get given a bunch of free units.

These are firms that produce large amounts of emissions and which need to compete with offshore producers.

The freebies are to stop emissions from industrial production from simply shifting to other countries.

The Climate Change Commission estimates that in 2019 (barring forestry) free units made up about a fifth of gross emissions from ETS sectors.

The ETS was launched in NZ in 2008 and essentially did not work very well.

Businesses bought a bunch of cheap units overseas from places like Russia and Ukraine which undermined the incentive to reduce gross emissions in New Zealand.

Our ETS has been domestic only since mid-2015 and serious reform began in 2016.

It was not until last year that the first government auctions were held.
What's happened since 2021?

The price of a unit of carbon has gone up big time - from about $30 a unit to more than $70.

There is a stability mechanism that either limits or releases units to try and slow price changes to stop sectors from getting absolutely whacked by hikes.

Despite the fact the price is going up there is actually an oversupply of units which have accumulated over time - but more on that later.

The large increase in unit prices is driving higher rates of planting of fast growing exotic forests (to be left alone rather than harvested, something called carbon farming).

Increased exotic afforestation has caused an outcry as it is gobbling up land that could be used to farm or grow food, and is displacing options to plant in indigenous species.

Again, more to come further down.

But the emissions price is expected to keep increasing - and the government is now reviewing the rules.



Striking a balance


Relying too heavily on exotic forestry long term has challenges because eventually you do need to cut the trees down - that's why having a mix of natives is important, and why the country needs to actually cut emissions not just rely on planting huge numbers of trees.

Some other countries, and some climate activists here, argue that while forestry has an important role to play in reducing climate change, we have to stop putting the emissions into the atmosphere in the first place.

They say the only thing that is going to actually help tackle climate change is to stop putting the emissions into the atmosphere in the first place.

The OECD has also warned New Zealand that relying on tree planting rather than making actual cuts may not hold water international much longer.

But it will take time for the country to make the large cuts needed in transport and agriculture, and to electrify factory processes, and tree planting will always be part of the mix to offset unavoidable emissions.

Currently forests offset, or capture, about a third of our gross emissions. Under government rules, not all of this counts toward our international and domestic targets.

It's a little complicated but basically if you own a forest established after 31 December 1989 you can choose to join the ETS and earn units as the trees grow.

You can sell units to other market participants. Forest owners have to pay back the units they have earned if they deforest. For post-1989 forests registered through 2019, forest owners also have to pay back units when they harvest. And there are new rules coming in 2023.

As of early 2022, 50 percent of post-1989 forest had joined the scheme.

There are changes coming at the start of next year designed to incentivise foresters to join the ETS and establish a larger number of permanent forests.
ETS changes demanded by farmers, but Māori promise to fight them

The government is looking at changing the ETS to discourage the planting of new permanent exotic forest by excluding them from the ETS (though not trees destined to be logged).

The large price increase since ETS auctions started last year has seen a ramping up in planting of these species.

It has prompted outrage from sheep and beef farmers and rural communities that productive land will be swallowed up.

They say farms employ people who spend money in the community and put their children into local schools.

They say carbon farming means large empty plots of land quietly sequestering but also only making money for the owners, with little benefit for the community.

Poorly managed exotic forests can also harbour pests and be a fire danger - which can be a threat to our national stores of carbon held in our forests.

But the government's proposed changes have been labelled disastrous for Māori, and there are moves to take legal action.

Māori are major forest owners (about a third of plantation forestry, and it will tip over 40 percent as more Treaty settlements are completed), and make up about 40 percent of the forestry workforce.

Much of these forests existed before 1990 meaning they are not eligible for units under the ETS.

Their holdings are often all that was left after more desirable land was confiscated, or what was returned to them as part of the Treaty process.

It is often marginal, scattered and difficult to monetise, and Māori see the opportunity to finally make some money from them by selling units on the ETS potentially being yanked away from them.

Meanwhile, there are fears that long-term overplanting exotics could also lead to lower ETS prices, disincentivising investment and innovation in low-carbon technology and suppressing moves to make actual reductions in emissions.
The stockpile problem

At three of the six auctions since 2021 the price has got high enough to hit a trigger point releasing more units.

There is already a large stockpile of units left over from previous iterations of the ETS and, coupled with the extra units from recent auctions, means that's a lot floating around out there that can be surrendered instead of real cuts to emissions being made.

This could undermine the government's ability to hit its reduction targets, and the government is currently investigating.

NZ

Catching climate change through the courts

From The Detail, 19 August 2022  

Should there be a legal duty to not contribute to climate change? The Supreme Court has been tasked with answering the question.

Mike Smith, whose case was heard in the Supreme Court this week. Photo: NZ Herald / File

It's not every day that you see one person suing a group of massive corporates worth tens of billions of dollars.

But that's exactly what's happened this week. 

Mike Smith (Ngāpuhi, Ngāti Kahu) is an iwi leader and climate change activist. He's taking seven of New Zealand's biggest greenhouse gas emitters to court - among them, big hitters like Fonterra and Genesis Energy - on the grounds that these big corporates have breached a duty of care to New Zealanders by materially contributing to climate change. 

He's arguing on some fine, fairly novel points of law. The courts have never before recognised any sort of duty not to contribute to climate change. If Smith wins, he'll have changed the way New Zealand fights climate change - but that's a pretty big if.

Smith's bid has made it all the way to the Supreme Court after the lower courts declined to hear Smith's case. They say the outcome Smith wants represents a serious shift in our national climate change policy, and that our democratically-elected parliament should be the ones to make that call, not the courts. 

But Smith's legal team are urging the courts to be bold.

"Perhaps the most important question, if courts aren't going to do this, what are they going to do?" says Victoria University law professor Geoff McLay.

"What're you here for, if you're not here for the biggest crisis of our time? And the lawyers on the other side have really been struggling to answer that basic question. I think the judges are really engaged with what their role is and what they ought to be doing about this existential crisis we all face."

Today on The Detail, Emile Donovan speaks to Geoff McLay and BusinessDesk journalist Victoria Young about the unprecedented 'David and Goliath' battle being waged in our courts, pulling legal strings in an attempt to force an intervention on climate change.

The big seven emitters Smith is taking to court have been technically acting within their powers - they're not breaking any written law passed by parliament. Smith's case is calling on New Zealand's common law system - judge-made law that appeals to broader principles of fairness and common sense - to show that the big emitters are causing harm, and shouldn't be allowed to continue with business as usual.

Specifically, Smith is calling on torts. McLay describes torts as the common law concerning civil wrongs, and Smith is arguing for liability under three different torts.

"The first negligence, which is the common or garden all-pervasive tort of our times," says McLay.

"This is where you make a mistake: you're riding a bike, you're not paying attention, you slam into a rich person's car: you're liable in negligence to them in common law."

They're also arguing public nuisance - behaviour interfering with public life and enjoyment - and, if all else fails, the creation of a new tort to cover climate harm.

"It's kind of like a Hail Mary pleading. It might not fit negligence, it might not fit public nuisance, but there must be something out there that it fits, and it's very much an invitation for the judges to invent perhaps a more environmentally-focused tort or a climate change tort in its own right."

Victoria Young has been at the hearing at the Supreme Court this week, and describes the mood in the room.

Chief Justice Helen Winkelmann. Photo: Stuff Limited / Robert Kitchin

"The first part of the hearing which I watched on Monday was a lot about who are the defendants - I mean, who are you going to get for the damage caused to you by climate change?"

The Chief Justice Helen Winkelmann remarked to the room that everyone is an emitter. Another member of the Supreme Court, Justice Stephen Kós, pointed out that he drives a high-emissions car.

"He said, 'Well, I've got a Land Rover. Sue me! Why don't you sue me?'" 

"How big do you want to go? This is the thing: can courts draw lines around this massive issue?" says Young.

She says another one of the case's issues is whether the harm caused by big emitters is direct or visible enough to sustain a claim.

"People know that [climate change] is happening, but not necessarily enough to change their behaviours about it. In a way, it's not a visible threat."

Fast Fashion: A Fastlane Dump in Africa

How western countries are emptying their waste into African countries.


August 19, 2022 by Clement Maimo 


We all love something new, trending, and in style, but that sometimes comes at a certain cost; environmental to be precise.

Fast Fashion is a generic term used to describe cheap clothing that is made fast and ready to wear.

But is it Sustainable, though?

Most used clothing from Western countries like US and Europe always seems to end up in Africa and other developing nations.

Some of the clothes arrive on the pretext of being donated to aid poor kids in Africa but are rather sold.

There exists a vicious cycle in which these clothes keep entering Africa. It goes thus:

An episode from the Dutch television program ‘De prijsknaller’ (the best deal) showed what happens to the contents of the containers. It is first sorted, then the majority unsuitable for resale as second-hand clothing in the Netherlands is moved on to Eastern Europe.

Sorting occurs again, what is not suitable for the local market is transported to Africa. Since the export chain is so complicated, it makes it difficult to take responsibility for the environmental damage by the time they reach Africa.

Ghana is the first African country that appears on the radar regarding second-hand clothing. The second-hand clothing is commonly called “obroni wawu” — dead white men’s clothes.

The OR Foundation, a Ghana-based nonprofit organization that investigated the influx of second-hand clothing in the country, estimated that more than 40 percent of clothing in markets in Accra, the capital, is unsellable and heads directly to landfills.

On the flip side, the sellable one is a semi-used fast fashion garment. It has a high likelihood of deteriorating fast and is usually just a few washes from being thrown away.

The picture below is an image of myself wearing the fast-fashion brand H&M Flannel shirt that I got from a local market for 1500 CFA ($2.33) in Cameroon-Bamenda.

After two washes, the shirt completely faded and I was left with no option but to discard it.

Every week, Ghana receives 15 million items of used clothing sent from the UK, Europe, North America, and Australia. But 40% of the products are discarded due to poor quality. They end up in landfills and bodies of water, polluting entire ecosystems. The Kantamanto Market in Ghana’s capital, Accra, is West Africa’s hub for used clothing from the West.

Another African country with the same predicament is Kenya. It is one of Africa’s biggest importers of secondhand clothing, importing about 185,000 tons in 2019.

According to US News & World Report, this problem is especially renowned across Africa, with — Kenya, Angola, Tunisia, Ghana, Tanzania, and Uganda identifying as six of the top 20 countries for secondhand clothing imports

Some other African countries include Zambia, Ivory Coast, Nigeria, Cameroon…. etc. and the list goes on. And all these countries have their respective native names used to attribute ‘second-hand clothing.’

Without any doubt, this goes to show Africa is “the number one dump for white man’s used clothing”

Another contributor to these mass transportations of second-hand clothing is advocators of clothing circularity-simply clothing that is designed to be used for prolonged periods in society.

While there is some effectiveness to circular fashion, is this the case with used clothing in Africa?

Some people argue that this approach of donating clothes is a circular means of dealing with clothing waste. “This helps to contribute to a circular economy, where things are being used to their fullest extent” says Jackie King, executive director of Secondary Materials and Recycled Textiles Association (Smart.)

Some Negative Implications of the mass transportation of ‘Second-hand Clothing to:’

♦ Environment

Circular Fashion may have the best ‘intentions’ but not the best strategies. This is because a majority of clothing that is shipped to Africa doesn’t have the best quality as to when it was fabricated, thus the span of the clothing is heavily reduced and is soon discarded.

Unlike first-world countries whose landfills (in the U.S.) are equipped in such a way that they can process chemicals and they can kind of be contained, other countries, including Ghana, don’t have the same level of infrastructure around the landfill” Bibbey noted.


The global media does a good job at propagating ‘buy more and look cool,’ even though you already have a ton of unused clothing in the closet.

On the banks of the Korle Lagoon, in the Ghanaian capital of Accra, an escarpment towers at the water’s edge, cattle grazing on its summit. This ragged cliff, some 20 meters high, is formed not of earth or stone but a landfill. Most of it — an estimated 60 percent — is unwanted clothing.

The majority of, Africans-especially the elderly are not literate as a result aren’t aware of the potential risk associated with poor disposal of waste like unused clothing.

So, at times they dispose of clothing in local streams, rivers, lakes, and valleys as they have nowhere else to dispose of them. A lot of clothing being discarded ends up in the ocean and eventually in the food we eat.

Each time we wash a synthetic garment (polyester, nylon, etc), approximately 700.000 individual microfibers are discharged into the water, ending up in oceans. These microfibers are ingested by small aquatic organisms and in turn are eaten by small and bigger fish, introducing plastic into our food chain.

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This poses a big problem to aquatic organisms’ health and the humans that consume them.

Aside from being discarded into water bodies, African locals sometimes burn unwanted clothing; this produces methane, a powerful global warming greenhouse gas.

Plus, inhalation of plastic fumes can lead to an increased risk of heart disease, respiratory side effects such as aggravated asthma, and skin irritations. etc.

♦ Social

The influx of fast fashion second-hand clothing has also taken a toll on local markets thereby affecting the entire economy.

East African governments argued that domestic demand for locally made clothes was being suffocated by cheap, second-hand clothes. So, in 2015, countries in the EAC announced that second-hand apparel would be banned from their markets from 2019.

This has also created massive unemployment for local tailors who did just fine by sewing clothing for people in their communities.

To handle the situation, in March 2016, East African Community members (EAC, made up of Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda) issued a plan to halt secondhand clothes imports to revive textile industries in East Africa that had declined due to fierce competition from throwaway prices of ‘mitumba’ clothes.

These days customers run to get dirt cheap affordable clothing from abroad.

A glimpse into future at World Robot Conference in China

By Alvaro Alfaro

Beijing, Aug 19 (EFE).- Robots that care for the elderly, conduct PCR tests, and deliver packages are some of the highlights of the 2022 World Robot Conference underway in Beijing.

The event, organized between Aug.18 to 21, brings together more than 130 companies that showcase the latest advances in robotics in China, where the sector had a turnover of 83 billion yuan ($12.23 billion) in 2021.

The participants display how robots can contribute to different sectors, including the restaurant industry, medicine, elderly care, agriculture, and manufacturing.

One of the main event attractions is the robots that carry out PCR tests.

After a series of coronavirus outbreaks in the country in spring, the inhabitants of large cities undergo several weekly PCR tests to gain entry into public places, including stores, parks, and even the conference.

The authorities of the Chinese megalopolises have fixed a target of setting up testing booths so every resident can find one within a 15-minute walk.

It has led to thousands of such booths on the country’s streets.

The robotic cabin developed by a laboratory affiliated with Tsinghua University promises to test a sample in 35 seconds with a 99.9 percent effectiveness.

With the push of a button, a mechanical arm comes out of the cabin and places a stick of cotton in the mouth of the person being tested.

Owing to their ability to work for many hours at a time, these robots could help ease the long queues outside testing booths in high populated areas.

Healthcare robotics occupies a prominent place in the event with robots that perform dental procedures, high-precision surgeries, and vaccinations.

Companies are also displaying their creations in the elderly care sector, which is expected to grow considerably in the future as the Chinese population ages.

The robot developed by Robint is equipped with a camera and is capable of moving around an elderly person’s house, keeping track of the medicines they have taken, and alerting if any have been skipped.

It also has a thermometer and a blood pressure monitor with data synchronized to monitor the patient’s health.

“In China, there are more than 260 million elderly people,” a company representative told EFE.

“If only a small percentage of them buy these products, we would already be talking about a huge market.”

By 2035, people over 60 are expected to constitute more than 30 percent of the Chinese population compared to the current 18 percent.

Two Chinese digital giants, the JD e-commerce platform and the Meituan food delivery firm, were also present at the event.

For years, these companies have been at the forefront of developing logistics robots to save millions of dollars in wages for their delivery personnel.




Stacey Abrams: Brian Kemp Is A Dangerous Extremist, He Is "Hubristic" And "Self-Interested"


Posted By Tyler Stone
August 19, 2022


On CNN Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams discussed the race against Brian Kemp:



ERIN BURNETT: I want to go OUTFRONT now to Stacey Abrams, Kemp's Democratic opponent in the Georgia governor race and the former minority leader of Georgia's House of Representatives.

So, Leader Abrams, Governor Kemp says the Fulton County D.A. is playing politics with this subpoena and is doing it to help your campaign.

What do you say to him?

STACEY ABRAMS (D), GEORGIA GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDATE: I think once again, Brian Kemp to wants to take credit but doesn't want to take responsibility. He has coasted on this notion that he is an anti-Trump moderate, but we know that he has described himself as a Trump conservative, that he is seeking Donald Trump's endorsement for this race, that he welcomes it, and that this subpoena has been outstanding -- or this request for him to testify has been ongoing for months.

He has had time to do this. And if he doesn't have time to show up to testify, he must not have time to go and raise money or do anything else because if he is as concerned about the state of our democracy as he would hope for people to think he is, he would show up for this incredibly important subpoena and he would provide testimony in a timely manner.

BURNETT: So, his lawyers say that the Fulton County prosecutors had an agreement but they rescinded it. And that that agreement was to lay out in advance the topics Kemp would be asked about before the grand jury and that they then rescinded it and then they cancelled a voluntary interview and then they went ahead and subpoenaed him.

If that's really what happened, would you testify under those conditions if you were in his shoes?

ABRAMS: First, I do not actually believe the -- if you look at the emails that have been released about the back-and-forth and having dealt with the Kemp administration, I would actually put my faith more in the Fulton County D.A.'s office. I know that this has been a meticulous and very thoughtful investigation and that he is not the only Republican who's tried to skirt his responsibility to provide information.

Rudy Giuliani has tried it. Lindsey Graham has tried it. Brian Kemp is trying it.

But the reality is Brian Kemp wants to win this election under the pretext that he is not a Trump conservative and he is. And you can tell that from his hard right policies from banning abortion to opposing marriage equality, to the voter suppression laws that he signed after January 6th.

Brian Kemp up and down the board is a Trump conservative, but he is afraid that if he actually shows up to testify, the world will know it.

BURNETT: There is one thing here though in all of this, and that is that Governor Kemp refused to go along with Trump's lies about the Georgia election. Trump directly pressured him to do it and Kemp didn't do it, right? Right? He certified the election two separate times for Biden.

[19:30:00]

So, when push came to shove, he was in a position to do right and do wrong. Didn't he ultimately do the right thing? STACEY ABRAMS (D), GEORGIA GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDATE: Let's be clear,

he refused to -- he agreed to certify the election and, yes, I am proud that he did not commit treason.

However, he also then pushed through one of the most aggressive voter suppressive laws that we've seen in recent years and it was entirely based on the big lie that there had been mismanagement and poor action in the election.

He used the Trump lie to justify a voter suppression law. And moreover, he said himself that he changed the laws in the state of Georgia regarding voting because he was frustrated by the results of 2020 and 2021.

Yes, Brian Kemp gets to cross the very low bar of not committing treason. But our bar for democracy should be higher. He should not only agree to certify the election as was his job but he should show up and tell the truth about what happened.

If he truly believes that Donald Trump did something wrong, then now is the time to say it. I'm not certain what he would be hiding from America, from Georgia, by waiting until after the election to tell the truth. If he could tell the truth before, he should be able to tell the truth now.

BURNETT: So let me ask you about the investigation itself. You've talked about it as being run meticulously and, obviously, you know it has come under some scrutiny. And that is because the district attorney, Fani Willis, has been rebuked once already from perceived political bias by a judge -- a judge who recently blocked her from investigating Republican State Senator Burt Jones.

Burt Jones was one of the alleged fake electors involved in the scheme to subvert Georgia's election. Jones is now the nominee for lieutenant governor, and Willis hosted a campaign fundraiser for the person who became his Democratic opponent.

You know, how much did that damage her credibility, to host a fundraiser -- a political fundraiser?

ABRAMS: I can't speak to why she chose to do that, but I can tell you that Brian Kemp has not only lauded Burt Jones, one of the fake electors, he has also appointed another fake elector, reappointed one, to a very important office -- appointed office in the state of Georgia. That he has suborned those who have used the big lie to justify their actions.

And so, while I understand the concerns that have been raised, we have to focus on who's actually responsible and who is in charge. Brian Kemp is a dangerous extremist who has tried to hide himself behind one good action, and he has distracted the rest of us or certainly distracted most of America from looking at his actual record.

He is trying to play both moderate and MAGA but he is just extreme. He wants credit standing up to Trump but he is refusing to testify to tell the truth. And I encourage people to go to the website, StaceyAbrams.com --

(CROSSTALK)

BURNETT: Do you believe though -- I understand your point. I understand your point. But, ultimately, look, there were plenty of people -- there were plenty of people running for office now, whether it'd be for governor, for secretaries of state who said they would not do what Brian Kemp did. They would not certify the election, and that they would have done what President Trump wanted, right?

What he did, and -- you know, it is no small thing in the world that we live in now, is it?

ABRAMS: It is an important thing to do your job. And I am not diminishing the fact that he did his job. But I would not lionize someone for not committing treason.

If we have lowered our standards so much that simply not doing wrong is the only metric, that is deeply problematic, especially when the person at -- in question, Brian Kemp, has a long and unfortunate history of voter suppression, of not only supporting Donald Trump, but seeking his endorsement and seeking his support even today.

He has not rebuked Trump. He has not rebuked his bad behavior. He's simply hoping that no one pays attention and that is not heroic. That is self-interested. That is hubristic and that is wrong for the future of Georgia.

BURNETT: All right. Leader Abrams, I appreciate your time. Thank you very much.

ABRAMS: Absolutely. Thank you.
These affordable apartments are designed to use almost no energy

By using ‘Passive House’ standards, the apartment building uses less energy and saves on operating costs—helping to make units affordable for the city’s most vulnerable residents.

At a new apartment building in the Canadian city of Hamilton, near Toronto, rent for a studio will cost as little as $85 a month.


The apartment building, which will begin construction this fall, is designed for the city’s most vulnerable residents, many of whom are currently homeless. For the city-owned housing provider that owns the building, one of the factors that will help keep operating costs low also has a climate benefit: The building is being constructed to “Passive House” standards, meaning it uses nearly no energy for heating and cooling.

[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]“We’re trying to run operations lean so that we can provide the most affordability, and the most units,” says Sean Botham, who leads development for CityHousing Hamilton, the affordable housing provider. Government funding, partly enabled by Canada’s goal to reach net zero emissions by 2050, is helping the city pay for more efficient buildings.



[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]The Passive House standard allows for only a tiny amount of energy use—less than 15 kilowatts per hour per square meter for heating or cooling demand per year. “In layman’s terms, we typically say it’s about 90% better than a traditional build,” says Enda McDonagh, principal architect at Montgomery Sisam Architects, the firm that led the design of the new building. “So it is extremely efficient.” In a city with big temperature swings—Hamilton has freezing winters and hot, sticky summers—saving heating and cooling energy can also make a meaningful difference in costs.

[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]Earlier this year, CityHousing Hamilton completed a retrofit of an 18-story affordable-housing building, making it the largest in the world to meet the Passive House standard. The 146-unit building, originally constructed in 1967, reduced its energy demand for heating by 91%, and cut emissions by 94% by adding new insulation, triple-glazed windows, and new heat recovery and ventilation systems. When demand peaks, the energy needed to heat or cool an apartment is now roughly the equivalent of that used by three incandescent light bulbs.

[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]The newest building, with 24 studio apartments, has a tight building envelope—meaning that air can’t easily leak out—with 13.5 inches of insulation within the wall. Triple-glazed windows are set deep inside the wall, helping shade the apartments during the summer while letting in sunlight and solar heat gain during the winter. Ultraefficient appliances run the small amount of heating and cooling that’s needed, and hot water is heated by an electric heat pump. The building doesn’t run on fossil fuels. On the roof, solar panels help offset some of the energy use.

[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]The ultraefficient design will be more comfortable for residents since the temperature stays steady and the ventilation brings in more fresh air than in a typical building. The architects also focused on making the studio apartments feel homey while meeting requirements for durability. “The materials that have been tested to meet that rigorous demand oftentimes have a very institutional feel to them,” McDonagh says. “They’ve had a lifetime of testing in hospitals and care homes. We’re saying, Okay, how can we find our source materials that deliver on that, but also deliver on the home-like quality?” The building will also include shared spaces like a lounge and community garden, and a kitchen where residents can attend cooking classes. (Each apartment also has its own small kitchen.)

[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]The apartments will sit in a tight space between two other buildings on a former parking lot. Most of the construction will happen in a nearby factory, which will help speed up the work on site. The factory work and site prep will begin this fall, with the finished apartments delivered and stacked up like Legos early next year. Meanwhile, CityHousing Hamilton is working on other new developments that will meet Passive House requirements. “Other housing providers are also going in this direction in the city,” Botham says.



ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Adele Peters is a staff writer at Fast Company who focuses on solutions to some of the world's largest problems, from climate change to homelessness. Previously, she worked with GOOD, BioLite, and the Sustainable Products and Solutions program at UC Berkeley


Former Sri Lankan president Rajapaksa applies for US citizenship
WAR CRIMINAL  WILL SURELY BE WELCOME

Arpan Rai
Fri, August 19, 2022 



Former Sri Lankan president Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who left the crisis-marred country last month, has applied for citizenship with the US and is waiting to procure his Green Card, according to a media report.

The ousted president is looking to settle in the US with his wife and son, who are accompanying him on his run from Sri Lanka after widespread anti-government protests sought his resignation as the country plunged into its worst recession in decades.

According to the report, Mr Rajapaksa’s lawyers in Washington commenced the procedure of application for securing him a Green Card last month, sources aware of the matter said.

He is eligible to apply for citizenship as his wife Ioma Rajapaksa is a US citizen.


In the coming days, Mr Rajapaksa’s lawyers in Colombo will have to submit additional documents for the procedure, the Daily Mirror reported.

Mr Rajapaksa, who is living in a hotel in Thailand presently after fleeing on a military plane in July for Maldives and thereafter reaching Singapore, is expected to return to the country in the last week of August.

He is likely to cancel his initial plan of stay in Thailand at least till November, the report added.

The 73-year-old leader resigned after reaching Singapore in the backdrop of simmering public anger in Sri Lanka over his role in mismanagement of the country’s economy.

However, two days ago, he consulted his lawyers and decided to come back to Sri Lanka as he was facing problems in moving around in Thailand due to security concerns as initially expected, the report added.

Police officials in Thailand had advised Mr Rajapaksa to stay indoors during his stay in the country amid security concerns.

The Thai government has also asked Mr Rajapaksa to not engage in political activities while staying in the country.

The hotel where Mr Rajapaksa is staying has police officers from the Special Branch Bureau deployed in plainclothes to ensure the Sri Lankan leader’s safety, reported the Bangkok Post newspaper.

It is likely that the Sri Lankan cabinet will discuss providing the ousted leader a state house and security under the rules guiding arrangements for a former president, the report added.

His previous presidential house was stormed and occupied by protesting Sri Lankans in July.
BOOKS

Violence, Hierarchy, Expansion: What Lies Behind the US's Military Power?


David Vine’s 'The United States of War' is one of the most illuminating studies of how the US' empire of forts and bases developed and works.


A military band performs during the 236th annual Military, Civic, and Firemen's Parade as part of July 4 celebrations in Bristol, Rhode Island, US, July 5, 2021. Photo: Reuters/Quinn Glabicki

Inderjeet Parmar

The defence of the United States, unlike charity, does not begin at home.

Its foreign policy elites claim that US national security is threatened across the world and that renders everywhere an ‘American interest’. To secure that interest against permanent threats requires the largest military budget in history, around 800 military bases worldwide, global surveillance systems, navies that prowl every sea and armies that the navy lobs to fight endless wars on foreign lands.


Even more profoundly, this expansive notion of security threats requires and has birthed a paradigm-busting conception of borders that aligns with the globalised movement of goods and people; that the US either wants or rejects, regardless of geographical location. The US border is no longer just a line on a map between it and Canada or Mexico; it’s anywhere the US state decrees and signs agreements with overseas border guards. Those guards are now doing the jobs of US border police and officials thousands of miles from the US homeland – in Central and South America, the Philippines, Ireland, Turkey, among others.

This paradigmatic shift is accompanied by the ballooning of the budgets of the Department of Homeland Security and related forerunner bureaucracies, particularly since 9-11. The Homeland must be protected from the Barbarians who, for no apparent or explicable reason to do with the United States, ‘hate us’ and want to do ‘us’ harm. Actually, they hate ‘our’ values of freedom, progress and democracy. They understand only the language of force and threat of force, and must be treated accordingly.

It is a version of America’s role in the world unburdened by the weight of the evidenced ranged against it, yet remains the dominant ideology of US foreign policy elites – just open any newspaper, watch practically any mainstream news network, read any learned review of foreign affairs or think tank report, attend any class in international relations or foreign policy in a leading American university, or tune in to virtually any speech of leading Democrats and Republicans.

The White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) establishment – now in full technicolor with its visibly diverse and suitably compliant appointees – may be divided on many issues, but they display impressive near-monolithic unity on America’s need to fund and project lethal military power and violence on and under the seas, in the air, in space and cyberspace; and act as gatekeeper and guardian of the global movement of people and goods.

Welcome to the borders and bases strategies of the US empire, emblematic of 21st century technologies and global reach while echoing all the way back to the very dawn of the American republic. Bases and borders are a fascinating way to understand the nature of colonial and imperial power and the expansionist and hierarchical thought and strategies which lie at their heart. Pry open any aspect of a society, especially of a great imperial power, and discover even in that limited sphere practically every sinew, priority, value, theory and practice; that society’s leaders’ characteristics, ideas, prejudices, governing interests, ideologies and world views.

The United States is no exception to this rule. For a detailed exploration of the new border paradigm, Todd Miller’s Empire of Borders (2019) is excellent investigative journalism – insightful, well researched and accessible. A great complementary companion volume to the book under review here.

David Vine’s The United States of War proves to be one of the most illuminating studies of how the empire of forts and bases developed and works. Vine, an anthropologist at American University in Washington, DC, begins by asking a disarmingly simple but necessary question: why are so many towns and cities in the US called ‘Fort’ something?

Fort Lee, Fort Worth, Fort Collins, Fort whatever; hundreds of such place names across the country – why? From that point, Vine shows something that seems rather obvious once revealed but which too few have bothered researching in depth – that the US was born fighting, born colonialist, born expansionist and born enslaving, exterminating and excluding people of colour, as well as waging class war on the poor, regardless of race.


The United States of War, David Vine, University of California Press, 2020.

The role of forts – military bases – in the colonial expansion of the US to its current continental territory is usually ignored. Or rather, it’s hidden in plain sight. How else was Native American territory seized? The fort was on the frontline of the frontier. American colonial expansion followed the fort.


The original 13 colonies that won their freedom from British colonial rule in 1783 covered 430,000 square miles – nowhere near the current US continental territory – but nevertheless the size of Britain, France and Germany combined. Today, US territory stands at almost 4 million square miles. Most of that had been added before the US’ imperial career is conventionally understood to have begun (1898) – a serious error.

Clearly, US imperialism and colonialism did not start in 1898. 1898 was a continuation of a strategy that started over a century earlier. The first foreign bases built by Euro-Americans predate the 1776 Declaration of Independence. From 1785 and the building of Fort Harmar, in Ohio, US bases encroached on Native American territory, encouraged westward-bound colonial settlements, seized land, and displaced and exterminated the indigenous peoples.

This was a holocaust on a massive scale that led to a new racist ideology to justify it – the natives weren’t really human; they were savages. Hence, scorched earth tactics, terror, assassination – “America’s first way of war” (page 50) that condoned violence against non-combatants and total destruction of villages and fields. Not just a way of war but the forging of a distinct US identity, according to Vine, that shaped later war-making, especially against those deemed racially inferior.

And this latter point is fundamental: successive generations of soldiers and citizens “made the killing of Indian men, women, and children a defining element of their first military tradition.” Violence for gain and expansion led to racism to rationalise and intellectually and morally justify massive violence. “The idea of race and defined ‘white’ and ‘Indian’ races solidified only in the mid-18th century, long after the cycles of brutality… were well underway…” (page 50).


That first way of war became key to being a white American. Indian wars were constructed as race wars – modern military Orientalism was born in bloodshed. It created white identities as fundamental to a prior right to power, land and privilege; an identity drenched in blood.

Exclude, exterminate, enslave, expand and expropriate. That’s the US Empire in a nutshell. The main issue is the principle of selection. Who decides? Who holds the power to define, decide, allocate resources and give orders? Though Vine does not labour the point, it is abundantly clear where he places the power of decision and perpetuation of the violent power that US bases embody: a powerful network of elites that rules America in their own interests and who sell the story to the broad mass of people that it is for their own good, so don’t ask questions about budgets or building bases or going to war.

It is the very sentiment expressed in the iconic words of Colonel Nathan R. Jessop in A Few Good Men, and the kind of military-industrial complex President Dwight Eisenhower warned about in 1961 – despite presiding over its formative years and, as a former US general, personifying the increasingly powerful links between the tripartite power elite sociologist C. Wright Mills identified in 1956: the corporate rich of Wall Street; warlords of the Pentagon; and the political directorate in the executive branch in Washington, DC.

Space prohibits too much more detail from Vine’s fascinating research and analysis – including hundreds of personal visits to US domestic and foreign bases. But any review would be remiss if it did not say something about his presentation of so many wonderfully illuminating maps of US forts, bases and military attacks and conflicts over time, starting in the 1770s through to the present day.

Those pictures, maps and graphs alone speak volumes: 90 domestic forts and bases across the USA from 1785-1878; wars, combat actions across the world from 1849-1898 (including Japan, China, Korea, Angola, Egypt, Uruguay, Turkey, among others); US bases, installations and so on shown to have expanded to every continent between 1776-1903; the 16 US bases in Asia, Latin America and the Indian Ocean after 1898, whose construction led to the displacement of local inhabitants.

It is pertinent to cite the treatment – forced relocation – of the Chagos islanders to make way for a US military base in a strategic area of the Indian Ocean. This was in pursuit of the US’ Strategic Island concept, which involved occupying small island territories, frequently uninhabited, and converting them into military bases free from fear of local anti-base protests.

The island of Diego Garcia had the misfortune of being located right in the middle of the Indian Ocean, “within striking distance of.. southern Africa to the Persian Gulf to Southeast Asia” (page 219). It was also advantageous that the island was under British colonial control even if several hundred people had lived there since the 1770s, descendants of enslaved Africans and indentured Indian workers. For $14 million in 1966, Britain gave the US basing rights and agreed to remove the Chagossians. That base proved especially useful to US war plans after 9-11.

The closeness of the US and British elites’ ideas and attitudes is openly racist towards the Chagossians – who were referred to as ‘Tarzans’ and ‘Men Fridays’, misrepresented as a floating and not permanent population as cover at the United Nations.

According to a Colonial Office memo, the aim was to show the Chagossians as an impermanent population “because to recognise that there are any permanent inhabitants will imply that there is a population whose democratic rights will have to be safeguarded and which will therefore be deemed by the UN to come within its purlieu…. This device, although rather transparent, would at least give us a defensible position to take up at the UN.” So much for the rule of law and decolonisation.

Encouragingly, in the face of what seems an inexorable and unstoppable tide of US military bases, Vine supplies a map of the world dotted with major anti-base protests and instances of bases being closed or blocked by local resistance – in Europe, Asia, Australia and Latin America. Imperial power generates its own gravediggers, though the costs exact a deadly toll.

What’s it all for? Well, George Kennan – Princeton scholar, state department planner, fully paid-up member of the US establishment who coined and outlined the Cold War strategy of ‘containment’ through an anonymous article published in the elite’s house organ, Foreign Affairs, said it pretty clearly in 1948:

“We have about 50% of the world’s wealth but only 6.3% of its population. Our real task in the coming period is to devise a pattern of relationships that will permit us to maintain this position of disparity without positive detriment to our national security… We need not deceive ourselves that we can afford today the luxury of altruism and world-benefaction.” (pages 189-190).

It doesn’t get much clearer than that.



Inderjeet Parmar is professor of international politics at City, University of London, and a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences. His Twitter handle is @USEmpire.