Beck, Naomi (2012) : Social Darwinism, Papers on Economics and Evolution, No. 1215, Max-Planck-Inst. für Ökonomik, Jena
Huxley reiterated this conclusion with greater conviction in a famous lecture on evolution
and ethics: “Let us understand, once for all, that the ethical progress of society depends, not on
imitating the cosmic process, still less in running away from it, but in combating it.” According
to Huxley, in the course of our development, the idea of justice underwent a gradual sublimation
from punishment and reward according to acts, to punishment and reward according to desert. As
a result, the conscience of humans began to revolt against the moral indifference of nature.
Huxley denounced “fanatical individualism” for misunderstanding the nonmoral character of
natural evolution and deplored the fallacy that arose from the “unfortunate ambiguity” of the
phrase “the survival of the fittest”; whereby “fittest” received the connotation of “best” or
“good” in a moral sense. He then continued to claim that laws and moral precepts should be
directed to the end of curbing nature and to reminding the individual of his or her duty to the
community in making peaceful and protected existence possible. Social organization should aim
“not so much to the survival of the fittest, as to the fitting of as many as possible to survive”
(Ruse 2009, pp. 80-83).
Huxley was undoubtedly one of the most critical voices against attempts to draw a
connection between biological and cultural evolution. He saw nature as a formidable power, red
in tooth and claw, yet believed, somewhat contradictorily, that humans’ intelligence would
provide enough stamina to counter this cosmic force. In the meantime, an alternative
understanding of the nature of the evolutionary process emerged, carrying with it a very different
message. It is most commonly associated with the view of Russian zoologist and anarchist Peter
Kropotkin, though he was by no means the only one, or even the first, to enounce it. Kropotkin
argued that mutual aid and support were as much a law of nature as the struggle for existence. He
distinguished between two different aspects of the struggle for existence: the exterior war of the
species against the harsh environment and other species, and the intraspecies war for means of
subsistence. The latter, Kropotkin claimed, was often greatly exaggerated. He brought forth as
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evidence his own observations made in Siberia of many adaptations for struggling in common
against the adverse circumstances of the climate or against various enemies. Kropotkin ([1902]
2008, pp. 5, 12, 137) concluded that the animals which acquired habits of mutual aid were
“undoubtedly the fittest” and the most highly developed. These findings applied also to human
beings, whose history Kropotkin reviewed, asserting “the ethical progress of our race, viewed in
its broad lines, appears as a gradual extension of the mutual aid principles from the tribe to
always larger and larger agglomerations.” Huxley’s gladiatorial view was simply a “very
incorrect representation of the facts of Nature.”
Faced with the grim reality of the 1914 hostilities, Kropotkin wrote a preface to a reprint
of Mutual Aid: A Factor in Evolution in which he condemned the use of the struggle for
existence as an explanation for the war horrors. Though clearly the evidence for his theory was at
this point far from convincing, Kropotkin did not lose faith. This might prompt us to ask whether
some of the other viewpoints surveyed above relied on stronger foundations, and to ponder the
essence of social Darwinism. Our survey shows that under the auspices of the theory of evolution
the most disparate conceptions of progress, and diametrically opposed political positions, were
heralded. Today there is still great disagreement as to how evolutionary principles apply to the
human domain and what practical conclusions we can gain from understanding them. We know
more about biology, and we have better tools to study the particularities of our species. Yet
Darwin’s prediction seems to hold: “light will be thrown,” and we have still much to learn from
further research into the history, psychology, and social behaviour of our species. Evolution is
too complex a theory to yield quick or simple answers, and this complexity is at the core of many
partial interpretations and abuses of it. It is also what makes the theory of evolution so
fascinating: we know that it must provide invaluable insights if only for the reason that we are
part of the living world.