Monday, December 06, 2021

PAKISTAN BLASPHEMY LYNCHING
Sialkot tragedy cannot be defended, Pakistani Americans say
Published December 5, 2021 -
A man along with others carries a sign, condemning the lynching of the Sri Lankan manager of a garment factory after an attack on the factory in Sialkot, during a protest in Lahore, on Dec 4. — Reuters


WASHINGTON: “The Sialkot tragedy will have a horrible impact on our efforts to promote Pakistan in the US Congress,” says Dr Rao Kamran Ali, who heads the Pakistani American Political Action Committee.

Wajid Hassan of the Pakistani American Congress fears that this incident will have a long-lasting effect. “Every time we go and talk about Pakistan, they will ask about the Sialkot incident.”

Agha Hasnain, a Pakistani runner who has run 135 marathons in each of the 50 US states, says that whenever he gets a chance, he talks about Pakistan after an event. “But now, it will be very difficult to do so. This is unbelievably bad news for Pakistan.”

President PTI Washington, DC Junaid (Johnny) Bashir says he is ‘devastated.’ “We need to act now, arrest all those responsible and ensure that all of them are punished.”

Khawar Shamsul Hassan, a Pakistani American entrepreneur, agrees. “It is the perceived and real absence of law and order and accountability that emboldens the extremists to do such things,” he says.

The incident has jolted the Pakistani American community like the Peshawar school tragedy did in 2014. From Los Angeles, California, to Baltimore, Maryland, Pakistani Americans have posted hundreds of thousands of messages on social media, expressing their grief, anger and fear.

“They have turned the country into a madhouse,” says Bushra Ahmed of Baltimore. “Who will bell this insane cat?” asks Ras Siddiqui of Sacramento, California.

Mr Hassan of the Pakistani American Congress, who is from Seattle, Washington, says his group has been lobbying for Pakistan for the last eight years. “Every now and then, something happens that tarnishes the country’s image,” he says.

“This indicates that we have no tolerance for religious minorities in Pakistan. It will have a negative impact on everything, from tourism to investment,” he adds. “American lawmakers will be asking about it every time we go to discuss Pakistan with them.”

He thinks that it will also impede Pakistan’s effort to come off the FATF gray list and will be mentioned in international reports on religious intolerance as well.

Dr Khalid Abdullah of the Physicians for Social Responsibility NGO suggests “reconsidering policies and laws that encourage such violence. “Burning someone alive! No, people are not going to forget it anytime soon. We have crossed the limits of narrow-mindedness.”

Dr Ali of Pak Pac, who lives in Dallas, regrets the failure of the Pakistani state in curbing such activities. “When something so horrible happens, something that is also evidence-based, it is difficult to deal with,” he says. “TLP committed such atrocities before too. Then it made a truce. It went back to violence and made another pact with the authorities! How long will this continue?” he asks. This must stop.”

“We are so ashamed! No word can describe our feeling,” says Mr Bashir of PTI, who lives in Virginia. “Americans already have a bad image of Pakistan, and this makes it worse. The only way to deal with it is to give exemplary punishment to the perpetrators.”

Mr Hasnain, the runner from Virginia, says his daughter “showed me the news and asked: ‘What’s happening in Pakistan?’ I said those are foolish people. But she, ‘that’s not an answer. Tell me how they let this happen?’”

“Our state has backed down many times in the face of street power and that sends the wrong message. This must stop now,” says Mr. Hassan, the entrepreneur from Maryland.

Published in Dawn, December 5th, 2021

Horror in Sialkot

Editorial
 December 5, 2021 - 

ONCE again, we are reminded how far this nation has descended into the abyss. This time the sickeningly familiar ritual of savage violence was enacted in Sialkot where Priyantha Kumara Diyawadana, a Sri Lankan national, was beaten to death on Friday over blasphemy allegations at the factory where he worked as a manager.

The mob then dragged his mangled body out on the road and set it on fire, where individuals on the scene — as if to underscore their utter lack of humanity — took selfies with the burning corpse. Where were law-enforcement personnel who should have protected Mr Diyawadana? How was the situation allowed to escalate to the point it did? What followed the grisly murder was predictable: condemnation by the political leadership, with the government vowing to punish the perpetrators to the fullest extent of the law. The army chief too, almost certainly because the victim was a foreign national, denounced “such extrajudicial vigilantism”.

For the same reason perhaps, religious bodies have also shown alacrity where they usually maintain a deafening silence and issued statements to condemn the lynching. Most ironic among them is the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan, the ultra-right group that proudly claims as its inspiration a man who committed murder in the name of blasphemy.

It is indeed a day of shame for Pakistan. Having repeatedly vented our bloodlust on our own, this time the extremists amongst us turned on an individual who was a guest in this country. Not surprisingly, however, the official denunciations only touch upon the here and now, the tip of the iceberg. The bitter truth is, on the last day of his life, Mr Diyawadana came face to face with the consequences of the Pakistani state’s decades-long policy of appeasing religious extremists. Even though the violent ultra-right outfits once used for strategic objectives began to be reined in a few years ago, other sectarian groups that were radicalised as part of the same process have since gained new ground. As extremism seeped into the body politic, blasphemy increasingly became weaponised, an expedient tool that could be wielded in a variety of situations: to take over the land of minority communities, to settle personal disputes — even to engineer protests to destabilise a sitting government in 2017.

All it takes now is an allegation of blasphemy and an individual or two to incite a mob to commit murder. Who can forget young Mashal Khan, lynched by his fellow students in 2017, or Shama and Shahzad Masih, burned alive in a brick kiln in 2014? These are but three victims in a long chronology of horror. Each act of lynching, each desecration of a place of worship, each life destroyed as a result is an indictment of a state that has long made cynical use of religion as part of its playbook. We must reverse course before the flames of intolerance devour us as a nation.

Published in Dawn, December 5th, 2021

Mirror, mirror on the wall…

Fahd Husain
Published December 4, 2021
The writer is Dawn’s resident editor in Islamabad.


NO one is responsible for lynching a Sri Lankan national in Sialkot on Friday. Absolutely no one. That is the lesson we may as well internalise once we are done being shocked and outraged.

Not that this will take too long. We are a resilient nation, as we are so fond of saying. There have been lynchings before — remember Mashal Khan and the two brothers in Sialkot — and we have survived those with our grace and dignity intact, thank you very much. That said, the official machinery’s experience of dealing with shocking incidents will once again keep it in good stead. The SOP files detailing a response have already been dusted off the shelves and are being followed in letter and spirit.

Prime minister’s tweet of shock. Check. Chief mi­­nister’s expression of sadness and ordering of in­­q­ui­­ry. Check. Inspector general police’s vow to arrest the culprits. Check. DC/DPO’s arrival on the scene re­gistered in a ‘timely’ fashion. Check. Cabinet ministers’ random vows/ outrages/ condolences. Check. Official maulana/ ulema/ cleric reminder this is not what our religion teaches us. Check. Usual suspects’ denial of involvement. Check. And check, check, check…,

This is followed by the unofficial reaction. Celeb­r­­i­­ties’ tweets of sadness/ what-have-we-become lam­e­­nt/ tsk tsk-ing. Check. Random politicians’ statements holding the government/ state/ society responsible for the incident. Check. Usual suspects’ finger-pointing at the establishment for mollycoddling hatemongers. Check. Right-wingers blaming left-wingers, middle-wingers and no-wingers for equating lynching with beliefs and institutions instead of looking inwards. Check. Talk shows, columns (including this one) seminars, webinars, Twitter spaces triggering high-decibel noise amou­nting to nothing more than a catharsis whose time has long passed. Check. And check, check, check…,

Read: 'What have we become?' — Activists, celebrities express horror over Sialkot lynching

We are a resilient nation, as we are so fond of saying.

Finally the post-event file is extracted from the drawer and the SOPs implemented like clockwork. Those arrested to be produced in front of cameras and the courts. Check. PM/ CM/ IGP/ ministers’ statement claiming no one will be spared. Check. PM/ CM/ ministers’ media talk lamenting the state of affairs over decades and how it will take them time to steer things in the right direction. Check. PM/ CM/ ministers’ announcement of compensation for the heirs. Check. Speeches in the National Assembly and Senate on random points of orders leading to a whole lot of nothing. Check. Local administration officials transferred/OSD-ed/ reprimanded. Check. General calls for tolerance/ interfaith harmony/ review of hate literature. Check. Candlelit vigil/ walk/ run/ moment-of-silence. Check. And check, check, check.…

Then, just like that, it’s over. And done. And dus­t­­ed. Because, you see, no one is really responsible. Or everyone is. And when everyone is, no one really is.

Not the prime minister. Because, after all, he can’t be expected to ensure personally that lynchings don’t happen. He’s got bigger things on his plate/ other fish to fry/ important matters to attend to/ take care of the big picture. Etc. Etc. Etc.

Not the chief minister. That’s why he has a police force. And a Pakistan Administrative Service force. And all other forces/ departments/ organisations/personnel/ MNAs/ MPAs/ local grandees who are supposed to keep an eye on the situation on the ground and pre-empt such tragedies from happening. Etc. Etc. Etc.

Not the IGP. Because you know, why else does he have his SSP/ SP/ ASP/ DSP/ SHO/ ASI on the ground? Precisely. Sitting far away in the provincial capital, he can’t really stop crowds from lynching people now, can he? What he can do is to order inquiry/ scold subordinates/ transfer/ reprimand/ demote/ suspend. And he does that as responsibly as he can. So why point the finger at him? Etc. Etc. Etc.

Not the cabinet/ ruling party/ government. Because you see, they have only been in power for three years and therefore really cannot be expected to stop lynchings that are — as per logic — a by-product of hate seeded into the soil over decades. So the cabinet/ ruling party/ government will do what it can do: condemn/ bemoan/ lament/ blame/ politicise/ spin/ move on. After all, they can’t be held responsible for everything that happens in Pakistan because — as we all know — they have only been in power for a measly three years. Etc. Etc. Etc.

Not the establishment. Never. What have they got to do with the lynching? There they are in their barracks, minding their own business far far away from problems that have little to do with their mandate as the guardians of the borders. Previous dictators res­p­­­onsible? Perhaps but that was a long time ago. Nur­turing extremist groups and their ideologies? That was in the past and the past is, as they say, another country. So they have no skin in the game. Etc. Etc. Etc.

Usual suspects/ extremist ideology peddlers/ madras­­sahs. Wrong again. Because they teach tolerance/ love/ peace/ righteousness. Their job is to educate society why such lynchings are against all teachings. They will be the loudest to condemn and shall remind everyone again and again and again that they are, and have always been, part of the solution and not part of the problem. And what choice do we have? Of course, to believe them. Not to blame them. Etc. Etc. Etc.

Read: Acts of faith — Why people get killed over blasphemy in Pakistan

And so we come a full circle. A little bit of theoretical/ rhetorical/ oratorical blame for everyone so that there is real blame for none. We are who we are and someone else at some other time for some different reason in some distinctive situation in some particular context will try find an answer to the riddle of lynchings/ intolerance/ hate/ bigotry. A time will come for this to happen, but that time is not now and that place is not this one.

For this place, there are set ways of doing things. Those things are included in checklists and shall indeed — never fear — will be done tomorrow/ day after/ next week/ next month. And while they are being done, state/ government/ ruling party/ other parties/ religious organisations/ civil society/ all of us will pretend we have learnt our lessons after having our sensibilities ravaged once again, and that this was indeed the last incident of lynching/ mob murder/ shocking violence/ barbarism. This will make us feel slightly less bad/ slightly more good/ marginally less guilty.

And so shall end the story that begins with us asking ‘Mirror, mirror on the wall, who is the fairest of us all. We lie. The mirror does not.

Twitter: @fahdhusain
Published in Dawn, December 4th, 2021









Twitter shuts down ‘propaganda accounts’ in six countries

  Published December 3, 2021
A photo of Twitter's application on a cellphone. — AP/File

SAN FRANCISCO: Twitter said on Thursday it had shut down nearly 3,500 accounts that were posting pro-government propaganda in six countries, including China and Russia.

The vast majority of the accounts were part of a network that “amplified Chinese Communist Party narratives related to the treatment of the Uyghur population in Xinjiang”, Twitter said in a statement.

China faces accusations of human rights violations against the ethnic minority in the northwestern province.

Aside from 2,048 accounts linked to the pro-Beijing campaign, Twitter also shut down 112 accounts connected to a company named Changyu Culture, linked to Xinjiang’s regional government.

The move came a day after Facebook’s parent company Meta said it had shut down more than 500 accounts that were part of a China-linked influence campaign relating to Covid-19.

The accounts promoted claims from a reportedly fictitious Swiss biologist, Wilson Edwards, that the United States was interfering in efforts to identify the origins of the coronavirus.

Both Twitter and Facebook are banned in China, but Beijing frequently uses both US social networks to promote its positions on the international stage.

Twitter also shuttered 16 accounts linked to the Internet Research Agency, a Russian company labelled a “troll farm” by critics, which runs pro-government online influence campaigns.

“The operation relied on a mix of inauthentic and real accounts to introduce a pro-Russia viewpoint into Central African political discourse,” Twitter said.

Russia has wielded increasing influence in the Central African Republic since 2018 when it sent a large contingent of “instructors” to train the army.

“We also removed a network of 50 accounts that attacked the civilian Libyan government and actors that support it, while voicing significant support for Russia’s geopolitical position in Libya and Syria,” Twitter added.

Published in Dawn, December 3rd, 2021

PAKISTAN POLITICAL PERSECUTION

Military court convicts rights activist of espionage

Published December 5, 2021 - 
This file photo shows rights and political activist Idris Khattak. — DawnNewsTV/File

ISLAMABAD: Rights and political activist Idris Khattak has been convicted of espionage and sentenced to 14 years rigorous imprisonment, a security source disclosed on Saturday.

“Khattak was found guilty of espionage and leaking of sensitive information by a Field General Court Martial (FGCM). He was handed down 14-year rigorous jail term,” the source said while talking to Dawn.

The verdict was pronounced this week after the trial concluded in Jhelum.

The source said he was tried under Pakistan Army Act and Official Secrets Act, 1923. He was accused of providing sensitive information to a foreign intelligence agency.

Defending his court martial, the source said that any individual accused of espionage, whether or not he is a serviceman, can be tried by a FGCM.

Khattak has reportedly been shifted to Jhelum district jail for serving the sentence.

AI urges authorities to give Idris access to lawyers, produce him before a civilian court

The source said he could appeal before the appellate tribunal and subsequently before the army chief.

Khattak remained associated with Amnesty International and had investigated enforced disappearances in erstwhile tribal areas and Balochistan.

He was travelling from Islamabad to Peshawar on November 13, 2019 when he was picked by an intelligence agency near Swabi interchange. After nearly six months of public campaign by his family and filing of a habeas corpus petition at the Peshawar High Court, the defence ministry on June 16, 2020 admitted that he was in military’s custody and had been charged with treason under the Official Secrets Act.

Khattak’s brother later filed a petition with the Peshawar High Court seeking an end to his trial by the military court. The high court, however, on Jan 28, 2021 rejected the appeal.

Meanwhile, three retired military officers were given varying jail sentences by another FGCM in Rawalpindi.

According to the security source, Lt Col (retd) Faiz Rasool was given 14 years rigorous imprisonment, Lt Col (retd) Akmal 10 years rigorous imprisonment, and Maj (retd) Saifuddin 12 years rigorous imprisonment.

All three officers were also convicted of espionage and leaking sensitive information.

The source said all the three were retired at the time of the commissioning of crime.

Amnesty International

In a reaction to Khattak’s sentencing, Amnesty International’s Deputy South Asia Director Thyagi Ruwanpathirana said: “Idris Khattak’s family and lawyer are being kept in the dark by the Pakistani authorities about the exact status of his case and reported conviction, violating the right to fair trial and due process and making it impossible for them to plan any legal recourse.”

“If his conviction is confirmed, it will be the culmination of a shameful two-year process that has been unjust from start to finish,” the AI official said.

Few details about the case against him had been disclosed, the official said, while according to his lawyer, the proceedings were ‘deeply flawed’.

AI asked Pakistan’s authorities to provide details of the case to the family, give him access to lawyers, and produce him before a civilian court for deciding about lawfulness of his arrest and detention.

Published in Dawn, December 5th, 2021

PAKISTAN
Gwadar’s women
Maryam Zia Baloch
Published December 5, 2021 - 

The writer is a research analyst at the World Bank and a Fulbright alumna.

WHAT happened in Gwadar earlier this week was surprising for everyone in the country. Hundreds of women participated in the rally ‘Give Rights to Gwadar’, led by Maulana Hidayat-ur-Rehman of the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI). Never before have Baloch women come out in such huge numbers for any public movement or political party, anywhere in Balochistan. True, Baloch women have been at the forefront of the struggle for the recovery of Baloch missing persons since the last 10 years.

 But this was the first time that so many women stepped out of their homes to protest against the lack of basic necessities, including water and electricity in Gwadar, and to demand a ban on illegal trawling and the easing of the border trade with Iran.

Listening to the women addressing the crowd, one would not have been able to tell that they were out for the first time. They were eloquent, articulate and enraged about the problems that Gwadar residents are facing. They all knew who to address and what to ask for. Their voice did not shake even once, nor were they afraid to call out the Balochistan chief minister or Gwadar’s representatives in the national and provincial assemblies. A young girl spoke in English in an effort to convey her demands to Gwadar representative Senator Kahuda Babar in Islamabad, thinking that he might understand her better in English in case he had forgotten Balochi.

They were eloquent, articulate and enraged
.

The women’s anger towards senators, MNAs, MPAs and the chief minister is legitimate. In the process of bringing in big development projects and mega infrastructure, as well as building cricket stadiums, the basic needs of Gwadar’s people have been ignored. Since the inception of CPEC, Gwadar has been in the limelight. The dream of the centre and the provincial government is to make Gwadar a future Singapore or Dubai. Unfortunately, as the maulana said, crystal meth is more readily available in this future Singapore than a Panadol in its hospitals.

Read: Why Maulana Hidayat-ur-Rehman has become such a prominent leader for residents of Gwadar

Gwadar residents are sick of the government’s fake promises of development, changed lives and better facilities. Fishermen are no longer allowed to fish freely. Illegal foreign trawlers are parked at three points in the sea: Haft-Talar in Pasni, Jazeera in Ormara and Kalmat between Pasni and Ormara. They see these trawlers catching fish, and even fish eggs, with better nets than their own. Besides endangering marine life, it threatens their centuries-old source of livelihood. But the government hasn’t done enough to remove their apprehensions. Finally, they have found a voice for themselves in the form of the JI maulana who himself comes from a fishing family and understands the woes of the fisherfolk.

Maulana Hidayat-ur-Rehman has made his protest inclusive by mobilising all ordinary people — men, women and children — across Makran Division. There seems to be vast support for the protest sit-in and a large crowd has gathered on Marine Drive since Nov 15. He understands the economic and social threat to the people of Gwadar well. That’s why he had also organised a rally where protesters dressed in shrouds to highlight that it is a matter of life and death for the people. A children’s rally further emphasised how everyone is affected by the unemployment crisis due to illegal trawling and the token system at the Pakistan-Iran border. The women’s rally was well organised, and enough space was given to the speakers on stage to air their grievances.

Women singing Habib Jalib’s Dastoor, and raising slogans against the current government and officials for harassing people at security check posts displayed enormous courage. Nobody could tell from their powerful speeches that they live within four walls, and had never been to a protest before. Not only did they know all the slogans that are raised in protests in urban Pakistan, they were also keen to not give up on their fundamental rights. Boldly, they challenged the provincial government on its recent black law banning protests on Balochistan’s highways. Rather than listening to the pressing demands of Gwadar’s people, the government has come up with a ridiculous and unconstitutional order to suppress the voice of the most marginalised segments.

The ongoing protest comprises genuine basic demands which the government can fulfil if it cares enough about the population. The main ones are to curb illegal trawling, remove security check posts, ease restrictions on the border trade with Iran by ending the token system, and provide basic facilities such as water, electricity, health and education. I would say that for such rudimentary demands, the people of a city that is believed to be a potential game changer for the entire country shouldn’t have to protest for two consecutive weeks. Now that the whole of Gwadar, especially its women, are determined to get their basic rights via this sit-in, the government must act immediately to fulfil their wishes.

Twitter: @MerryBaloch
Published in Dawn, December 5th, 2021
PAKISTAN
WHEN THE STUDENTS MARCH

Xari Jalil
Published December 5, 2021 
A sea of red flags can be seen at the Students’ Solidarity March in Lahore | M Arif/White Star

Students in 11 cities took to the streets during last week’s Students’ Solidarity March. After months of planning and organising, they were finally able to come together and voice their concerns. The fiery students have shouted these slogans before. But is anyone listening?

Asea of red flows along Lahore’s Mall Road. Red flags bob along with the marchers who have adorned themselves in red hats, shirts or coats. They stand out beautifully against the smog-ridden grey of the city’s overcast horizon, as if signifying their tumultuous anger against the bleak backdrop of the country’s situation.

One of the marchers is holding a placard. He stops on the side and grins for a photograph.

“Bhagat ki raah humari hai, Jang humari jaari hai [Bhagat’s path is ours, Our struggle continues],” his yellow placard says, remembering the revolutionary Bhagat Singh.

The students are rallying for the restoration of student unions this year, as they did last year. But they have other demands too.

“Free Ali Wazir,” some placards read. (The incarcerated MNA and Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement leader was granted bail in at least one case days after the march).

“Sohail Baloch aur Faseeh Baloch ko baazyaab karo [Recover Sohail Baloch and Faseeh Baloch],” other placards read, referring to the two Baloch Students Organisation (BSO) activists who were abducted a few weeks ago and are still missing. Despite promises by the government, they have not yet returned home. As a result, educational activities at Balochistan University have been suspended, yet again.

The students who have come out for the Students’ Solidarity March are angry and full of verve. They are ready to take on the world today, chanting slogans for their freedom and rights. This is their day and they won’t be pushed around by anybody.

The road to this day has been long and their frustrations have been mounting.

***



In August 2021 a study circle was disrupted at Punjab University (PU), a hub of student politics. The Taliban had recently taken over Afghanistan and the Progressive Students’ Collective (PSC), an offshoot of the Haqooq-i-Khalq Movement (HKM), had decided to hold a discussion on issues of human rights violations there.

But the Islami Jamiat-i-Talaba, a student group of the Jamaat-i-Islami, apparently did not like the idea, and a clash broke out. Rae Ali Aftab, the general secretary of the PSC was beaten up badly. He claims he was being dogged by the Jamiat ever since they learnt of the study circle.

Later, PSC members claimed that the Jamiat attacked them, but the religio-political party denied PSC’s version of events.

“The discussion was about the Taliban takeover of Kabul, and the Jamiat has been trying to force us to stop,” Aftab says, looking back at the incident. The clash apparently intensified because the PSC students stood their ground. Aftab claims that he and his friends were charged with sticks and he was left with several bruises all over his body.

A few days after the clash, members of the Pashtun Education Development Movement (PEDM) and PSC held a rally outside the Punjab Assembly. They alleged that the university management took no action against the students who had disrupted the study circle and physically intimidated student activists.

Tensions have been rising on campuses, with some students claiming they have been ‘picked up’ and intimidation tactics have been used against them to keep them from protesting and taking part in student politics.


The last few years have not been kind to students. From the passing of the controversial Single National Curriculum to the abductions of students, and from fee hikes to examination problems, students have been growing more and more restless.

In March 2021, students belonging to the former Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) region, who were studying at the Islamia University Bahawalpur, staged a sit-in outside the Punjab Governor House for around a week, demanding restoration of students’ scholarships and quotas. After military operations in the region destroyed the education infrastructure there, the Punjab government under Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif had promised reserved seats with quotas and scholarships for students from ex-Fata in all the public sector universities of Punjab. And while the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) promised to double these seats before they took office, when they came into power, the seats were cancelled altogether, because of “austerity measures”. The matter remains unresolved.

The above are just two incidents from this year alone. The last few years have not been kind to students. From the passing of the controversial Single National Curriculum to the abductions of students, and from fee hikes to examination problems, students have been growing more and more restless. Yet, the students say, the government’s response has been that of indifference.

On top of everything, religio-political groups on campuses have been getting more active and are showing more and more radical traits.

Now, after three previous marches, this year too, droves of students took to the streets to make their demands known. Getting them out on the streets was no easy task. It has taken dedicated work and organising on the ground.

MOBILISATION

Women wearing masks chant slogans at the march | M Arif/White Star


After this year’s march, held on November 26, many members of the PSC — the most prominent group in attendance and the organisers of the march — considered it a huge success. In Lahore, hundreds of young people, supported by civil society, lawyers and human rights activists, had rallied together to Charing Cross (Punjab Assembly).

“We have just recently inducted new members — around 700 of them — and from this one can just see the scale of the march,” says Muhammad Zubair Siddique, an activist and student at the National University of Modern Languages in Lahore. “We marched in 11 cities, including Islamabad, Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar, D.I. Khan and Multan,” he proudly shares.

Dr Alia Haider, a prominent member of PSC’s mother party, the Huqooq-e-Khalq Movement (HKM), and a doctor who does volunteer work, says that students conduct study circles all year but, a couple of months before the march, their frequency increased to two to three study circles in a week. “Students from PU went to different institutions to talk to students,” Dr Haider says.

She says that students from HKM also went to working class areas to mobilise students. “Our motto is ‘Aurat, mazdoor, talaba, kisaan [women, labourers, students, farmers],’” she tells Eos. HKM has had drives and campaigns in areas such as Chungi Amar Sadhu and engaged families of factory workers there. “There are [only a few organisations] who talk about the issues faced by students or working class individuals,” Dr Haider says.

The connections these activists make are not just for the march. “They are there with us all year round,” she says.

This year’s march was the fourth Students’ Solidarity March. The first one was in 2018. The second took place in 2019, and was the biggest march so far, with students taking to the streets in 50 cities. The 2020 march was smaller, partly because of the Covid-19 threat, but still managed to cause a stir when activist Ammar Ali Jan and some others were almost arrested by the police for supposedly being a “potential danger to public peace, [and the] law and order situation.”

But even after three years, organising the march continues to be an uphill task every year. This year was no different. In fact, some students say there were added challenges in the lead-up to the march, which resulted in a comparatively lower number of students marching.

THE CHALLENGES OF COMING TOGETHER

PU students hold a study circle

Even as the Covid threat seemed relatively smaller this year, some felt the organisers were still unable to bring back the kind of numbers they had seen before. Aiman* a student who marched back in 2019 and was back this year too, felt disappointed this year.

“In the 2019 march there were many more students, actual students, who came,” she says. “This time, there were very few genuine students. Most of the people were those who are [no longer at] educational institutions, so these issues are not really their issues.”

As the march drew closer, Aiman could already see the organisers getting complacent, she says, adding that the organisers are divided into different groups, and it is difficult to bring them all together under one umbrella.

While not everyone agrees with Aiman’s assessment, they acknowledge that organising a march of this magnitude is challenging.

Salman Sikandar, another student activist, says that the biggest challenge during mobilisation was having a presence on social media — an area student activists have excelled at in the past. But while they may have lagged behind on that front this year, they were much more active on the ground, Sikandar says.

“We went inside metro buses and told students about the march,” he says. “We saw [students] sitting around in market places such as Anarkali, at Wahdat Road, at cafes inside Barkat market and even inside hostels, and then we went to talk to them,” he says, adding that this is why there were over a thousand students at the march in Lahore, by his estimation.

Sikandar says that, in the pre-Covid march in 2019, the gathering wasn’t completely organic. There was hype on social media, with content going viral and even trolls unintentionally helping spread the message. Then there was the novelty value. The media was more interested and calling the student activists. All this helped them get bigger numbers at the march.


Mahnoor believes that students must be decision-makers about their own issues. She proposes electing student representatives for the harassment committees. She also questions why the policy states that there should be at least one female on the committee. “Why one?” she asks.

Besides, when the students marched in 2019, Sikandar points out, there was a historic student protest happening in India as well. “We stood up in solidarity for them, and they for us. This was a huge reason.”

But while the media and the social media ‘trolls’ may have moved on, the students have continued the work on the ground. Sikandar says that this year too, students from the Pukhtoon Students Federation, the Peoples Students Federation, the Revolutionary Students’ Front, and the Jammu and Kashmir National Front, all took part in the march.

But having said all that, Sikandar does allude to disagreements within the organisers. “Sadly the left wing tendencies are that they do not support each other,” the student says. “We received a video of [former Prime Minister] Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, saying that he supported the march, but our own people kept condemning it.”

Sikandar also says that one criticism they hear is that the march is dominated by Punjab, especially Lahore. This isn’t necessarily untrue, he acknowledges, and he would completely understand if the criticism were coming from Baloch students. “But if I hear someone in Islamabad saying this, it is a bit much,” he says.

These disagreements are a part of student politics. And while the marchers may not see eye to eye on all matters, they were clear on why they were marching.

STUDENT UNIONS

A student activist spreads the word about the march at a cafe

If these students remember one thing about former Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani’s rule, it is that, in 2008, he stood up in the National Assembly and promised to reinstate student unions. But Gilani did not stay in power for long, having been slapped with corruption charges. All the other successive governments also promised to restore the unions. But, to this day, nothing has happened.

Banned back in the 1980s under Gen Ziaul Haq, student unions have remained defunct. In the meantime, wings of national political parties made their way into educational institutions, especially public colleges and universities, changing the concept of student politics into a ‘militant’ manifestation of these mainstream political parties. Violence on campus increased drastically as a result.

“The violence increased after the 1984 ban,” says Qaiser Javed, the President of the PSC. “Yes, there was violence, but why was there a blanket ban on unions? There is violence during the elections too, but no one says they should be banned.”

Javed says that the governments are actually scared of a new leadership emerging, that may be better than their politicians. He believes that they are scared of the power that students wield. “But unions are the need of the day,” he says, repeating a sentiment that was widely held at the march. “When the PML-N [Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz] came to power they did not restore the unions. Neither did the PPP [Pakistan Peoples Party] and nor did PTI.

“Imran Khan paints an image that he is all about human development and not infrastructure,” Javed says. Still in 2019, a 45 percent cut was imposed on the higher education budget and universities were told to generate their own budgets. “In the beginning we had hoped that something new would come out of the current government’s rule, but there is absolutely nothing that we, as the youth, can benefit from,” he adds.

“They were scared about the 1968 movement, when students made Ayub step down,” says Javed. “Then in 1988, Benazir Bhutto restored [student unions], but only for a short while. Now universities take an affidavit at admission that you will not take part in political activity. But even if you sit on campus it’s political. There is nothing that is apolitical. And our constitution allows us basic rights, such as freedom of assembly, or speech and expression.”

Javed says that after the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) ‘fiasco’, the government has no business telling students not to demand their rights.

Minister for Human Rights Shireen Mazari herself tweeted in support of the student march. She said that being someone who has taught for over 16 years, she has always supported student unions and maintained that the onus is on university authorities to ensure that the unions function according to the rules that have been laid out.

But students who feel like their demands fall on deaf ears are not convinced by the tweets. “If she supports us so much, then why are we being treated like this by the government?” asks a student, referring to what they see as indifference from the government on students’ issues.

OTHER DEMANDS

A volunteer hands out flyers to students

Another major demand besides the restoration of student unions, is that the Higher Education Council’s (HEC) law on forming harassment committees must be implemented more strictly and female students must be represented on the committees. The activists also asked that hostel students be supported with medical expenses, as the country continues battling Covid-19 and dengue. They also demanded that students be given concessions on transportation, which seems to be getting more expensive every day.

Finally, the students demanded that campuses in Sindh and Balochistan should be demilitarised. And abducted students must be released at once.

The students have marched with these demands earlier as well, but with little success.

“The government is not taking any of our demands and complaints seriously,” says student activist Siddique, lamenting the fact that the education budget is very limited.

“The government is not really interested in improving the education sector,” he says. Siddique points out that the fee hikes continue. And claims that even the limited seats given on the basis of provinces are given out because of nepotism, instead of merit.

He also believes that there is little interest in creating safer campuses where women would not get harassed. The harassers, especially if they are members of the faculty, appear to have impunity and no action is taken against them, he says.

HARASSMENT ON CAMPUS

A student activist speaks to other students in the lead-up to the march


Bushra Mahnoor, who is part of the Feminist Collective, has been fighting for the implementation of the 2018 HEC policy on forming anti-harassment committees at universities.

The issue has continued to persist and even some of the country’s biggest universities have had cases that became national talking points because of their mishandling.

Mahnoor points out that while the policy says that all educational institutions must make these committees, it does not highlight what the consequences would be for not following through.

“Unfortunately, the inquiry committee also has no representation of students,” she says, adding that if there were student representation, maybe the issues would be tackled better. “Teachers also don’t want to get involved, especially if a complaint against a colleague has come,” she points out.

Mahnoor believes that students must be decision-makers about their own issues. She proposes electing student representatives for the harassment committees. She also questions why the policy states that there should be at least one female on the committee. “Why one?” she asks. “It’s 2021, for God’s sake.”

Information regarding who should be called or contacted to report harassment should be very clearly communicated to everyone on campus, the students say. While some universities have taken the initiative to do this, most have lagged behind. Fatima* faced the consequences of this first hand.

When a boy passed sexual comments about Fatima, she did not know where to go and who to contact. She went to a senior of hers and showed her a video of how lewd the boy had been with her. This would happen in front of everyone and even the guard turned a blind eye to the harassment and ‘catcalling’, enabling the boy’s behaviour.

“I had no idea who to turn to,” she says. When she finally did and made a complaint, it bore no results and the boy was let off scot-free.

Dr Alia Haider says that the harassment issue is one big reason why parents do not send their girls to study. She refers to the case of Nimrita Amarta Maher Chandani, where it was found that the young woman had been sexually assaulted before she was murdered in her hostel in Larkana.

“There are many girls who don’t bother complaining or, even if they do, they are not heard,” Dr Haider says.

Mahnoor says that women are kept so apolitical by their families that, when they are approached to join in for a cause, they are hesitant. They are scared the college administration will throw them out. It could happen too, the way things are going, she says.

THE WAY FORWARD

Farooq Tariq, a senior labour leader says that campuses are reflections of society. They are not isolated bubbles. If it’s happening on campus, it’s happening outside in society too.

“The government is scared of students being allied,” he says. “They think that they can control the institutions better instead of organised students.” Tariq points out that if students are allowed to unionise, then demands will come forward. A strong believer in the power of the students, he says that those in power will have to make a budget, arrange better transport and give concessions. “And they don’t want this,” he tells Eos.

When Tariq was elected a president in PU, he remembers how powerful and important he felt. “We used to have a vibrant and intellectual atmosphere, with politics, discussions, programmes and critical thinking,” he says. “We had decision-making power. Today it’s all about anti-intellectualism.”

In order to make a change, we have to have a nationwide movement which can help with the revamping of the system, Tariq says. “Because, simply put, today students have had enough.”

The Students’ Solidarity March may be a start of such a movement. These politically-charged young men and women are only getting started.

*Name has been changed to protect identity

The writer is a journalist who reports on various issues from human rights to society and art. She tweets @xarijalil

Published in Dawn, EOS, December 5th, 2021

Wealthy nations starved the developing world of vaccines. Omicron shows the cost of this greed

We must do better. The Omicron variant illustrates that clearly the world can’t afford to wait any longer.
Updated 01 Dec, 2021 

We don’t yet know how dangerous the new Omicron variant of Sars-Cov-2 will turn out to be. Early evidence suggests it may be more transmissible than other variants, and the World Health Organisation has raised concerns about its potential to spark another global surge in infections.

If currently available vaccines continue to protect us from severe disease and death, which seems likely at this stage, vaccinated people in developed countries should be able to breathe a sigh of relief.

But with a yawning gap between vaccination rates in high- and low-income nations, Omicron could present a major problem for the world. It could cause a further wave of preventable disease and premature death in developing countries, and exacerbate poverty in parts of the world that are already struggling with the pandemic.

And unless governments take urgent action to correct these inequities, we risk the emergence of further variants, some of which may evade vaccines.
Inequities in access to Covid-19 vaccines

By the end of November, around 54.2% of the global population had received at least one Covid-19 vaccine dose. For low-income countries, however, the rate was just 5.8%.

The gap in vaccination coverage between high-income and upper-middle-income countries on one hand, and low-income countries on the other, is particularly stark.

Covid-19 vaccine doses administered per 100 people, by income group. — From: Our World in Data.



Vaccination rates in Africa are particularly concerning. About 40 or so countries still have less than 10% of their populations fully vaccinated, the vast majority of which are in Africa.

Comparisons between highly vaccinated nations and those at the bottom, most of which are in Africa. — From: Our World in Data.



Experts have warned about the inequitable distribution of Covid-19 vaccines since the beginning of the pandemic, so why is there still a problem?
Failure of Covax to realise its promise

First, Covax, the global program for purchasing and distributing Covid-19 vaccines, has struggled to secure enough vaccine doses since its inception..

Nearly 100 low-income nations are relying on the program for vaccines. Covax was initially aiming to deliver 2 billion doses by the end of 2021, enough to vaccinate only the most high-risk groups in developing countries. However, its delivery forecast was wound back in September to only 1.425 billion doses by the end of the year.

And by the end of November, less than 576 million doses had actually been delivered.

Covid-19 vaccines donated to Covax. — From: Our World in Data.


This predictable failure is largely due to wealthy countries mopping up more than half of the first 7.5 billion vaccine doses developed through pre-purchase agreements, leaving only crumbs for Covax.

Chronic under-investment in Covax (in terms of both doses and funds), and further hoarding of vaccine doses in wealthy nations for boosters, have continued to starve Covax of supplies to distribute to those most in need.
Failure to deliver on promised vaccine donations

Wealthy countries have been shamed into making pledges to donate large numbers of doses to low- and middle-income countries. But few of these pledges have yet translated into vaccines in arms.

By October 25, more than 1.3 billion vaccine doses had been pledged, but only around 10% had been delivered.

Meanwhile, many high-income countries have ignored pleas from the WHO to hold off on providing booster vaccinations until the rest of the world catches up. Even after boosters have been administered, Médecins Sans Frontières estimates that ten high-income countries will be sitting on more than 870 million excess doses by the end of the year.

Take Australia as one example. It has pledged 60 million doses for developing countries in the Indo-Pacific region, but so far, less than 9.3 million have been delivered. None of these doses are slated for equitable distribution through Covax, however, and none are currently committed for Africa.

Meanwhile, the Australian government has invested more than A$8 billion (US$5.7 billion) in pre-purchase agreements for 280.8 million vaccine doses for Australians. This is equivalent to more than 10 doses per person.
Failure to agree on temporary changes to trade rules

Some wealthy countries have also continued to oppose a proposal to temporarily suspend trade rules that protect the monopolies of pharmaceutical companies on Covid-19 health products and technologies.

Initially proposed by India and South Africa in October 2020, the so-called TRIPS waiver would enable companies around the world to freely produce Covid-19 products and technologies without fear of litigation over possible infringements of intellectual property rights.

It is now co-sponsored by 63 countries and supported by well over 100 of the World Trade Organisation’s 164 member states. The US signalled its support for a waiver in May (limited to vaccines), but it hasn’t formally co-sponsored the proposal. The European Union, the UK and Switzerland continue to oppose it, with Germany a particularly staunch opponent.

The Trips waiver, if adopted in the form sponsored by the 63 countries, would cover all health products and technologies needed for preventing, treating and containing Covid-19, including vaccines, treatments, diagnostic tests, medical devices and personal protective equipment.

It would waive rules in the WTO’s Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (Trips) that apply to patents, undisclosed information (such as information submitted to regulatory agencies or protected as trade secrets), copyright and industrial designs. And it would last for at least three years from the date the waiver is adopted, and then be reviewed annually.

However, more than a year after the waiver was proposed, discussions at the WTO remain deadlocked.

The EU insists it will be sufficient to tweak existing provisions in the Trips Agreement that allow for compulsory licensing — exploitation of the subject matter of a patent without the permission of the patent holder. This, however, doesn’t cover undisclosed information, which is needed for manufacturing vaccines.

Many countries, including the UK, EU, China and Australia, are now supporting a separate proposal at the WTO which addresses other trade-related issues, such as export restrictions and customs procedures. However, it fails to lift the intellectual property rights that maintain monopolies on Covid-19 products.

To delay matters even further, the emergence of the Omicron variant has resulted in postponement of the WTO ministerial council meeting this week, where these proposals were to be discussed. While debate will continue in the Trips Council in December, momentum to reach a decision in the near-term may have been lost.

Urgent action is needed


Wealthy countries have hoarded vaccines, starved Covax of funds and doses, released promised donations at a slow dribble, and stalled agreement on a global agreement to lift barriers to wider manufacturing of vaccines in the developing world.

We must do better. The Omicron variant illustrates that clearly the world can’t afford to wait any longer.


This article was first published in The Conversation and has been reproduced with permission.


Deborah Gleeson is an Associate Professor in the School of Psychology and Public Health at La Trobe University. She teaches subjects with a health systems, health policy and public health focus.
The Analytical Angle: Can an effective local body system counter violent extremism and terrorism in Pakistan?
Decentralisation can serve as deterrence to terrorism and violent extremism in a society.
Updated 2 days ago


There is a growing realisation even at the top leadership of the state that perhaps nothing else poses a bigger threat to the stability of Pakistan than violent extremism and terrorism. It has damaged the tolerant culture using self-proclaimed religious superiority by some to harm those who hold differing views or follow different faiths. Despite the fact that radicalism has been spreading widely in our society, we still have little understanding of what motivates people to engage in militancy. Who is more likely to join the extremist groups? Do financial hardships, victimisation, marginalisation, stress, or traumatic life events push individuals into extremist beliefs? How do militant groups succeed in attracting others to join their ranks? Can people change their minds and walk away from such violence-promoting elements? Can local communities engage residents in positive activities and counter polarising ideologies? All of these questions demand serious deliberation.

We try to explore whether a representative, autonomous local body system can reduce the risks of someone indulging in political violence, including terrorism. According to the existing research evidence for countries confronted with such threats, the answer is a resounding yes. Multiple channels appear to play a role. In contrast to central control, decentralisation empowers the representative local governments to exercise greater autonomy over their own affairs. It provides decision-making authority to the elected representatives, improves service delivery, addresses minority concerns, and prioritises fiscal allocations to more pressing needs. In essence, it serves as a catalyst to identify and address grievances and issues early on, before they spiral out of control. The built-in feedback mechanism through community engagement and inclusive governance facilitates peaceful resolutions of conflicts.

Before digging further into the topic at hand, it is worth noting that typically three methods are used for devolving authority to lower tiers of government. Deconcentration redistributes central power across many levels of government offices, ensuring that distinct bureaucracies are responsible for distinct tasks and duties. Delegation involves the transfer of powers, mainly administrative duties, to semi-autonomous public agencies or third parties like housing authorities, transportation and waste disposal services, to name a few. Decentralisation, however, constitutes a major devolution of administrative, fiscal, and legislative responsibilities to the representative bodies elected from and by the local constituents. The constituents can vote the elected bodies out of office if they feel unsatisfied with their performance. The fear of retribution fosters healthy competition among the competing candidates. Participatory governance can thereby promote work efficiency, reduce social divisions and promote mutual trust.

Let us take a relevant example to understand how local leadership through community participation may act as a vanguard in monitoring suspicious activities in their areas. The governments of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2014 and Punjab in 2015 enacted a law, requiring property owners and managers —whether a house, hotel, or hostel — to provide information about any new tenant to the local police station. The purpose of the law was to develop a database that could help with the investigation of any terrorist or criminal activities. Although the right step, its implementation faced several practical issues. First, hardly any awareness campaign was launched to raise public understanding of the law. Second, both the fear of falling into uninvited trouble and public distrust of the police, the property owners hesitated from reporting information about the renters. Third, already resource-crunched, it was impossible for the police to go door to door for seeking information about any tenants in the area. Therefore, in order to identify individuals who may embrace an extremist ideology or pose a threat of violence, it is important for the police to work with the local leadership under a formal legal framework.

The question now is why has a representative local body system failed to take roots in Pakistan. This is despite the fact that Article 140-A of the constitution clearly states that, "Each Province shall, by legislation, create a local government system and transfer political, administrative, and financial responsibility and power to the elected representatives of the local governments". Furthermore, the constitution mandates the Election Commission to hold local body elections, meaning that only elected representatives can form such a government. At times, we see the federal government running effective programmes to support provincial governments, such as battling the Covid-19 pandemic, disbursing funds through the Ehsaas programme, or combating aftermaths of any natural calamity with the help of the armed forces of Pakistan. While such efforts greatly help in dealing with large-scale crises, they cannot substitute for the service delivery matters or governance issues in districts, tehsils or union councils.

A detailed study by Cheema, Khwaja and Qadir (2006), titled, “Local government reforms in Pakistan: context, content and causes”, examines why the local body system has been ineffective. They argue that to understand the current state of decentralisation in Pakistan, one must first comprehend its historical context. The British established local governments in India not by building on the traditional panchayat system and empowering locals, but by setting up a powerful, nominated office of Deputy Commissioner (DC) in districts. This colonial legacy continued post-independence, where the military regimes had been proactive in enacting local government reforms, while political governments either undermined or ignored these reforms. Because of the weak local body system and centrally controlled DCs, the power focus shifted towards maximising parliamentary seats in the federal and provincial assemblies to form a government. Moreover, the rivalry between the provincial and local governments over constituency politics did not bode well for the implementation of the decentralisation programme. Therefore, controlling districts through nominated and pliable bureaucracy became politically expedient for the ruling elites, whether military or civilian.

Albeit, the "Devolution of Power" plan of General Pervaiz Musharraf, launched in January 2000 and implemented following a series of local government elections, is widely regarded as the most radical decentralisation reforms effort in Pakistan. It restructured the sub-provincial government significantly by delegating the administrative and expenditures responsibilities to the elected local bodies. The newly formed office of District Coordination Officer (DCO), formerly DC, now reported to the elected head of the local government. Furthermore, DCO also could no longer exercise the executive magistracy and revenue collection powers of the old DC system. While most public service delivery matters came under the purview of the local governments, their ability to raise revenue remained limited with a heavy dependence on funds on the discretion of the central or provincial governments. Clearly, as with any other system, a solid foundation of the local government system needed further structural changes in order to be truly independent and autonomous. Yet, this devolution plan made the local government system both effective and responsive to local needs. However, following the waning power of Musharraf after 2007, this system started to lose its ground. Unnecessary delays in the approval and disbursement of funds for projects planned by the local governments hindered their ability to serve the people at the grassroots level.

Nearly all data sources on terrorism show that after 1990 the incidents of both domestic and transnational terrorism were lowest during the period 2000-2007 in Pakistan. Figures 1 and 2 on the trends in number of overall terrorist incidents in Pakistan as well as in its provinces confirm this fact (data for these graphs come from the Global Terrorism Database). Despite its other flaws, this period is recognised as the best era for decentralisation in the country, where the local governments enjoyed substantial budgetary, administrative, and political control. While correlation does not imply causation, research evidence from a panel of countries supports the terrorism-mitigating effect of decentralisation.









Decentralisation can serve as deterrence to terrorism and violent extremism in a society. On one hand, communities acting as watchdogs make it more difficult for someone to engage in organised violence. On the other hand, alternative work opportunities, generated by improved governance and market incentives, yield greater financial rewards. The bottom line is that unless we make structural changes to the way we govern ourselves, we may just continue to stumble from one tragedy to another, whether caused by internal or external forces.

The Analytical Angle is a monthly column where top researchers bring rigorous evidence to policy debates in Pakistan. The series is a collaboration between the Centre for Economic Research in Pakistan and Dawn.com. The views expressed are the authors’ alone.


Dr Javed Younas is a Professor of Economics at American University of Sharjah and a Research Fellow at Centre for Economic Research in Pakistan. Currently, he is spending his sabbatical leave for working on projects at Syracuse University and with the World Bank. His professional information can be found at https://sites.google.com/site/javedyounas

Dr Akbar Nasir Khan is a graduate of Harvard Kennedy School and he is currently working as DG NACTA Monitoring, Evaluation and Capacity Building. His earlier work includes National Internal Security Policy of Pakistan and Establishment of Punjab Safe Cities Authority in Punjab. He tweets at @akbarnasirkhan


 

Air bubbles sound climate change's impact on glaciers

Air bubbles sound climate change's impact on glaciers #ASA181
Credit: Johnson, Vishnu, and Deane

As the world's temperatures rise, tidewater glaciers are receding and melting, releasing air trapped in the ice. Scientists can listen to the release of the air and potentially use the sounds to help them gauge the impact of climate change on the ice floes.

During the 181st Meeting of the Acoustical Society of America, which will be held Nov. 29-Dec. 3, Hayden Johnson, from the University of California, San Diego, will discuss how sound can be used to estimate glacial melting induced by climate change. The talk, "Spatial variation in acoustic field due to submarine melting in glacial bays," will take place Friday, Dec. 3.

Hari Vishnu, from the National University of Singapore, Grant Deane, from the Scripps Institute of Oceanography, and their research team investigated glacial ice melting that releases acoustically distinct pressurized underwater bubbles.

Air trapped with ice below the glacier surface becomes a compressed bubble-ice mixture that builds pressure during the long passage to the glacier terminus. The glacier ice holds ancient bubbles of air that can be up to 20 atmospheres of pressure and generate detectable sounds when they are released as the ice melts.

"We observed that the intensity of the sound generated by a melting terminus tends to increase as the water temperature increases," said Deane. "This makes sense, because we expect the terminus to melt faster in warmer water, releasing bubbles more rapidly into the ocean and generating more sound."

The team found as the recording array was moved further from the glacier, the variation in the acoustic melting did not follow a uniform trend.

Moreover, the acoustic intensities at different glaciers clustered in different levels. These observations indicate that the geometry of the glacier-ocean interface, the temperature and salt composition of the underwater sound channels, and the presence of floating ice impact the recorded acoustic measurements.

Their experiments will permit the monitoring of climate change's impact on glaciers.

"Recording the underwater sounds from a melting terminus will open the door to long-term acoustical monitoring of ice loss, and how it is linked to water ," said Deane. "The endgame here is to establish long-term recording stations for underwater  around  such as those in Greenland and Svalbard, to monitor their stability over time."Ice loss accelerating in Greenland's coastal glaciers, study finds

More information: acousticalsociety.org/asa-meetings/ 

Provided by Acoustical Society of America 

Amazon is now the world's largest buyer of renewable energy


By Mike Moore last updated 4 days ago

274 renewable energy projects will get Amazon backing in major green push


(Image credit: Ken Wolter/Shutterstock)

Amazon has revealed a significant investment in renewable energy projects around the world as it looks to make AWS the greenest cloud option for customers.

At its AWS re:Invent 2021 conference in Las Vegas, the company announced 18 new utility-scale wind and solar energy projects across the US, Finland, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the UK.


The news, which makes Amazon the largest corporate buyer of renewable energy in the world, means AWS's renewable energy capacity will now total more than 12 GW and 33,700 gigawatt hours (GWh) when the current projects are fully realized - enough to power more than three million US homes for a year.

Going green

The announcement also means Amazon now operates 274 renewable energy projects globally, and is well on track to its goal of being able to power 100% of its business operations with renewable energy by 2025 - which itself is five years earlier than its original aim of 2030.

“We are moving quickly and deliberately to reduce our carbon emissions and address the climate crisis,” said Kara Hurst, vice president of worldwide sustainability at Amazon. “Significant investments in renewable energy globally are an important step in delivering on The Climate Pledge, our commitment to reach net-zero carbon by 2040, 10 years ahead of the Paris Agreement. Renewable energy projects also bring new investment, green jobs, and advance the decarbonization of the electricity systems in communities around the world.”

The new projects, which includes a third solar project in Italy, alongside a new wind project in Northern Ireland and four new solar projects in Spain, means Amazon has added 5.6 gigawatts (GW) of procured capacity to date in 2021.

In its home country of the US, Amazon has added eight new projects, including its first solar projects in Arizona and Georgia, and additional projects in Ohio, Texas, and Virginia.

The company's 274 global projects now include 105 utility-scale wind and solar projects and 169 solar rooftops on facilities and stores.