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Sunday, August 25, 2024

Are We Headed for Another Great Depression?


  • The current economic landscape shares striking similarities with the late 1920s,

  • marked by high debt, wealth inequality, and low energy consumption growth.

  • Historical data suggests a strong correlation between energy supply growth, economic growth, and income equality.

  • The world economy may be transitioning from growth to shrinkage due to declining energy resources, potentially leading to financial instability and political conflict.


Today, there is great wage and wealth disparity, just as there was in the late 1920s. Recent energy consumption growth has been low, just as it was in the 1920s. A significant difference today is that the debt level of the US government is already at an extraordinarily high level. Adding more debt now is fraught with peril.

Figure 1. US Gross Federal Debt as a percentage of GDP, based on data of the Federal Reserve of St. Louis. Unsafe level above 90% of GDP is based on an analysis by Reinhart and Rogoff.

Where could the economy go from here? In this post, I look at some historical relationships to understand better where the economy has been and where it could be headed. While debt levels and interest rates are important to the economy, a growing supply of suitable inexpensive energy products is just as important.

At the end, I speculate a little regarding where the US, Canada, and Europe could be headed. Division of current economies into parts could be ahead. While the problems of the late 1920s eventually led to World War II, it may be possible for the parts that are better supplied with energy resources to avoid getting into another major war, at least for a while.

[1] Government regulators have been using interest rates and debt availability for a very long time to try to regulate how the economy operates.

I have chosen to analyze US data because the US is the world’s largest economy. The US is also the holder of the world’s “reserve currency,” allowing demand for the US dollar (really US debt) to stay high because of its demand for use in international trade.

Figure 2. Secondary market interest rates on 3-month US Treasury Bills and 10-year US Treasury Securities, based on data accessed through the Federal Reserve of St. Louis. Amounts for 1940 through 2023 are annual averages. Amount for 2024 YTD is average of January to July 2024 amounts.

Comparing Figure 1 and Figure 2, it is clear that there is a close relationship between the charts. In particular, the highest interest rate in 1981 on Figure 2 corresponds to the lowest ratio of US government debt to GDP on Figure 1.

Up until 1981, the changes in interest rates were either imposed by market forces (“You can’t borrow that much without paying a higher rate”) or else as part of an attempt by the US Federal Reserve to slow an economy that was growing too fast for the available labor supply. After 1981, the same market dynamics no doubt took place, but the overall attempt at intervention by the US Federal Reserve seems to have been in the direction of speeding up an economy that wasn’t growing as fast as desired.

In Figure 2, the 3-month interest rates correspond fairly closely to government target interest rates. The 10-year interest rates tend to move on their own, perhaps somewhat influenced by Quantitative Easing (QE), in which the US government buys back some of its own debt to try to hold down longer-term interest rates. These longer-term interest rates influence US long-term mortgage interest rates.

Recent monthly data show that 10-year interest rates started rising very quickly after reaching a minimum following the Covid response in early 2020. The lowest 10-year average rates took place in July 2020, and rates started moving up in August 2020.

Figure 3. Monthly average secondary market interest rates on 3-month US Treasury Bills and 10-year US Treasury Securities, based on data accessed through the Federal Reserve of St. Louis.

This suggests to me that market forces play a significant role in 10-year interest rates. As soon as people started borrowing money to remodel or to move to a new suburban location, 10-year interest rates, and likely the related mortgage rates, started to drift upward again. If this observation is correct, the Federal Reserve has some control over interest rates, but it cannot adjust the 10-year interest rates underlying mortgages and other long-term debt by as much as it might like.

Related: UK Electricity Bills to Jump 10%

The apparent inability of the Federal Reserve to adjust longer-term interest rates to as low a level as it would like is concerning because the US government debt level is very high now (Figure 1). Being forced to pay 4% (or more) on long-term debt that rolls over could create a huge cash flow issue for the US government. More debt could be required simply to pay interest on existing debt!

[2] An analysis of actual growth in US GDP over time shows how successful the changing strategies in Figures 1 and 2 have been.

Figure 4. Three-year average US inflation-adjusted GDP growth rates based on data of the US Bureau of Economic Analysis.

In the 1930s, the US and much of the rest of the world were in the Great Depression. Interest rates were close to 0% (not shown on Figure 2, but available from the same data). Various versions of the New Deal under President Roosevelt were started in 1933 to 1945. Social Security was added in 1935. Figure 4 shows that these programs temporarily increased GDP, but they did not entirely solve the problem that had been caused by defaulting debt and failing banks.

Entering World War II was a huge success for increasing US GDP (Figure 4). Many more women were added to the workforce, making munitions and taking over jobs that men had held before they were drafted into the army.

After the war was over, the total number of jobs available dropped greatly. Somehow, private sector growth needed to be ramped, using debt of some kind, to provide jobs for the returning soldiers and others left without work. An abundant supply of fossil fuels was available, if debt-based demand could be put into place to pull the economy along. Programs were put into place to get factories running again making goods for the civilian economy. Additional jobs and energy demand were created by upgrading the electrical grid, increasing pipeline infrastructure, and (in 1956) starting work on an interstate highway system.

During the period between 1950 to 2023, the average growth rate of the US economy gradually stepped downward, despite all of the debt-based stimulus that was being added after 1981, as shown in Figure 5.

Figure 5. Average annual US GDP growth rates based on data of the US Bureau of Economic Activity.

[3] While growing debt is important for pulling an economy forward, a growing supply of energy is essential to actually produce physical goods and services.

Economic growth involves producing physical goods and services. The laws of physics tell us that energy supplies of the right types, in the right quantities, are necessary to make the goods and services that the physical economy depends upon.

The rate of growth of world energy supply has been stepping down over the years, as the easiest (and cheapest) to extract fossil fuels tend to get extracted first. The average rate of increase of all energy supply (not just fossil fuels) is shown in Figure 6:

Figure 6. Annual rate of increase in energy consumption growth for the earliest grouping is based on data provided by Vaclav Smil in the Appendix to Energy Transitions. Average rates of increase for later periods are calculated from data of the 2024 Statistical Review of World Energy, by the Energy Institute.

Comparing Figures 5 and 6, we can see that average annual US GDP growth approximately matched growth in world energy supplies in the first two periods: 1950-1970 and 1971-1980.

In the period 1981-2007, average US GDP growth (of 3.2%) soared above world energy consumption growth (of 2.1%). I would attribute this primarily to outsourcing a significant share of the US’s industrial production as the economy shifted to becoming more of a service economy. There were multiple advantages to moving to a service economy. US oil supply had become restricted, and a service economy would use less oil. Also, the costs of imported goods would be much lower than those made in the US for several reasons, including more efficient newly built factories, lower-wage workers, and the use of inexpensive coal as a fuel instead of oil.

The encouragement of increased use of “leverage” under Ronald Reagan in the US and Margaret Thatcher in the UK no doubt added to the effect of using more debt shown in Figure 1. The US government started borrowing more money, rather than increasing taxes. Businesses became larger and more complex. International trade started playing a larger role.

Related: Oil Prices Remain Vulnerable to Demand Fluctuations

Recent low growth in energy supplies has created an economic problem that added debt has only partially been able to hide. (In the latest period (2008-2023), both US average GDP growth (at 1.8%) and world energy consumption growth (at 1.5%) were very low.) Figure 1 shows that the US added huge amounts of debt, both after the 2008 financial crisis, and at the time of the Covid response in 2020. If it weren’t for these huge debt infusions, US GDP growth would no doubt have been much lower. GDP counts the quantity of goods and services produced, not whether added debt has been used to manufacture these goods, or whether customers have used debt to purchase these goods.

[4] In some ways, the world economy today is like the economy of the 1920s.

The 1920s were characterized by both the rising use of debt (especially consumer credit), and wide wage and wealth disparities. This was a time of innovation. Some farmers had modern new equipment that greatly enhanced efficiency, while most farmers could not afford this equipment.

Figure 7 shows a pattern of wage disparity that operates in precisely the opposite direction from the interest rate pattern shown in Figure 2. The lower the interest rates, the more the concentration of wealth among a very small portion of the population. The higher the interest rates, the more evenly wage and wealth is divided.

Figure 7. U. S. Income Shares of Top 1% and Top 0.1%, Wikipedia exhibit by Piketty and Saez.

A comparison of Figure 7 with Figure 6 and Figure 5 shows that (at least for the years since 1950), faster energy consumption growth seems to lead to faster economic growth. With faster economic growth, the economy can support higher interest rates and higher wages for lower-paid workers. There is less push for “complexity” to try to replace workers with machines.

When energy consumption growth is low, the economy tends to grow more slowly. The interest rates that corporations and individuals can afford to pay are relatively low. With low interest rates, asset prices of all kinds soar because monthly payments to buy these assets fall. The prices of stocks, bonds, homes, and farms tend to soar. The already rich become richer and richer, as the poor are increasingly squeezed out of the economy.

Physicist Francois Roddier has said that physics dictates the outcome of widely diverging incomes when energy supply is low. It takes much less energy to supply an economy of a few rich people and many poor people than it takes to support an economy with relatively equal incomes. The vast majority of the supposed wealth of the rich exists as promises that can only be fulfilled in the future if there is enough energy of the right kinds to fulfill these promises. Their promised future wealth does not affect today’s energy use. While the energy use of rich people is somewhat higher than that of poor people, much of the difference disappears when a person considers the fact that much of their wealth is essentially “paper wealth” that may or may not actually be present as the future actually unfolds.

Both the 1920s and the latest period (2008-2023) are very low energy-growth periods. The fact that (2008-2023) is a low energy growth period (at 1.5% per year) can be seen on Figure 6. Energy supply was growing even slightly more slowly in the 1920s (based on data from Vaclav Smil’s Energy Transitions). Population was growing by 1.1% per year in both the 1920s and in the latest period (2008-2023.) Net energy consumption per capita growth was slightly negative (-0.1%) in the 1920s and only a very small positive percentage (0.4%) in the 2008-2023 period. Per capita consumption had been growing much more quickly between 1950 and 1980.

[5] The economy becomes very fragile when the growth of energy supply is low, compared to the growth of the world’s population.

Hidden beneath the surface is the problem that there is not enough energy to go around. This problem doesn’t manifest itself in high prices; it manifests itself in unusually large wage disparities. Very rich individuals (such as Bill Gates and Elon Musk) gain excessive influence. Special interests and their drive for profits also become important. At times, this drive for profits can come ahead of the well-being of citizens.

Citizens become more quarrelsome. Differences between and within political parties become greater. Political candidates no longer treat other candidates with the respect we would have expected in the past. The problem is, in some sense, the problem of a game of musical chairs.

Figure 8. Chairs arranged for Musical Chairs Source: Fund Raising Auctioneer

Initially, the game has as many players as chairs. The players walk around the outside of the group of chairs as the music plays. In each round, one chair is removed and the players must scramble for the remaining chairs. The person who does not get a chair is eliminated from the game.

[6] It seems to me that major parts of the world economy are transitioning from a growth mode to a mode of shrinkage.

Figure 9 gives a representation of how the world’s growing economy can be visualized, and how it may change in the future.

Figure 9. Representation of an economy that is growing up until not long after 2020, and shrinking thereafter, by Gail Tverberg.

The fact that growth in the consumption of fossil fuel energy supplies has been retreating to lower levels should be of concern (Figure 6). At some point, the world economy will be in a situation in which the amount of fossil fuels we can extract is falling. While we have some add-ons to the fossil fuel system (including hydroelectric, nuclear, wind, and solar), they are all manufactured using the fossil fuel system and repaired using the fossil fuel system. These add-ons would stop producing not long after the fossil fuel system stops producing. They need fossil fuels to make replacement parts, among other problems.

The amount of growth in energy supply determines the growth in physical goods and services that can be produced. In periods of rapid growth, borrowing from the future, even at a high interest rate, makes sense. In periods of low growth, only loans with a very low interest rate are feasible. When the economy is shrinking, very few investments can repay loans requiring interest.

Needless to say, repaying debt with interest becomes much more difficult in a shrinking economy. In the US, our underlying problem is that since 1981, the US’s financial policy has been “throw every tool in the tool box” at stimulating the economy. We are now running out of tools to stimulate the economy to grow faster. Adding more debt isn’t likely to work very well, or for very long.

At this point, the many government-funded investments aimed at providing green energy and offering transportation by electricity are not paying back well. Citizens are repeatedly being told that there is a need to move away from fossil fuels to prevent climate change. But world CO2 emissions continue to rise. They simply moved to a different part of the world.

Figure 10. Carbon dioxide emissions for Advanced Economies (members of the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development) versus all others, based on data of the 2024 Statistical Review of World Energy published by the Energy Institute.

[7] What does history since 1920 say may be ahead?

It is hard to see that things will turn out well, but we do know that historical civilizations have collapsed over a period of many years. We can hope that if we are facing the collapse of at least part of the world’s economy, this collapse will also be slow. Some intermediate steps along the line likely include the following:

(a) Stock market collapses. After excessive speculation in the stock market in the late 1920s, the stock market collapsed on October 29, 1929, starting the Great Depression. Another major crash occurred in 2008, during the Great Recession. Both of these speculative bubbles seem to have been fueled by low short-term interest rates.

(b) Drops in the prices of homes, farms, and other assets. The Great Depression is noted for major drops in the prices of farms. The Great Recession is known for major drops in the prices of homes. We are now facing a situation with far too much Commercial Real Estate. Its price logically should fall. Farmers are also having difficulty because wholesale food prices are too low relative to the various costs involved, including interest payments relating to equipment purchases and mortgages. The problem is especially acute if farm property has been purchased at currently inflated prices. The prices of farms logically should fall, also.

(c) Debt defaults, related to asset price drops. Banks, insurance companies, pension plans and many individuals owning bonds will be badly affected if defaults on loans or bonds start increasing. (In fact, even if the market interest rates simply rise, the carrying value on financial statements is likely to fall.) If commercial real estate or a farm is sold and the sales price is less than the outstanding debt, the bank issuing the loan will be left with a loss. This debt is often resold, with credit rating agencies falling short in indicating how risky the debt really is.

(d) Failing banks, failing insurance companies, and failing pension plans. Even bankrupt governments defaulting on their loans.

With failing banks, there is less money in circulation. The tendency is for commodity prices to fall very low, putting farmers in worse financial shape than before. They cut back on production. Food production and transport use considerable amounts of oil. Reduced food production leads to less need for oil consumption and thus, falling oil prices. With low oil prices, production tends to fall.

(e) If a government survives, it may try to issue much more debt-based money to try to raise prices. This might work if the country is able to produce all goods locally. But the huge amount of new money (and debt) will not be honored by other countries. The result is likely to be hyperinflation, and still no goods to buy.

(f) Persecution of the wealthier people blamed for society’s problems. If people are poor, and there aren’t enough goods to go around, there is a tendency to find someone to blame for the problem. In Europe, prior to World War II, the Nazis persecuted the Jews. The Jews were often rich and worked in finance or the jewelry business.

(g) War. War gives the possibility of obtaining resources elsewhere. Figure 4 shows that going to war can greatly ramp up GDP. It is a way of putting laid-off workers back to work. It is an age-old solution to not-enough-resources-to-go-around.

[8] Can any political approach put off the bad impacts suggested in Section [7] above?

A country that can provide complete supply chains based on its own resources, completely within its own borders can be somewhat insulated from these problems, as long as its resources are adequate for its population. I don’t think that any of the Advanced Countries (members of the OECD, which is similar to the US and its allies) can do that today. The US is closer to this ideal than Europe, but it is still a long way away. The central and southern part of the US, which is where Donald Trump’s support is strong, is closer to this ideal than elsewhere.

Trump is advocating adding tariffs on imported goods. Such tariffs would work in the direction of independence from China, India, and other industrialized nations. Trump also seems to advocate staying out of wars, wherever possible. If an area is doing well in terms of energy supply (including food supply), this would be a good strategy.

Kamala Harris is advocating capping today’s food prices. This would please city-dwellers, but it would encourage farmers to quit farming. Capping today’s food prices would also discourage the importation of food from elsewhere, leaving many empty shelves in grocery stores. Indirectly, it would also have an adverse impact on the world’s oil production and the quantity of food grown elsewhere.

Giving more money to poor people would almost certainly lead to more government debt. If countries in Europe were to do this, it would almost certainly devalue their currencies. They would find it harder to import goods from anywhere else in the world.

In fact, the US would likely also encounter difficulty in importing as many goods from elsewhere, if it chooses to give more money to poor people (and fund this generosity through more debt). China and Russia would have even more motivation to abandon the US dollar for trading purposes than they do today. The US, Europe, and other Advanced Economies would increasingly find imported goods unavailable.

Wind, solar, and electric vehicles are not fixing the economy now. Adding more debt to subsidize these efforts would likely have the same bad effects as adding more debt to subsidize poor people.

[9] A guess as to what could be ahead for the US, Canada, and Europe.

Donald Trump is suggesting tariffs and other policies that might be helpful for the parts of the US, Canada, and Mexico that think they might have enough resources to more or less get along on their own in the near future. This includes much of the central and southern part of the US. Central Canada would fit into this pattern, as well. Mexico is connected by pipeline to this area, too. At least in the US, Trump is favored in these areas.

In the highly populated areas along both US coasts, the debt-based policies of Kamala Harris will seem more reasonable because these sections have limited resources to rely on, but lots of population. The only solution they can imagine is more debt. I expect that Europe and the coasts of Canada will follow Kamala Harris’s strategies, but with their own leaders.

I can imagine a scenario in which after the US election, the US will break apart into two sections: a Trump section in the center of the US, and a Harris portion consisting mostly of the two coasts, and perhaps a few northern states. The Trump section will band together with Central Canada and Mexico and try to keep operating for some years longer. The Harris portion will join together with the coasts of Canada and most of Europe to get into war with Russia and China. The Harris portion will issue lots more debt. The Harris group will forget that their areas cannot really make many armaments without a huge amount of international trade. As a result, the Harris group will have great difficulty in being successful at war.

By Gail Tverberg via Our Finite World

Saturday, August 24, 2024

Not a new Cold War: World today is closer to collapse of 1930s

By David Ekbladh, Tufts University
THE CONVERSATION

To a critical eye, the world looks less like the structured competition of that Cold War and more like the grinding collapse of world order that took place during the 1930s. 
Photo by Pixabay/Pexels

The past decade and a half has seen upheaval across the globe. The 2008 financial crisis and its fallout, the COVID-19 pandemic and major regional conflicts in Sudan, the Middle East, Ukraine and elsewhere have left residual uncertainty. Added to this is a tense, growing rivalry between the United States and its perceived opponents, particularly China.

In response to these jarring times, commentators have often reached for the easy analogy of the post-1945 era to explain geopolitics. The world is, we are told repeatedly, entering a "new Cold War."

But as a historian of the United States' place in the world, these references to a conflict that pitted the West in a decades-long ideological battle with the Soviet Union and its allies -- and the ripples the Cold War had around the globe -- are a flawed lens to view today's events. To a critical eye, the world looks less like the structured competition of that Cold War and more like the grinding collapse of world order that took place during the 1930s.


The 'low dishonest decade'

In 1939, the poet W.H. Auden referred to the previous 10 years as the "low dishonest decade" -- a time that bred uncertainty and conflict.

From the vantage of almost a century of hindsight, the period from the Wall Street Crash of 1929 to the onset of World War II can be distorted by loaded terms like "isolationism" or "appeasement." The decade is cast as a morality play about the rise of figures like Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini and simple tales of aggression appeased.

But the era was much more complicated. Powerful forces in the 1930s reshaped economies, societies and political beliefs. Understanding these dynamics can provide clarity for the confounding events of recent years.

Greater and lesser depressions

The Great Depression defined the 1930s across the world. It was not, as it is often remembered, simply the stock market crash of 1929. That was merely an overture to a large-scale unraveling of the world economy that lasted a painfully long time.

Persistent economic problems impacted economies and individuals from Minneapolis to Mumbai, India, and wrought profound cultural, social and, ultimately, political changes. Meanwhile, the length of the Great Depression and its resistance to standard solutions -- such as simply letting market forces "purge the rot" of a massive crisis -- discredited the laissez faire approach to economics and the liberal capitalist states that supported it.

The "Lesser Depression" that followed the 2008 financial crisis produced something similar -- throwing international and domestic economies into chaos, making billions insecure and discrediting a liberal globalization that had ruled since the 1990s.

In both the greater and lesser depressions, people around the world had their lives upended and, finding established ideas, elites and institutions wanting, turned to more radical and extreme voices.

It wasn't just Wall Street that crashed; for many, the crisis undercut the ideology driving the United States and many parts of the world: liberalism. In the 1930s, this skepticism bred questions of whether democracy and capitalism, already beset with contradictions in the form of discrimination, racism and empire, were suited for the demands of the modern world. Over the past decade, we have similarly seen voters turn to authoritarian-leaning populists in countries around the world.

American essayist Edmund Wilson lamented in 1931: "We have lost ... not merely our way in the economic labyrinth but our conviction of the value of what we are doing." Writers in major magazines accounted for "why liberalism is bankrupt."

Today, figures on the left and right can similarly share in a view articulated by conservative political scientist Patrick Deneen in his book, Why Liberalism Failed.

Ill winds

Liberalism -- an ideology broadly based on individual freedoms and rule of law as well as a faith in private property and the free market -- was touted by its backers as a way to bring democratization and economic prosperity to the world. But recently, liberal "globalization" has hit the skids.

The Great Depression had a similar effect. The optimism of the 1920s -- a period some called the "first wave" of democratization -- collapsed as countries from Japan to Poland established populist, authoritarian governments.

The rise today of figures like Hungary's Victor Orban, Vladimir Putin in Russia, and China's Xi Jinping remind historians of the continuing appeal of authoritarianism in moments of uncertainty.

Both eras share a growing fragmentation in the world economy in which countries, including the United States, tried to staunch economic bleeding by raising tariffs to protect domestic industries.

Economic nationalism, although hotly debated and opposed, became a dominant force globally in the 1930s. This is mirrored by recent appeals of protectionist policies in many countries, including the United States.

A world of grievance

While the Great Depression sparked a "New Deal" in the United States where the government took on new roles in the economy and society, elsewhere people burned by the implosion of a liberal world economy saw the rise of regimes that placed enormous power in the hands of the central government.

The appeal today of China's model of authoritarian economic growth, and the image of the strongman embodied by Orban, Putin and others -- not only in parts of the "Global South" but also in parts of the West -- echoes the 1930s.

The Depression intensified a set of what were called "totalitarian" ideologies: fascism in Italy, communism in Russia, militarism in Japan and, above all, Nazism in Germany.

Importantly, it gave these systems a level of legitimacy in the eyes of many around the world, particularly when compared to doddering liberal governments that seemed unable to offer answers to the crises.

Some of these totalitarian regimes had preexisting grievances with the world established after World War I. And, after the failure of a global order based on liberal principles to deliver stability, they set out to reshape it on their own terms.

Observers today may express shock at the return of large-scale war and the challenge it poses to global stability. But it has a distinct parallel to the Depression years.

Early in the 1930s, countries like Japan moved to revise the world system through force -- hence the reason such nations were known as "revisionist." Slicing off pieces of China, specifically Manchuria in 1931, was met -- not unlike Russia's seizure of Crimea in 2014 -- with little more than nonrecognition from the Western democracies.

As the decade progressed, open military aggression spread. China became a bellwether as its anti-imperial war for self-preservation against Japan was haltingly supported by other powers. Ukrainians today might well understand this parallel.

Ethiopia, Spain, Czechoslovakia and eventually Poland became targets for "revisionist" states using military aggression, or the threat of it, to reshape the international order in their own image.

Ironically, by the end of the 1930s, many living through those crisis years saw their own "cold war" against the regimes and methods of states like Nazi Germany. They used those very words to describe the breakdown of normal international affairs into a scrum of constant, sometimes violent, competition. French observers described a period of "no peace, no war" or a "demi guerre."

Figures at the time understood that it was less an ongoing competition than a crucible for norms and relationships being forged anew. Their words echo in the sentiments of those who see today the forging of a new multipolar world and the rise of regional powers looking to expand their own local influences.

Taking the reins

It is sobering to compare our current moment with one in the past whose terminus was global war.

Histoical parallels are never perfect, but they do invite us to reconsider our present. Our future neither has to be a reprise of the "hot war" that concluded the 1930s, nor the Cold War that followed.

The rising power and capabilities of countries like Brazil, India and other regional powers remind one that historical actors evolve and change. However, acknowledging that our own era, like the 1930s, is a complicated multipolar period, buffeted by serious crises, allows us to see that tectonic forces are again reshaping many basic relationships. Comprehending this offers us a chance to rein in forces that in another time led to catastrophe.

David Ekbladh is a professor of history at Tufts University.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article. The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of the author.

Friday, August 23, 2024

 

American Interventionist Foreign Policy: One and a Quarter Century of Failure

When Theodore Roosevelt succeeded William McKinley as president in 1901, he realized the US was no longer just a continental republic; with the Spanish-American War of 1898, America now claimed Guam, Puerto Rico and the Philippines as territories, Cuba a protectorate and annexed Hawaii.

Roosevelt “believed it was the burden of ‘civilized’ nations to uplift ‘uncivilized’ nations,” says Michael Patrick Cullinane. He believed U.S. interests were global interests, and that it was actually good for “civilized” nations to intervene in other countries’ affairs.

Moreover, the 26th president made sure the U.S. played a larger role in international affairs by extending the Monroe doctrine through the Roosevelt Corollary – the United States, henceforth, would protect countries in the Americas from recolonization by European powers, and would intervene militarily if  necessary to do so. It was a foreign policy he described as “speak softly and carry a big stick.” US presidents since Roosevelt have pursued his “big stick” foreign policy agenda.

In the slightly less than a hundred years from 1898 to 1994, the U.S. government (directly or indirectly) has intervened successfully to change governments in Latin America, alone, at least 41 times. That amounts to once every 28 months for an entire century. Overall, while the United States engaged in 46 military interventions from 1948–1991, from 1992–2017 that number increased fourfold to 188.

The “first” Roosevelt era was the beginning of America’s orientation towards interventionism – it would influence America’s interventionist policies for the next one and a quarter century.

In more than 80 countries worldwide, the US manages over 750 military facilities. With such distribution of military capabilities, it has and continues to influence (if not actually intervene) in major and minor conflicts – most recently in Eastern Europe and the Middle East.

In May of this year, the Editorial Board of the Wall Street Journal called for the US to assist the opposition in overthrowing the Iranian regime after the death in a helicopter crash of Iran’s President, Ebrahim Raisi.

And in the “breadbasket” of Europe, former Deputy Secretary of State (and “war hawk”) Victoria Nuland continued to agitate for greater belligerency – urging the White House to help Ukraine strike deep inside Russian territory. Given the recent incursion by Kiev into Russia’s Kursk region, Biden appears to have acquiesced to that view.

The US has since the second world war and especially after the fall of the Wall in ‘89, pursued foreign policy initiatives that foster calls for escalation, rather than diplomatic discourse, in potentially serious geopolitical situations.

In the late 1970s and ’80s, the U.S. funneled billions of dollars to Islamist extremists, including the Mujahideen Muslim guerrilla fighters that resisted the Soviet’s 10-year  invasion of Afghanistan in the 1980s. While those fighters eventually expelled Russian influence, they later fought each other for dominance. In the ensuing power struggle (using American weapons), a cadre of those rebels (including Osama Bin Laden) ultimately coalesced into the Taliban, al-Qaeda – and 911.

Since 9/11, America has expended over $8 trillion on wars with “enemies” and “friends” in the Middle East. Iraq, Syria, Libya and Yemen define the former – Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Jordan the latter. And this while thousands of American soldiers and hundreds of thousands of civilians perish in America’s foreign policy interventions to “nation-build” and make the Middle East safe for democracy.

Yet, irrespective of America’s decades-long failed foreign policy initiatives in the region, there are those who remain sanguine about further meddling in the Middle East. America’s history in Iran is a prime example of what we should not have done in the past and should not do in the future.

In 1953, the U.S. CIA along with Britain’s MI6 engineered the overthrow of the democratically elected Iranian leader, Mohammad Mosaddegh. The latter had nationalist leanings and opposed British petroleum companies’ exclusive oil rights in the country. The West further feared (without substantiation) that Mosaddegh had Communist sympathies that might push him to support the Soviets. Following the coup, the U.S. installed Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi – a brutal dictator – loyal to the policies of the West.

Decades of the Shah’s repressive rule inspired hatred toward America that culminated in the 1979 Iran hostage crisis and the Iranian Revolution. The Shah was ousted and the government replaced with the theocratic Islamic Republic we have today.

And as we saw earlier, some want the U.S. to (once more) overthrow an Iranian government we were instrumental in bringing to power.

Former Congressman Ron Paul said it very well in 2008: Terrorists “don’t come here and attack us because we’re rich and we’re free. They come and they attack us because we’re over there.”

The wars in Iraq are quintessential examples of American foreign policy initiatives based on shortsighted aims of neoconservative ideology during the George W. Bush years. Personal enmity and faulty (or unpopular) intelligence resulted in thousands of Americans killed based on a false premise. There never were any weapons of mass destruction – just the hatred of an arrogant Iraqi leader and the questionable notion of nation-building in the Middle East.

Today, the wars continue. The US played an integral role in the events that led to the devastating war between Russia and Ukraine. Despite the fall of the Soviet Union in ‘89, NATO remained intact and expanded eastward. Soviet expert George Kennan, a key architect of US Cold War policy, warned such action would be “a tragic mistake” that would ultimately provoke “a bad reaction from Russia.”

For over a decade now, against the warnings of former ambassador to Russia and current CIA Director William Burns, the U.S. has openly advocated for Ukrainian entry into NATO, a hard “red line” for Russia.

Even though Western meddling in the affairs of Ukraine was anathema to the Russians, the U.S. helped engineer a coup to overthrow the democratically elected president of Ukraine, Viktor Yanukovych, in 2014. The latter had announced that he would sign an economic agreement with Russia instead of the E.U. This would eventually lead to the Ukraine-Russia war currently in its second year of hostilities.

NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg has disclosed that in 2021 (one year before the Ukraine-Russia conflict began) Russia sent NATO a draft treaty regarding Ukraine. The terms required NATO to abandon any future plans of expansion as a precondition for Russia not invading Ukraine. The West refused. Only then did Russia invade. The invasion, while reprehensible, certainly was telegraphed by Moscow and with no less than due warning.

Recent research by Monica Duffy Toft, professor of international politics at Tufts, is instructive. The US she finds, is indeed engaging in military interventions more often than previously, and for different reasons.

“The rate of interventions has accelerated over time, and since the end of the Cold War, we’ve been pursuing fewer and lower national interests,” says Toft.

Just since the year 2000, Toft’s 5-year research project documents 72 interventions. And in one region of the world, the Middle East and North Africa, the U.S. has been involved in 77 military interventions, mostly since the 1940s.

Toft likens the current state of U.S. foreign policy to a game of “whack-a-mole,” in which the U.S. sees issues popping up and has “only one way of dealing with them, which is the hammer” of military force.

The professor is clear in her assessment: Overreliance on destabilizing sanctions and military force rather than diplomacy, intelligence gathering, economic statecraft, and the powers of persuasion harms America’s reputation abroad, causing itself to be viewed as a threat – diminishing its influence in the process.

America’s current self-imposed role as the “world’s policeman” is a capitulation of US diplomatic leadership. But this is what happens when a great country like the United States allows decades of mediocre leadership to prevail. Political agendas produce foreign policy initiatives (Vietnam, Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, Ukraine) inconsistent with what is in the best interest of America.

US foreign policy should seek two objectives:

Keeping America safe and fostering America’s economic and political hegemony through strategic leadership rather than jeopardizing both by trying to be the “world’s policeman.”

Professor Toft declares against an isolationist position, but neither she says should America’s foreign policy default position be one of military intervention first.

A century of this has failed to produce a safer world for anyone – including America.

I am Director of The Fulcrum Institute, a new organization of current and former scholars in the Humanities, Foreign Affairs and Philosophy, Situated in Houston, Texas, USA. The “Institute”  focuses on the foreign policy initiatives of Europe as it relates to the economic and foreign policy initiatives of the US, UK, China and Russia. Our primary interest is in working towards an economic and political world in which more voices and fewer bombs are heard. (The website-URL will be live by late fall of 2024. The web address will be http://www.thefulcruminstitute.org.).