Conservative leadership hopeful Pierre Poilievre tables bill to ban COVID-19 vaccine mandates

John Paul Tasker - 

Conservative leadership contender Pierre Poilievre has tabled a bill in the House of Commons that, if passed, would prohibit the federal government from imposing vaccine mandates on federal workers and the travelling public.

Poilievre, who has been a vocal opponent of mandates since the convoy of protesters against vaccine mandates rolled into Ottawa earlier this year, said he's tabling this legislation now "to give Canadians back control of their lives."

"I have met countless people and heard endless tragic stories of people separated from family members by their inability to get on an airplane or people languishing without a paycheque, despite having a spotless track record serving their employer over many years," Poilievre said while introducing the legislation Thursday.

"These mandates have become nothing more than a cruel attempt to demonize a small minority. They are absolutely unnecessary and without any scientific basis."
Most Canadians fully vaccinated

The existing mandates affect do only a fraction of the population — the vast majority of Canadians have already had at least two doses of a COVID-19 vaccine. According to the latest figures, more than 86 per cent of all Canadians over the age of five are considered "fully vaccinated."

While the text of Poilievre's bill, C-278, explicitly mentions only COVID-19-related vaccine mandates, his social media accounts promoted the legislation as a way to "scrap all vaccine mandates and ban any and all future vaccine mandates" to give people their "medical freedom."

There is nothing in the legislation that would tie the hands of a future government that wants to impose another vaccine mandate down the line.

The bill follows Poilievre's past overtures to a small but politically organized group of voters who vehemently oppose all COVID-19 related restrictions, most of which have already been dismantled by provincial and territorial governments.

Former Quebec premier Jean Charest, another leadership contender challenging Poilievre for the top job, said Poilievre's vaccine mandate legislation sends an ominous signal.

"It's not clear whether Poilievre will procure vaccines for Canadians in a future pandemic," Charest said in a social media post.

"The only way to stop this is with a serious leader who won't risk the health and well-being of millions of Canadians for his own power," he said while urging Canadians to take out a Conservative party membership before Friday's deadline and vote in this leadership election.
Federal vaccine mandates remain in place a year on

Late last summer, the Liberal government introduced an order that demands all federal public servants, workers in federally regulated industries and the transportation sector and members of the travelling public get their COVID-19 shots if they want to go to work, fly on a plane or travel by interprovincial train.

Nearly a year later, the mandate remains in place.

Dr. Theresa Tam, Canada's chief public health officer, said in March that the government was considering a shift from "an emphasis on requirements to recommendations," while also promising a "review" of all existing mandates.

At the time, Tam said all federal vaccine mandates should be re-examined because the science tells us the primary series of the COVID-19 vaccine — the first two doses — offers very little protection against an Omicron infection.

Asked about that review last month, Tam said it is "still ongoing" and deferred to the government, which has held firm on its two-dose mandate.
Tories demand Ottawa end all COVID-19 travel measures

With the support of the other opposition parties, the vast majority of Liberal MPs voted down a Conservative motion this week that called for the government to revert to pre-pandemic rules for travel by dumping vaccine mandates, random COVID-19 tests and the requirement that international travellers answer pandemic-related questions on the ArriveCAN app.

Poilievre wasn't in the chamber for a vote on the motion. That prompted criticism from Brampton, Ont., Mayor Patrick Brown, another leadership rival, who said Poilievre's opposition to vaccine mandates was just for show.

"Pierre Poilievre claims to oppose vaccine mandates. But when the Conservative Party of Canada put forward a motion to end all travel mandates ... Pierre didn't support it," Brown said in a social media post.

Poilievre said he intended to vote for the Conservative motion but he experienced "a technical problem" when joining the parliamentary debate remotely from Thunder Bay, Ont.

Poilievre said Thursday it was time for the government to move on from pandemic measures that have become a feature of Canadian life during this health crisis.

"We are an outlier here in Canada today. Most countries have removed mandates for travel, including the U.K., Germany, Italy, Thailand, Poland, Argentina, Chile and many others. All provinces have now removed vaccine mandates. The five big banks have done likewise, and public sector unions have even begun legal actions to remove these discriminatory mandates," Poilievre said.

Poilievre's legislation, a private member's bill, isn't likely to pass through a Commons controlled by the Liberal-NDP alliance.

These types of bills also take months, and sometimes years, to pass through all the legislative phases in both houses of Parliament, which means the federal COVID-19 vaccine mandates may already be gone before this bill ever gets to a vote.

'A national shame,' say advocates about lack of progress on MMIWG action plan

Ka’nhehsí:io Deer - Today


A year into a national action plan to end violence against Indigenous women, advocates say little has been done and more accountability is needed from the federal government.

"It is with deep disappointment and frustration that I say the lack of accountability is staggering and unacceptable," said Hilda Anderson-Pyrz, chair of the National Family and Survivors Circle, during a press conference held at the Canadian Museum of History in Gatineau, Que., on Friday.

The National Family and Survivors Circle (NFSC) made significant contributions to the development of the national action plan, which was released June 3, 2021, on the second anniversary of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls' final report.

The inquiry concluded that the violence experienced by Indigenous women and girls amounts to genocide and identified 231 Calls for Justice, including the call for a national action plan to be developed.
'This genocide will continue'

However, contributors to the plan say little has been done thus far, especially on the calls for justice that relate to setting up accountability mechanisms and better tracking of data.

"It's a very difficult process to move forward on and hold individuals accountable if they have no mechanisms in place," said Anderson-Pyrz.

The NFSC said one of its critical recommendations called on governments to establish an oversight body in the form of a National Indigenous Human Rights Ombudsperson and a National Indigenous Human Rights Tribunal before June 3, 2022.

Neither have been established.

"This is a national shame," said Anderson-Pyrz. "It is also dangerous, each day of inaction in this area leads directly to the tragic loss of human life."

She listed the names of five Indigenous women across Canada who died by homicide since March: Tytiana Janvier, Chelsea Poorman, Doris Trout, Rebecca Contois, her own niece Tessa Perry, as well as the recent declaration for a coroner's inquest that the death of Chantel Moore was a homicide.

"Without the political will to create transformative change, this genocide will continue," said Anderson-Pyrz.

Sylvia Maracle, executive director of the Ontario Federation of Indigenous Friendship Centres, expressed similar concerns on behalf of the 2SLGBTQQIA+ community.

"We're also waiting for systemic change," said Maracle.

"We're waiting for a return to power and place, and that requires a great deal of public education go on so that we can combat the sexism, racism, homophobia, transphobia in Canada."

The national action plan included 23 short-term priorities to start within the next one-to-three years, such as public awareness campaigns, a nationwide emergency number, and a national task force to review and re-investigate unresolved files of missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA+ people.

According to a progress report, over $508.8 million in funding has been announced since 2021 for various initiatives aimed at prevention and to directly support families and survivors. The report said that many plans are in the early stages or have not been started yet.

"Things aren't moving fast enough, but they are moving forward," said Marc Miller, minister of Crown–Indigenous relations.

"This isn't the opportunity today for anyone to be patting themselves on the back or making any excuses."
Native Women's Association gives feds a failing grade

The Native Women's Association of Canada (NWAC) was also critical of the government's progress.

It published a score card, giving the government a failing grade for its "minimal actions."

"Their plan is flawed," said Lynne Groulx, NWAC's CEO.

"They have all the experts. They have all the information. They have all the resources at their disposal. Why can't they put those elements together and just do it?"

The organization did not participate in co-developing the action plan, citing problems with the process, and released its own costed plan to address the inquiry's call for justice. Groulx said NWAC completed 40 of its own 66 proposed actions.

"If we can do that with our very limited resources … why can't the big government of Canada move forward with more actions?" she said.

PAKISTAN

My father survived the Karsaz bombing; each new terror attack takes us back there

The mental health impact of living with terrorism day in and day out remains an invisible cost that is unfactored and uncared for.

Preh Memon Published June 1, 2022 -

Over the last few decades, there is a severe burden of ‘resilience’ that has been thrust upon the inhabitants of some large cities in Pakistan, whether it is in the form of persistent rates of crime, diseased public utilities, unbreathable air, floundering healthcare or dismal transportation infrastructure.

This oft-romanticised resilience is once more being demanded by the state as citizens of cities like Karachi, Quetta and Peshawar are again being pushed into an unhappy reunion with an affliction that has reared its ugly head after a relative lull — accelerating terror attacks at home.

Deadly incidents of this nature are cause for serious emotional instability among residents of these cities. But by now, many locals have whittled down emotional survival to a fairly simple and linear process:

Internal security event → temporary panic and lament of said event → desensitisation → next internal security event → repeat.

It may seem somewhat callous to reduce this to such a mechanical progression, but the defence mechanisms adopted by those who live in the midst of frequent terrorism are not really up for judgment. If sanity is to be preserved, some form of detachment is necessary. And as someone who has personally employed this process many times in the past, I can say that it works, and works well at that.

Until your father is present at the site of a bombing. Then the process comes crashing down.

When calamity hits home

Karachi, 18th October 2007: Celebrations of Benazir Bhutto’s return to Pakistan were met with two bombs ripping through Karsaz in quick succession, killing nearly 200 people and injuring 500 others. Jammers were activated, emergency was declared, and public healthcare facilities were put on high alert. My father was drowning somewhere in this sea of deadly chaos.

The rest of us were home when the news found us. On hearing it, my mother lost all sensation in her legs and collapsed. We began dialling my father’s mobile phone number but couldn’t get through because of the jammers. There was no way of knowing if he was safe, or injured, or even alive.

The only information we could get was coming from our television set — all I remember of it now is a crimson BREAKING NEWS template designed to incite fear and a casualty count that was escalating with horrifying frequency. We kept dialling my father’s number desperately in the hope that we could break through the infrastructural blockade imposed by the state. The minutes kept passing and panic kept mounting.

At this point, there is no formula or process in the world that can help you.

You’d think crying would come naturally at this time but it doesn’t; you are too gripped by fear to respond as you normally would. Your heart throbs and you lose basic bodily control. You are gasping for air and trembling all over, and it is a Herculean task to collect yourself enough to focus on dialling a number, over and over again.

As soon as they could, my father’s brothers and cousins set off to find him — I vaguely remember one of them rushing into the car without his shoes on. They didn’t think about what would happen if another bomb went off in a city that appeared to be under the control of terrorists. Frankly, I don’t think they cared. The meaning of family truly comes through in times of crisis, and if there’s one thing to be grateful for in a society where relationships are unravelling constantly, it is to have the support of loved ones who prioritise those bonds above all else. But that’s a subject for another time.

Hurt is good

Soon after they left, we received a phone call from my mother’s sister in Hyderabad. She had somehow miraculously gotten through to him. “He’s hurt,” she told us.

How hurt, she could not say — she had only spoken to him for a few seconds. In the days that passed, we would come to learn that shrapnel from the bomb had pierced through his torso and legs, lodging pieces of metal deep inside his body and permanently damaging a large part of his intestinal tract.

But at that time, ‘he’s hurt’ was good to hear. We were happy with hurt because hurt meant alive, and alive meant hope. My father had found his way to an ambulance that was taking him to the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre — a designated hospital for injuries and casualties — but he eventually ended up at (what is now known as) the Dr Ruth Pfau Civil Hospital Karachi.

The cosmic irony of the situation is still astounding — at the time, my father was employed at the Civil Hospital as Professor of Surgery. Had any patient in his condition come to the hospital that night, they would have been surgically operated on by my father and his team. And yet here he was, bleeding profusely out of his abdomen, playing the role of patient instead of surgeon.

As word spread through the hospital that one of their own was injured, a team of healthcare workers began stabilising him for surgery. He was operated on at around dawn, some hours after hell exploded in Karsaz. My father lost half his intestines that morning in a procedure known as a hemicolectomy. He was in intensive care for the weeks that followed. Metal still remains lodged in his body, buried deep in his bones. But he is with us today. Words cannot express how grateful we are for this, and all of us pray constantly for his sustained health.

The scars that never heal

Words can, however, attempt to convey the depth of trauma we were exposed to as a family that night, and the lasting impact it has had. Nearly 15 years later, I have still not been able to talk about it. I can only write about the horror of October 18th, protected by the façade of screens and the comfort of one-way communication. If the bombing comes up in conversation, I change the topic; when I fail at that, I leave the room. That period of my life haunts me completely and is triggered every time there is a terror attack in Pakistan, especially in my hometown Karachi.

As one can imagine, it has been particularly difficult to deal with the spate of IED bombings in Karachi these past few months. Nights have been spent with tears, terror, and trauma as memories of 2007 find their way into bedtime thoughts and nightmares.

There is little hope for stability that can be offered by a leadership that is forever dancing with these forces of terror, sometimes in negotiation and at other times in battle with them. Loss of innocent life remains an unrelenting theme in Pakistan. The mental health impact of living with terrorism day in and day out remains an invisible cost that goes unfactored and uncared for. We are mentally breaking down inside. But so long as we appear functional on the surface, who really cares about what’s going on internally?

Some among us are still able to deal with terrorism using the standard emotional survival process mentioned at the beginning of this piece. My own emotional response, unfortunately, has changed. It now goes:

Internal security event → terror → incapacitation → next internal security event → repeat.

Header illustration: Panuwach/ Shutterstock.com

The author is a business graduate with an interest in politics, law and systemic reform. Aside from her professional pursuits, she writes short stories

PAKISTAN

Tax tobacco now

Zafar Mirza Published June 3, 2022 - 

THE time is ripe for a heavy tax to be slapped on consumer items that have proved to be harmful such as tobacco products and sugary drinks. Such a measure would be good for public health and will support the ailing economy. Smoking is on the rise, and a cash-strapped Pakistan desperately needs revenue. The IMF supports such taxes and tobacco excises in Pakistan are way below the recommended global level.

Tobacco is lethal. Of the eight million deaths that occur globally each year due to tobacco use, 170,000 are in Pakistan — to put it into perspective, the total deaths from Covid-19 in Pakistan were around 31,000. Tobacco causes 20 different kinds of cancers and is a major risk factor for cardiovascular diseases. Ninety per cent of lung cancer detected in males is attributed to tobacco use.

Read more: Big tobacco’s environmental impact is devastating: WHO

Whereas tobacco use is on the decline globally, smoking rates are going up in Pakistan, most disturbingly among children and women. The prevalence of tobacco use in Pakistan is around 24pc, and 10.7pc of the youth aged between13 and 15 years are smoking. With a high population growth rate and 62.7pc of the population under 25, Pakistani youth are a great market for the tobacco industry where children serve as replacement customers.


In view of the uncontrolled tobacco pandemic, the first ever global public health treaty — the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) — was adopted by the World Health Assembly in 2003. Pakistan is a member. This comprehensive treaty covers almost all determinants of tobacco use: legislation and governance; measures for countering the tobacco industry’s interference; strengthening tobacco taxation; banning advertisements, transforming packaging; tobacco cessation and treatment for dependence.


Of the 8m deaths that occur globally each year due to tobacco use, 170,000 are in Pakistan.

Article 6 of the FCTC specifically deals with ‘Price and tax measures to reduce the demand for tobacco’. Analyses show that a tax increase that escalates tobacco prices by 10pc decreases tobacco consumption by about 4pc to 5pc.

The World Health Organisation (WHO) has recommended at least a 70pc share of excise taxes on the retail price of tobacco products, whereas currently in Pakistan, the federal excise duty is around 45pc. The Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) divides cigarettes into expensive and inexpensive categories. The market share of expensive cigarettes is only 12.2pc, whereas the bulk ie 87.8pc, is made up of cigarettes that cost less than Rs119.2 per pack. The current FED on the retail price of expensive cigarettes is Rs104 and on inexpensive cigarettes it is only Rs33.

Read: ‘Around 1,200 children take up smoking every day in Pakistan’

The Social Policy Dialogue Centre, WHO, The Union, Vital Strategies and Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids have jointly produced a Tobacco Fact Sheet 2022 for Pakistan in which they have analysed and argued that since FED on cigarettes has not increased since July 2019, adjusting for inflation and income, cigarettes have become more affordable today. The SPDC et al have also made a budget proposal to increase FED from Rs33 to Rs42.9 on inexpensive cigarettes and from Rs104 to Rs135.2 on the high price tier. This would increase the weighted average of FED to 54.16pc, still around 16pc less than the recommended level of 70pc.

According to calculations based on data from the State Bank of Pakistan and the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics in 2021, Pakistanis are annually smoking cigarettes that are collectively worth Rs347 billion, whereas the total costs of smoking-related diseases and deaths in Pakistan is Rs615.07bn. And according to FBR, in fiscal year 2020-21, the revenue collected from cigarettes was a mere Rs135bn.

One of the reasons why Pakistan is falling into a debt trap is insufficient revenue generation. Our current funding programme with the IMF has stalled because of our slow progress on reforms. High tobacco taxation, however, is one area that the IMF also recommends. In 2016, the Fund came out explicitly with its position on tobacco taxation through a published paper titled How to Design and Enforce Tobacco Excises? At the outset, the paper mentioned that “…tobacco is one of the most prominent killers of our times”, that “Taxes can be a powerful instrument to decrease tobacco consumption” and that “…tobacco-related revenue can in some cases represent a high proportion of government revenue”. With the IMF supporting tobacco taxation, this is the right time to leapfrog to achieve the global benchmark of 70pc of FED. Pakistan also needs to remove the price-tier anomaly and should have uniform taxation. Instead of falling into the trap of the industry argument of illicit tobacco trade, we need to honestly put in place measures to effectively control the illicit trade. More on this topic later.

The tobacco revenues should also be earmarked to be spent only on the prevention and promotion of health. In this regard, attempts have been made since 2019 to impose a health tax. I led one effort on this front and got it included in the budget speech after the cabinet’s approval but it could not be realised due to bureaucratic rigmarole and collusion. Dr Faisal Sultan also tried to get through a Health Contribution Bill, 2021. The current government needs to pick it up and take it forward.

Not only is all this possible, it has also been done successfully elsewhere. The Philippines introduced the Sin Tax Reform Law in 2012 whereby it made bold reforms in tobacco taxation. In five years, it had increased the excise tax rate on cigarettes on low-priced brands to 1000pc. It also shifted from a multi-tiered price system; the total tax burden per pack of the most-sold brand more than tripled from 27pc (2012) to 93pc (2017); tobacco tax revenue grew from PhP32bn (2012) to PhP106bn (2017); there were three million less smokers in 2015 compared to 2012, with the biggest decline among the poorest households; and with incremental earmarking, the country’s health budget tripled from PhP50bn in 2013 to PhP165bn in 2019. Such is the power of tobacco taxation. This became possible only because of a committed leadership, which was ready to deal with the industry’s pressure and was supported in its efforts by an active civil society.

As we approach the next budget in turbulent economic times, it is high time to make bold decisions and offer win-win solutions for all. More on the issue of sugary drinks later.

The writer is a former SAPM on health, professor of health systems at Shifa Tameer-i-Millat University and WHO adviser on UHC.

zedefar@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, June 3rd, 2022

PAKISTAN
The No Brainer with Few Takers

The obvious advantages of solar energy have yet to percolate to the government level, deplores Fatima S. Attarwala.

Published in Mar-Apr 2022 Fatima S. Attarwala

The numbers are convincing. And misleading. If this was a comic book, a superhero (or villain) would have found a way to harness Pakistan’s solar power into a suit that would put Iron Man to shame. Or at least solved the problems of sweltering nights and scorching days when the power goes off.

At one point, MIT, Stanford University and the University of California researched an atmosphere/energy programme that analysed the future energy demand of 139 countries, comparing their solar, wind and hydroelectric potential. The research indicated that Pakistan has the potential of producing a whopping 92% of its electricity requirements from solar energy; this rate is among the highest in the world. Another study conducted by the World Bank found that Pakistan has tremendous potential to generate solar power and that just utilising 0.071% of the country’s area for solar photovoltaic (PV) power generation would meet its current electricity demand. The keyword here is ‘potential’, which is based on studies that tabulate complicated formulae on paper and not reality.

The reality is that although the sun may shine all day long, solar energy plays a rather humble role in Pakistan’s energy makeup. According to the National Electric Power Regulatory Authority’s (NEPRA) State of the Industry Report 2021, at 530 MW, solar constitutes less than two percent of the total installed electricity generation capacity and the amount of solar deployed in the energy mix is mostly stagnant; it increased by a measly 0.94% in FY 2020-21 compared to FY 2019-20. Currently, all solar power projects are small-scale, with individual installed capacities of 100 MW or less. While the Alternative Energy Development Board (AEDB) is pursuing 22 solar photovoltaic power projects, their combined cumulative capacity is 890.80 MW – for context, Pakistan’s country-wide government efforts that are in the pipeline would power (at most and only if materialised completely) about a third of Karachi’s needs in summer.

So why, despite the promising numbers, has solar such a humble position in Pakistan’s energy mix? For one thing, it makes less economic sense compared to its competitors. According to energy expert Farrukh Mahmood Mian, initially, even nuclear, the most expensive of renewable options, was cheaper than solar. Another reason is that Pakistan has coal reserves, which although are neither clean nor green, offer several plus points. By one estimate, Pakistan’s coal reserves amount to 3,377 million tons, equivalent to over 300 times the annual consumption. Coal is (relatively) cheap, there is a lot of it and it provides employment; consequently, 74% of coal consumption is used for electricity generation. Despite this, consumers, residential and commercial, endure frequent load shedding as well as increasing electricity tariffs. It is not like one can mine coal oneself, set up a nuclear plant or a dam to power a household. However, installing solar panels is possible and highly doable.

Therefore, while the government ignores solar power, the private sector has been quietly embracing it. According to Reon Energy, a business vertical of Dawood Hercules, the solar market potential is estimated to be 4,000 MW to 4,500 MW, which is why the private sector sees a market that is five times bigger than the PTI’s Government’s plans envisaged. Furthermore, solar is among the cheapest options available, as without using batteries, the levelised cost of energy (over 25 years) for a unit of solar electricity is about seven rupees compared to the grid tariff, which can be as high as Rs 24 (inclusive of tax). Factoring in batteries, the cost of solar increases by roughly five rupees to a ballpark figure of Rs 11.

In this situation, Reon Energy expect the commercial and industrial market to reach approximately 3.2 GW (3,200 MW) by 2025. Pakistan’s residential net metering renewable market has grown at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 164% over the last five years (net metering takes into account the units supplied to the grid and for which the owner is compensated – and as per NEPRA’s State of Industry Report 2021, the total installed capacity of net-metering consumers at the end of the last fiscal year was approximately 232 MW), while the commercial and industrial Tier 1 market grew at a steep CAGR of 97% compared to the previous government’s efforts of less than one percent growth.

Residential Benefits It makes sense for homeowners to switch to a hybrid solution of on-grid and solar power. The sun powers the household when it shines and grid electricity steps in when it does not (cloudy weather and at night). This is borne out by Ali Karimjee, a resident of DHA, Karachi, who installed an 11 KW system solar system in 2018. “In the cooler months, I don’t pay an electricity bill. In fact, I get extra credit that is adjusted during the coming months.” The solution cost him about Rs 1.1 million in 2018. He adds that even in the peak of summer, his bills do not exceed Rs 7,000 or 8,000 per month, despite running three ACs and an assortment of household appliances. Given the cost savings, he has recouped 75% of his investment to date.

Commercial Interests Commercial tariffs are considerably higher than residential tariffs in terms of on-grid electricity and are set to spiral given the fiscal crunch. ‘Green’ and ‘sustainability’ have become corporate buzzwords and many companies are pledging their contribution towards a cleaner environment, and solar panels are a happy combination of environmental responsibility and fiscal prudence. As Mujtaba Raza, CEO, Solar Citizen, says, “The reason businesses opt for solar is predominantly the financial payoff. Compared to other countries, Pakistan’s solar costs are lower because of higher energy tariffs and lower labour costs.” He points out that Karachi University installed a 65 KW system in one of their buildings, a solar solution that will save them Rs 250,000 a month and “as they pay high commercial rates, their ROI will be under two years. However, he adds, “regardless of the savings, the upfront cost can be very exorbitant for some consumers, as it can range from anything from one and a half to three million rupees; rather like buying a new car.”

Borderline Affordability Clearly, solar solutions are not within everyone’s budget. According to Musa Khan Durrani, Head of Business & Planning, SkyElectric, it costs about Rs 150,000 per KW (roughly Rs 150 per watt), with installations coming in at multiples of 5 KW. Battery storage adds a further Rs 250,000 per KW for a home solution from a reputable company. He adds that Pakistan is the only country in the world where solar installations are taxed at 17% GST and the entire industry has been derailed since the last mini-budget, added to which the global shortage of semiconductors has impacted the industry as solar solutions require a lot of chips and deliveries that took about four weeks now take 12 weeks.

“Container shipping prices have gone up seven times in the last year, and we expect this to be compounded because of the Ukraine-Russia war. The free fall of the rupee has not helped given the number of imported components in a solar solution. Thus, overall, the price of solar solutions has increased by 40 to 50%, he concludes.

Financing Green Portfolios Financing is another challenge. The State Bank of Pakistan has provided a renewable energy financing facility to encourage banks to increase their green financing portfolios, with a maximum annual mark-up rate of six percent. According to Reon Energy, this facility has been instrumental in supporting the uptake of solar by the private sector. “The market has just started to fully comprehend the benefits of this scheme and is keen to switch to renewable power. However, this facility may expire on June 30, 2022 and taking the growth forecast into account, the scheme needs to be extended for a further three years.”

In Durrani’s opinion, the benefits of solar are a catch-22 situation for the government. “Increasing solar generation in the overall grid will, in one way, increase the Circular Debt because surplus power is one of the core reasons behind it. Tariffs are high because of surplus power. Since tariffs are high, people switch to solar. As they switch to solar, the surplus of power increases pushing tariffs higher. And the circle continues.”

Transmission Conundrum Solar energy, or any other form of renewable energy, will not solve the current transmission challenges. For clarity, the transfer of electricity to the grid system comes under transmission, and transfer from the grid system to the end consumer comes under distribution. The weakness in the system (and which causes loadshedding) is the distribution, where the infrastructure typically has a life of 20 to 25 years, after which continuous investment is required. Therefore, although renewable energy can solve the issue of moving away from dirty energy, its transmission will still rely on the same old infrastructure. In this respect, says Durrani, “The goal the world over is to move away from centralised grid station power towards distributive power whereby every house produces electricity while consuming it. This is to move away from a model where huge investments are required to transmit electricity from its source of generation.”

Solar is unique in that any house with sufficient space can generate its own electricity and therein lies its potential. However, solar did not figure significantly in the previous government’s power plans. No doubt there are incentives for the private sector to move towards it, but the reality is that without government intervention, despite the outlandishly rosy numbers, solar’s potential will remain in the realm of comic books.

Fatima S. Attarwala is an analyst at Dawn’s Business & Finance. attarwala@gmail.com

Nearly 600 Starbucks branches reopen in Shanghai

Xinhua | Updated: 2022-06-03 

A Starbucks logo is seen at a plaza in Lujiazui district, Shanghai. [Photo/CFP]

SHANGHAI -- The Starbucks Reserve Roastery in Shanghai resumed operations on Friday after a two-month suspension.

As of Friday, nearly 600 Starbucks branches in Shanghai have reopened, accounting for about two-thirds of its outlets in the city.

"Nearly 500 of them have reopened in the past three days, which gives our team more confidence," said Leo Tsoi, chief executive officer of Starbucks China.

It is estimated that Shanghai, a city at the forefront of China's boom in coffee consumption, has more than 7,000 coffee shops. Starbucks alone has over 900 branches in Shanghai.

Tsoi noted that a new Starbucks will open in Shanghai's Qingpu District on Saturday. "Both the resumption of existing branches and the opening of the new one reflect our confidence in China's consumer market."

Starbucks announced in 2018 that it aims to have 6,000 branches in China by end of September 2022.

DOCUMENTARY: THE COLONIAL HISTORY OF COLOURISM

Mobeen Hussain Published May 29, 2022

   

In a recent BBC documentary, entitled Beauty and the Bleach, presenter Tan France (of Queer Eye fame) tackles the issue of colourism. Also known as pigmentocracy, colourism is defined as discrimination that privileges light-skinned people of colour over their darker-skinned peers.

France was born in Doncaster, South Yorkshire, to Pakistani immigrant parents. He says he had always assumed that colourism had “something to do with colonialism”. He also illustrates, with harrowing personal stories, how it comes from within one’s own community. “It’s our own people who are saying that we are not worthy,” he says. “We are not worthy unless we are light-skinned.”

As a system, colourism is deeply rooted in the violence of colonial history. The slave-owning colonial societies of the Caribbean and the United States sustained myths of white racial purity. Preferential treatment of lighter-skinned slaves and the “one drop rule” led to lighter skin shades being associated with status and respectability.

My research shows that colourism was also commodified during the late colonial period, by an imperially supported capitalist economy that racialised Indians. France rightly notes that the south Asian or brown experience cannot be conflated with the Black experience, not least because of the prevalence of anti-blackness within many South Asian communities.

In Beauty and the Bleach, Tan France explores the skin-shade prejudice he experienced as a South Asian child in England

However, both Black and south Asian people continue to grapple with the legacies of their colonial histories. They continue to experience racism too.

Rooted in colonial narratives

Historically, Indians and Europeans alike popularised perceptions of south Indians and lower castes as darker skinned. In the late 18th and 19th centuries orientalists held that Aryan peoples had displaced indigenous Dravidians across the Indian Subcontinent, from around 2000 to 1600 BC.

Colonial thinkers distinguished between “strong pale Aryans” and small dark-skinned primitive Dravidians. Colonial ethnographer HH Risley further racialised Indians by codifying different castes ranging from “Dead Black” to “Flushed Ivory”.

These ideas fed into European civilisational ideas of superiority and progress, which were selectively adopted by other groups. Certain north Indian and Bengali muslims, for instance, connected Persian and Afghan heritage to Aryan genealogies.

So although caste and connections to skin colour were not created by European thinkers, they were consolidated by the British colonial state. Groups from the northern regions of India, deemed lighter-skinned and stronger, were classified as martial races and recruited into the colonial army. Later, through the 1881 and 1901 censuses, racialised caste descriptions became a matter of public record. Across Indian society, fair skin continued to hold currency.

How skin lightening became a big industry

Long before Unilever launched its Fair and Lovely cream in 1971, European and US companies commodified skin lightening in colonial India. Early 20th-century marketing for soaps and creams, as well as skin-lighteners, promoted ideals of superior hygiene, femininity and whiteness to Indian consumers. Local Indian entrepreneurs capitalised on their popularity, connecting fairer skin to class mobility.

The idea that “lighter means beautiful” was also reinforced, from the turn of the 20th century, by commercial photography and cinema in both Hollywood and Bollywood. And when people from south Asia and the Caribbean migrated to the UK, these preferences for lighter skin were transported to post-war Britain.

This discrimination compounded the racism they experienced at the hands of white British communities. France recounts his childhood trauma of facing racism outside and colourism at home. In the 1970s and 1980s, in Black and south Asian communities in Britain, skin shade remained associated with the very real question of social mobility.

Voices of resistance

In colonial India, there was some pushback against colourism. Anti-caste thinkers including Jyotirao Phule and BR Ambedkar rejected ideas that endorsed Aryan and Brahman superiority. Opposition to colour-based prejudice could also be found in popular poetry as well as in debates in women’s periodicals.

In the US and in Britain, from the 1960s, Black power movements and anti-racist socialist organising embraced the Black is beautiful discourse. This idea resurfaced more recently, in 2017, in a campaign launched by the Indian non-governmental organisation, Women of Worth, entitled Dark is Beautiful.

In post-apartheid South Africa activists inspired by anti-colonial thinking have attempted to ban skin lighteners and their harmful ingredients. However, the use of these products remains complex.

Some people view skin-lighteners as a modern beauty choice. Along with new lightening technologies, including laser treatments and plastic surgery, these products remain hugely popular. Social media filters, meanwhile, continue to value lighter skin tones.

In 2020, Unilever announced it was replacing “fair” in its Fair & Lovely product range with “glow”. My research highlights how the choice of “glow” is reminiscent of early 20th-century advertising — products are simply rebranded to align them with a more contemporary stance.

Much of France’s documentary focuses on his sense of shame at having on two occasions — at 9 and 16 — bleached his skin. But it was a response to racism and seen as a “matter of survival”. Skin-lightening, for many, is still seen as a means of accessing the social capital needed to improve prospects, from better career opportunities to romantic relationships.

France dwells on the role community elders play in perpetuating this idea. Many south Asian women continue to share older advice about foods to eat or concoctions to make to improve skin colour and glow.

If these practices, like the discrimination at their root, have long been what singer Kelly Rowland describes in the documentary as the “said unsaid” within communities of colour, the historic resistance to them is finding new voices.

Across mainstream and social media, British Black and south Asian people are speaking out. As a second-generation British Pakistani woman, this is what I try to do too. France’s documentary stands as a poignant challenge to speak openly about these painful truths.

The writer is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Trinity College Dublin
Republished from The Conversation

Published in Dawn, ICON, May 29th, 2022

Sanctions on Cuba, shame on the US

By Xin Ping | chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2022-06-03 

People wear face masks as they walk down a street amid the COVID-19 pandemic in 

Havana, Cuba, Oct 2, 2021. [Photo/Xinhua]

Galileo's heliocentric theory in the Middle Ages changed the way people looked at themselves and the outside world. The fact that the universe does not revolve around the Earth was a sobering reminder of the limit of human knowledge. Yet centuries later, the US still lives under the illusion that the world pivots on it and that US rules and interests override those of the rest of the world. Moving against the historical trend would only backfire, as US sanctions imposed from "a position of strength" have delivered nothing but shame to itself.

"So far from God and so close to the United States." For Cuba, the waters keeping the US at bay cannot keep away the sweeping sanctions dating back to the 1960s. The US has adopted every major method available to sanction a state, including but not limited to prohibiting imports from or through Cuba, US exports to Cuba, and the travel of US citizens to Cuba. A declassified 1960 State Department memo was surprisingly straightforward about real US intention: "to bring about hunger, desperation", and ultimately, the "overthrow of government".

The type of Cuban government the US tried to subvert is alive and well 60 years later. What also remains in place is the blockade on Cuba despite international opposition. Since 1992 when the issue was first voted on, the UN General Assembly has adopted resolutions for 29 consecutive times,overwhelmingly calling on the US to end the embargo. It is not hard for anyone with compassion to sympathize with Cuban people's lives. According to Al Jazeera, the Cuban government and the UN estimated that the embargo has cost the Cuban economy $130 billion over 60 years. In 2020 alone, the loss was $9.1 million. And the figure is sure to rise amid the pandemic.

The virus knows no borders but US sanctions do, as they cut Cuban people off from medical supplies from overseas. Special rapporteurs of the UN Human Rights Council warned in 2020 that "In the pandemic emergency, the lack of will of the US Government to suspend sanctions may lead to a higher risk of such suffering in Cuba and other countries targeted by its sanctions." UN Secretary-General António Guterres appealed for the waiving of sanctions which could undermine countries' capacity to respond to the pandemic. The World Health Organization also called for "intensification of cooperation and collaboration at all levels to contain, control and mitigate the COVID-19 pandemic" "in the spirit of unity and solidarity".

As always, the US has turned a deaf ear to all those voices. To Cuba, US inaction and indifference has reinforced its conviction in self-reliance and self-development. When medical supplies could not reach Cuba's shores, the Caribbean country produced and administered its own vaccines. By May 6, more than 89.8 percent of the population have been fully vaccinated, including all kids aged two years and above. In mid-May, the case-fatality rate in Cuba was 0.77 percent, much lower than that of the US. When the fast-moving Omicron variant caused another record surge in COVID cases in the US, infections in Cuba have been slowing notably with only two-digit cases confirmed per day. In fact, Cuba has always been prepared and even dispatched medical experts to support other countries' efforts in fighting the virus.

Separated by water, the two countries are worlds apart. But it all comes down to the perception of what people needs and what makes us human. Those who strive for nothing but self-interest will dismiss the worth of humanity, while others, though subject to repression, can unite as one and show the resilience and infinity of human capacity. In solidarity with Cuba and indignation with the US practice, regional countries have mounted resistance to the US, which is to host a Summit of the Americas for invited countries only. This time, they warned to skip the meeting in June if Cuba and two other countries the US keeps finding fault with cannot attend.

The US has tried to assuage the resistance by easing a tiny fraction of sanctions on Cuba. But a short relief - again tailored to US interests - cannot make up for decades of suffocation. If the US really wants to pave a #RoadtotheSummit as the twitter hashtag suggests, it should clear all obstacles to basic human survival and development. Otherwise, it will find that the road it paved for hegemony only leads to a dead end.

The author is a commentator on international affairs, writing regularly  for CGTN, Global Times, Xinhua News Agency, etc.. He can be reached at xinping604@gmail.com

The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily. If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

Fading pulse of democracy

Jawed Naqvi Published May 31, 2022

IF Hindutva is a vehicle for fascism, which it is, it must be a bit more than a mere communal ogre. Its other core objectives include women’s subjugation through patriarchy. It has an economic worldview with robust global support, including a fear of egalitarian politics and an alignment with neoliberalism. It seeks to free Brahminical hierarchy from the clutches of Ambdekar’s progressive constitution.

Hindutva thrives on prairie fires it sets — on hijab here, beef-eating there, Hindi versus Urdu, Babar here, Aurangzeb there. Let’s pause on Aurangzeb.

“Exalted son, I was much pleased with the ‘dali’ of mangoes sent by you to the old father. You have requested me to suggest names for the unknown mangoes. When you yourself are very clever, why do you give trouble to your old father? However, I have named them ‘Sudha-ras’ and Rasna-vilas’.” Think of Hindutva’s toxic Hindi-for-Hindus, Urdu-for-Muslims thesis.

The letter from Emperor Aurangzeb (1658-1707) to his son comes from a clutch of missives translated by J.H. Bilimoria from Ruka’at-i-Alamgiri. There is another collection of letters: Dastur-al-Amal Agahi. A ‘learned servant’ of Raja Aya Mal collected these under the raja’s orders from various sources after the emperor’s death.

There is an eye-raising advice to another son in one of the letters. Be watchful of the goings on in Gujarat. No, the advice has nothing to do with any Hindu-Muslim communal upsurge in Aurangzeb’s Gujarat.

On the contrary, the reference is to Maratha forces raiding the traders of Surat, looting Hindu and Muslim businessmen alike. The raiders used the booty in Shivaji’s fabled battles with Aurangzeb’s armies. The emperor dispatched his best generals to protect the merchants of Surat, regardless of their religious profiles, but the Marathas usually outfoxed them. Aurangzeb’s generals who led the campaign against Shivaji were often Hindu Rajput.

Hindutva’s key targets are the erstwhile outcastes, ancient targets from centuries before Aurangzeb’s forbears were born.

A great administrator and an unmitigated religious zealot, Aurangzeb was a bundle of contradictions. He forbade the public recitation of poetry but never ceased to quote verses from classic Persian poets in letters to his sons and others. He ordered the demolition of the temple in Mathura, which was built in the reign of his grandfather Jehangir. He destroyed a temple in Banaras, and these may not have been the only ones. It’s also well known that the puritan Aurangzeb had more Hindu generals and nobles in his camp than did his religiously eclectic elder brother Dara Shikoh.

So what do we do about Aurangzeb? How do we un-ring the bell of history? Should we disband the Anglican Church because it was founded by Henry VIII to commit adultery, nay, murder and adultery? Take Aurangzeb’s revenge on Indian Muslims 400 years after his miserable death? Yes, and no. Muslims too provide the traction Hindutva needs, and they have enough leaders in their fold to fall into the trap.

Hindutva’s key targets are the erstwhile outcastes, ancient targets from centuries before Aurangzeb’s forbears were born. A Dalit groom could be in trouble in modern India — even if the headlines are mostly about defending or opposing hijab, or the violent hypocrisy around beef-eating etc — if the groom as much as rides a horse to his wedding, deemed an upper caste privilege. Hindutva is about destroying the Nehruvian vision that has protected Muslims, Christians, Dalits, Sikhs, anyone from his long-feared majoritarian putsch now underway.

But Muslim leaders have gained from the polarisation. They sold priceless waqf land in Mumbai for a lark to a billionaire to build a gaudy skyscraper, but they couldn’t negotiate a peaceful settlement over a few square yards to save thousands of lives, and the country from Hindutva. A settlement would have taken the wind out of their adversary’s sails. But it would have also left a few Muslim lawyers with no brief to flaunt.

There’s no debating with Hindutva citing science or reason or modernity. Aurangzeb was not alone, friends say to Hindutva votaries with hope. ‘Hindu rulers demolished Hindu temples too.’ The answer is terse: ‘So what!’ Hindutva’s ranks are under orders to be muscular. So they click pictures of lynching hopelessly vulnerable folk. That the police provide cover helps.

Read: How to dismantle Hindutva?

The Quixotic lot will take on the ‘marauding Muslims’. On their part, Muslims plead pathetically that they stayed back with Nehru and they loved their country as much as he did. ‘Are you doing us a favour?’ Hindutva votaries are known to nip the enthusiasm in the bud. Indians lived in harmony, goes the liberal chorus. Hindus and Muslims celebrated each other’s festivals. Muslim shepherds discovered the Amarnath shrine in Kashmir. There are Hindu motifs in Muslim customs. The two share music and visit many shrines together. ‘So let’s stop it,’ commands the Hindutva ideologue imperviously. ‘Sickular’ is the word he uses for secular.

A court has handed sensitive documents of the survey of a mosque it ordered in Varanasi to Hindu petitioners, telling them not to make them public. We live in hope. If Hindutva leaders have made up their minds about an ancient deity being present in a mosque, suspend reason. Every court case, each TV debate shifts the focus from the wider canvas of Hindutva’s truer objectives. Can a law stall fascism? Let’s change the subject.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee quoted Ali Sardar Jafri’s poem in Lahore to kindle a short-lived hope for India-Pakistan amity, and thereby of relative harmony at home. “You come with the fragrance of the gardens of Lahore. We come with the light of a magical dawn in Banaras. Only to discover there’s no enemy to fight.”

Neither the desired amity nor the coveted harmony is nigh.

Jafri had more realistically described the endgame for Indian democracy, with its political pulse steadily fading away, with or without Aurangzeb as the ruse. “Kaam ab koi na aaega bas ik dil ke siva/ Raaste band hain sab kucha-i-qatil ke siva.” (Heed your heart that still beats as a friend/ All exits are closed except to a treacherous end.)

The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.

jawednaqvi@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, May 31st, 2022

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for HINDUISM IS FASCISM 

PAKISTAN

Women in poverty

Zubeida Mustafa

Published June 3, 2022

AS Pakistan goes through turbulent times on the political and economic fronts, women sink deeper and deeper into poverty. No one seems to care, least of all those leaders who are responsible for the public chaos, the economic uncertainty and insecurity they have created by their casual stance on serious issues.

Tehrik-i-Niswan, whose commitment to the women’s cause has never slackened, has come to the fore in these critical times. Last Friday, it organised a ‘peace table’ on women living in poverty. The Tehrik’s founder, Sheema Kermani, set the stage for a serious discourse with an enchanting musical performance in honour of women. This was a significant move. In fact, Sheema’s role in the women’s movement in Pakistan has been quite remarkable. She launched the Tehrik-i-Niswan in 1979 at a time when women in Pakistan were in dire straits. The Hudood Ordinances, the chaadar and chaardiwari and other such tools of oppression and suppression were being used by Gen Ziaul Haq to crush women.

Creating the Tehrik proved to be a smart move. Its goal was the liberation of women and the medium used was music. Music is universally acknowledged to have a deep impact on the psyche and is a powerful medium for mobilising people for resistance. Sheema has a brave record of dancing for defiance. She has continued to lead this process of systemic change for more than three generations.

Why a peace table? This concept was initiated by some global women claiming that women play the role of peacemakers and have their own inclusive perspective on issues in times of conflict. They must be included in peace negotiations. In that context, Friday’s event was important. It had an array of women speakers who impressed and inspired — Azra Sayeed, Tahira Abdullah, Hoorunnisa Palijo. They reassured us that women activism is as alive today as ever before.

Today, 75pc of those living below the poverty line are women.

The peace table was indeed timely. With so many women now visible in the media and on the political stage, we tend to forget that the really disadvantaged among them are not even visible though they constitute a huge number.

Unemployment, food insecurity, ill health, illiteracy, denial of reproductive health rights and violence have driven women to poverty. Today, 75 per cent of those living below the poverty line are women who are exploited and oppressed. The speakers laid out these facts. With activists like Veeru Kohli around nothing was left unsaid.

What next? Unlike earlier practice, a list of demands was drawn up and circulated. They mainly focused on registering and documenting women’s contribution to the national economy and society. This would require calculating the GDP differently by taking into account women’s unpaid work and disaggregating by sex all statistics related to labour and social welfare. Then there is the demand to revitalise the First Women Bank that was launched by Benazir Bhutto in her first term as prime minister and was providing useful services to women. It mainly financed women-initiated projects.

Some of the demands reiterate the rights of women that have long been ignored, such as ensuring women’s access to assets and ownership of property. The list included the demand for the registration of women-headed households.

The list of demands confirmed a healthy shift in the orientation of the women’s movement in the last seven-plus decades. Starting out by performing acts of charity and philanthropy, the women’s movement developed in the next stage as a drive to educate women and give them awareness about themselves. That was the conscientisation of women to create awareness of their own potential. This was the first step towards the empowerment of women by preparing them to enter the workforce. Thereafter, it has been the phase of consolidation, confirmation and winning public acceptance.

This process should not be underestimated given the fact that as the movement grew, a backlash was created by the misogynist, obscurantist and patriarchal section of society. Since by then enlightened and progressive-minded men had become a part of the feminist movement, feminism began to lose its gender hue.

Some of the demands for the registration and documentation of women’s economic activities come at a vital time. This is the time when the need for documentation of the national economy is being seen as a ‘must do’ measure that will be most timely.

PS: Isn’t it strange that in the current melee in the country today, women have no voice in decision-making? The women who are seen on television are either party spokespersons or party leaders mostly guarding their family’s political legacy. They do not have an independent position of their own. Where is the women’s parliamentary caucus that had been set up in the National Assembly more than a decade ago? It is in times of such polarisation that women’s voices are sadly missing.

www.zubeidamustafa.com
Published in Dawn, June 3rd, 2022