Tuesday, November 12, 2024

Thousands of Kurds in London demand freedom for Abdullah Öcalan

Thousands of Kurds and their friends from all over Britain marched in London demanding freedom for Abdullah Öcalan.



ANF
LONDON
Monday, 11 November 2024

As part of the “Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan, A Political Solution to the Kurdish Quetsion” initiative, thousands of Kurds and their friends held a rally and large march in front of the BBC building in London.

Kurds from Edinburgh and Glasgow in Scotland, Liverpool, Brighton, Sheffield and Manchester in England set out by bus and private vehicles to take part in the march in front of the BBC building.




London Kurdish People's Assembly co-chair Ishak Milani said that "the captivity of Leader Öcalan is no longer acceptable to the Kurdish people or the peoples of the Middle East.



Milani said: "We have not received any news from Leader Öcalan for 44 months. The campaign initiated by the friends of the Kurdish people has had a great impact all over the world and the Turkish state has been blocked, helpless and had to allow a meeting between Leader Öcalan and Urfa MP Ömer Öcalan. We send thousands of greetings to Leader Öcalan."




KJAR calls for solidarity with Warisha Moradi sentenced to death in Iran


The Association of Free Women of Eastern Kurdistan (KJAR) calls for solidarity with its activist Warisha Moradi, who has been sentenced to death in Iran.


ANF
NEWS DESK
Tuesday, 12 November 2024, 

The Association of Free Women of Eastern Kurdistan (KJAR) released a statement calling for solidarity with its activist Warisha Moradi, who has been sentenced to death in Iran. The determination and solidarity in the fight against the regime can stop the execution machine, the umbrella organisation of the Kurdish women's movement emphasised, and explicitly welcomed the efforts of people around the world who are speaking up for Moradi.

“Every action for our friend is to be appreciated. Because human solidarity should remind us of the importance of acting together when faced with problems. The fight against the death penalty in Iran and beyond is a common fight. Therefore, we call on activists and struggling women worldwide to stand by Warisha and her resistance for the liberation of women and to prevent the regime from achieving its goals,” said the KJAR.

On Sunday, it was announced that Warisha Moradi had been sentenced to death by a revolutionary court in Tehran for ‘armed rebellion against the state’. The sentence is related to Moradi's advocacy of women's political and feminist issues as part of her membership of the KJAR, which is prosecuted by Iran's regime judiciary as a ‘separatist terrorist organisation’.

Moradi, who is currently being held in the women's wing of Tehran's notorious Evin Prison, was abducted by the Iranian intelligence service near Sine (Sanandaj), the city of her birth in eastern Kurdistan, and initially held for weeks in a local ‘detention centre’. According to human rights organisations, she was severely tortured both by the Ministry of Intelligence in Sine and in Evin Prison, both physically and psychologically, in order to force her to make a confession on camera. She is denied access to a lawyer most of the time, as well as contact with her family members.

“The patriarchal and misogynist regime has resorted to its full range of cruelties to break Warisha Moradi. Because these measures were ineffective against her desire and that of all women for freedom, she has now been sentenced to death,” said KJAR.

The KJAR said that the death sentence is an act of revenge by the regime on the ‘Jin Jiyan Azadî’ revolution, of which Moradi is considered to be a pioneer. The uprising that ignited in September 2022, following the murder of the young Kurdish woman Jina Mahsa Amini by the Iranian forces, has resulted in a liberation movement and triggered the greatest crisis of legitimacy that the regime has experienced in its 45-year history. But instead of recognising the suffering of the various groups affected by discrimination and oppression, ending the suppression of fundamental rights and freedoms and tackling the crises that Iran has long been facing – inflation, growing poverty and skyrocketing prices that hit women even harder – those who long for a life of dignity are being fought, ‘with the utmost radicalism and brutality,’ the KJAR emphasised.

“The death sentence against Warisha Moradi, with which the regime has driven another nail into the coffin of its own system, is a clear indication that Tehran will stick to its inhuman and misogynistic course. There will be resistance against this. We strongly condemn this decision. Warisha Moradi and also Pakhshan Azizi, as well as all other fighting women, are the torches of freedom for the peoples of Iran. They are symbols of the struggle for “Jin Jiyan Azadî” (Woman, Life, Freedom), to whom the sensitivity and solidarity of all people, and especially women, who long for freedom, should be directed,” KJAR stated.
Southern Kurdistan Women's Front calls for action for Warisha Moradi

Southern Kurdistan Women's Front calls on all women of the world to take action for Warisha Moradi, who was sentenced to death in Iran.



ANF
NEWS DESK
Tuesday, 12 November 2024

The Southern Kurdistan Women's Front made a statement calling for urgent action for Warisha Moradi, a member of the Eastern Kurdistan Free Women's Community (KJAR), who was sentenced to death in Iran. The statement called on everyone to be the voice of Warisha Moradi against the death sentence handed to her.

The statement referred to the protests that took place in Iran and Eastern Kurdistan two years ago with the slogan ‘Jin Jiyan Azadî’ (Woman, Life, Freedom) and noted that the spirit of women's resistance and struggle gave strength to women all over the world. The statement emphasised that Warisha Moradi dedicated her life to women's freedom and was arrested by the forces of the occupying Iranian regime on 31 July 2023 due to the hopes she pioneered in her life dedicated to women's freedom. “However, Warisha Moradi’s hopes and goals for women's freedom grew even more in prison, where she did not give up the struggle,” it added.

The statement remarked that Warisha Moradi has always stood against the death penalty in Iran, where the ruling regime does not even recognise the right to defence.

Remarking that Iran's execution policies are aimed at intimidation, the statement concluded: “As women from Southern Kurdistan, we call out to all women of the world; as Warisha Moradi became the voice of all women in prison, let us raise our voices against the death penalty. The more we raise our voices against the execution policy, the more we can stop executions. Together we must stand against the death sentence given to Warisha Moradi.”

Lawyers of Warisha Moradi notified of the death sentence
Political prisoner Warisha Moradi, a member of the Rojhilat Free Women's Community (KJAR), was sentenced to death by the 15th Branch of the Tehran Islamic Revolutionary Court on charges of "treason...

KJK calls for action against death sentence against Warisha Moradi
The Kurdistan Women's Union (KJK) strongly condemned the death sentence against Warisha Moradi and called on Iran's judiciary to reverse the decision. In a statement published on Monday, the umbrel...




‘As YJA Star, we are the defence army of all oppressed women’



Stating that they fight not only for the women of Kurdistan, but for every oppressed woman who is subjected to violence, YJA Star guerrillas said, “As YJA Star, we are the defence army of all oppressed women.”


ANF
BEHDINAN
Tuesday, 12 November 2024, 

Guerrillas from YJA Star (Free Women’s Troops) drew attention to violence against women in the patriarchal system on the occasion of 25 November, International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women.

Emphasising that millions of women are subjected to massacre, rape, harassment and violence in the patriarchal system every day, YJA Star guerrillas stated that this brutality against women is made a part of life and is wanted to be legitimised.

Noting that Kurdish People's Leader Abdullah Öcalan exposed this mentality with his ideology and philosophy and paved the way for women's struggle for freedom, the guerrillas stated that the women's army was established on this basis.

Stating that they have assumed a pioneering role in every aspect of life and war, the women guerrillas underlined that systematic violence can only end through the joint organisation and self-defence of women.

The guerrillas said that policies of femicide are being carried out against women in many parts of the world, and that these policies can be overcome through resistance and solidarity.


YJA Star guerrillas underlined that they struggle not only for the women of Kurdistan, but also for every woman who is oppressed and subjected to violence, giving the following message on the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women on 25 November: “YJA Star is an army defending all oppressed women, women in Kurdistan and Turkey in the first place, as well as Afghanistan, India and Europe. We will defeat the invaders with the slogan ‘Jin, Jiyan, Azadî’ (Woman, Life, Freedom). We follow the path of selfless women comrades such as Asya, Rûken and Sar, who sacrificed their lives for freedom without a moment's hesitation. As YJA Star fighters, we will strike a blow to the male-dominated system in every action of ours. We call on all young women to participate in the ranks of YJA Star, to join the life beautified by the Apoist philosophy and to crown the struggle with success.”


Nicaragua Today: “Purgers, Corruption, & Servility to Putin”

Monday 11 November 2024, by Dora María Téllez




These  comments by former Sandinista militant and now exiled dissident Dora María Téllez, are excerpted from an interview by Carlos F. Chamorro on the Esta Semana program broadcast July 21 on CONFIDENCIAL’s YouTube channel. Téllez, an historian and political activist, analyzed president Daniel Ortega’s speech and the country’s political situation on the 45th anniversary of ousting the Anastasio Somoza dictatorship.

“[The regime has] an immense fear of any activity that they cannot control. With each passing day, the obsession of the Ortega-Murillo regime is to control absolutely everything. There was total control over the very setting and the staging of July 19, where every person had to remain seated.

“In other words, they hold enormous power and an immense fear of the situation getting out of hand, which is evidence of their political fragility within Nicaragua.

The Purpose of the New Purges

“[In the recent arrests and purges of military, police and public officials] I see the hand of Rosario Murillo with the absolute complacency of Daniel Ortega. It is a political purge, that is to say, to accuse these high officials of the Ortega-Murillo regime of corruption is very easy, they’re all full of it. There is not one of them who has a clean portfolio.

“So it is quite easy to accuse them of corruption. Ultimately, it’s a political purge, a sweep aimed at establishing in high-level public positions people who are unconditionally loyal to Rosario Murillo and owe her a favor.

“On the other hand, this purge has to do with a warning to all public employees and especially the high officials: whoever moves a little bit, will be removed from the picture and can end up in El Chipote [prison] or fired, in the least severe of cases. They would be mistreated with a high probability of ending up in La Modelo or the women’s prison.

“The situation with (former high-ranking police official and Ortega’s confidante) ‘El Cuervo’ Guerrero is a notification, a warning. It informs everyone who was in the Sandinista Front guerrilla, no matter how old they are, how long they’ve been imprisoned, or how close they are to Daniel Ortega, that none of them have immunity and that they will all face consequences if necessary.

“Everyone will be kept on their toes. That’s the reason for Jorge Guerrero’s imprisonment. He’s 81 years old, and they sent him straight to the hospital, practically. It’s to notify that entire generation to stay in line, without challenging the Ortega-Murillo duo, especially Rosario Murillo, who this generation hardly likes.

“This is part of the succession process, with Laureano (Ortega) coming up behind, so they need to clear the path for Daniel Ortega’s successors. Daniel is fully on board with this purge, which also reflects the regime’s internal disintegration.

“They haven’t been able to eliminate the ‘external enemy.’ Daniel Ortega even said he wants the United States to disappear — his mindset is about making everything disappear. He hasn’t been able to crush the resistance, so now he’s turning to the ‘internal enemy,’ targeting high-ranking public employees.

“The accusation against the Deputy Foreign Minister (Arlette Marenco) is over a six million córdoba contract (around 160,000 USD), which is a trivial amount compared to the vast fortunes of the Ortega-Murillo family. So, her prosecution is evidently political. The ultimate reason?

“I believe it’s about succession, and Rosario is moving her pieces to position them more advantageously.”

Against the Current

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Venezuelan Communist Neirlay Andrade: ‘An authoritarian regime is never the better option’


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PCV Neirlay Andrade

More than three months after Venezuela’s July 28 presidential election, revolutionary and left-wing organisations inside the country continue demanding the National Electoral Council (CNE) publish the election results. According to the CNE, incumbent president Nicolás Maduro won with more than 51% of the votes. However, the right-wing opposition disputes this, claiming alleged voting centre tally sheets indicate victory for its candidate, Edmundo González. Given conflicting claims, publishing the results is not only a legal requirement but essential to verifying who won. With the Maduro government refusing to do so, leftists such as Partido Comunista de Venezuela (PCV, Communist Party of Venezuela) leader Neirlay Andrade say it “is crossing a line of no return and rapidly imposing a reactionary regime.”

For this reason, various left-wing and progressive groups set up the Frente Democrático Popular (Popular Democratic Front, FDP) in the wake of the elections. Among them are the PCV, Patria Para Todos–Alternativa Popular Revolucionaria (Homeland For All-Revolutionary Popular Alternative), REDES (Networks), the Bloque Historico Popular (Popular Historic Bloc), La Otra Campaña (The Other Campaign), Voces Antiimperialistas (Anti-imperialist Voices), Movimiento Alternativo Popular (Alternative Popular Movement), Centrados en la Gente (Focused on the People), EnComún (In Common) and the Frente Nacional de Lucha de la Clase Trabajadora (National Front of Working Class Struggle). To find out more about this new formation and how they characterise the current situation, Federico Fuentes interviewed Andrade for LINKS International Journal of Socialist Renewal. As well as being an FDP spokesperson, Andrade is also a PCV Political Bureau member and editor of its newspaper, Tribuna Popular.

Why was the FDP formed?

The FDP emerged following July 28 the presidential elections due to the political crisis that erupted after the CNE presented its first electoral bulletin, which was full of legal and mathematical inconsistencies. This alerted the population to the possibility of electoral fraud. The CNE’s bulletin did not come from the central vote tally room. This was the first element that cast doubt on the announced results. Second, CNE rector Elvis Amoroso claimed the announced result represented an “irreversible tendency”, when the difference in votes between the first and second candidates was just 704,114 votes with more than 2 million votes still to count. Doubts regarding the transparency of the process grew further when the CNE hastily proclaimed Maduro as the winner, without publishing the second bulletin with votes broken down by voting centres and booths — as required by the electoral law and customary after Venezuelan elections.

Venezuela has an electronic voting system. At the end of election day, the voting machines print a tally sheet with the votes cast at each polling booth that is then signed by CNE officials and party scrutineers. Copies are given to scrutineers from the political parties participating in the election. This ensures that the information handled by CNE and each political party is the same, thereby guaranteeing the process is transparent. The campaign command for Edmundo González has published results based on tally sheets collected by its scrutineers from more than 70% of the 30,000 polling centres across the country. According to these, González defeated Maduro by a considerable margin. Without saying the results presented by the main opposition force in the country are certain — though they do coincide with the high level of opposition expressed by the Venezuelan people to the anti-worker and anti-people Maduro government — the fact is that the failure to publish the results and data broken down by voting centres and booths within 72 hours of the first bulletin is an unprecedented event in the past 25 years of Venezuelan elections.

Within this complex context, various political parties, trade unions and human rights organisations, as well as intellectuals and high-profile personalities, decided to unite in a platform for struggle to recuperate the political, social and economic rights enshrined in the Constitution, called the FDP.

Why is publication of the results so important? Why do you think the CNE has not published them? And why do you think the TSJ dismissed the FDP’s legal appeal requesting it to ask the CNE to comply with its legal obligations?

In its first public appearance, the FDP called on the CNE to publish the results broken down booth by booth and to open the ballot boxes so that each vote could be counted under the supervision of a citizen’s audit. [A receipt of each vote is printed at the time of voting and deposited in a ballot box by the voter, as a further means to ensure transparency.] Three months after the elections, we filed a constitutional appeal asking the TSJ to order the CNE to comply with its legal obligations. Our case was dismissed and our lawyer, activist María Alejandra Díaz, was fined and temporarily suspended from professional practice. By doing so, the PSUV [United Socialist Party of Venezuela] government has ensured that the TSJ Electoral Chamber — which it controls — not only arrogated for itself functions that are the strict competence of the CNE, but also usurped the sovereignty that resides in a non-transferable manner with the Venezuelan people. But a court ruling cannot trump people’s votes.

The ruling elite knows this. That is why they have accompanied their ruse with an unprecedented wave of repression against poor and working-class sectors. Temporary enforced disappearances; detentions of minors, women and persons with disabilities; arbitrary and humiliating street searches; illegal house raids and theft of belongings; extortion and other operations by parapolice groups in complicity with state forces; as well as the cancellation of passports, have been the order of the day. This policy of terror has been fuelled by psychological and propaganda operations aimed not only at neutralising popular protests, but imposing on society the idea that defending popular sovereignty, the Constitution or the rule of law is the equivalent of being a fascist.

How would you characterise the incoming Maduro government, should Maduro be inaugurated in January?

Maduro intends to be re-elected on the basis of results written on the back of a napkin, without the slightest care for how this happens or any regard for the mechanisms and procedures enshrined in the Constitution. Everyone knows what happened on July 28. Such is the disarray among the government and PSUV elites that they have set in motion a dangerous conspiracy against the will of the people, which includes the judicialisation of elections.

The PSUV government deciding to not publish the results and use the TSJ as an arbiter of the election is the culmination of a campaign marked by irregularities of all kinds, including attacks on revolutionary and leftist organisations, which were barred from presenting their own candidate. This ensured the presidential election was simply a race between the two hegemonic poles within the capitalist class — one represented by Maduro, the other by the [far right opposition leader] María Corina Machado/González duo.

Are you not concerned with what a far-right government could mean for left-wing militants if the results show González won?

The PSUV government leadership has become authoritarian. There are dramatic examples of this: the judicial assault on the Communist Party of Venezuela is one. So too the persecution and jailing of workers and trade union leaders who have fought to defend their wages and labour rights. What has happened since the July 28 presidential elections confirms to us that the Maduro government is crossing a line of no return and rapidly imposing a reactionary regime. 

[Interior] minister Diosdado Cabello has threatened to prevent those who do not recognise the TSJ’s invalid ruling on the presidential election from participating in the elections set for next year [for the National Assembly, governors and mayors]. For his part, parliamentarian [and National Assembly president] Jorge Rodríguez Gómez, in a violent speech given in the NA, urged those who denounce a lack of transparency in the CNE’s results to form a guerrilla front, declaring: “we will wipe them out”.

We have no doubt that the consolidation of this authoritarian turn by the Maduro/PSUV regime will result in the destruction of what little remains of working people’s political and democratic freedoms, as well as negatively impact trade union freedoms to wage class struggle against the bosses. Our demand is clear: respect for popular sovereignty, democratic freedoms and other constitutional guarantees. The consolidation of an authoritarian regime, at the service of domestic and foreign capital, is never a better option.

How can left-wing militants outside Venezuela best help left-wing militants inside Venezuela today?

We urge you not to turn your back on the Venezuelan working class and people. A campaign is underway to legitimise a clearly flawed process on the basis of the PSUV government’s oft-repeated discourse that it is waging a supposed “anti-imperialist struggle”. However, the actions of this corrupt leadership confirm its servile disposition to guaranteeing the profits of local capitalists and transnational capital, while unloading the full weight of the crisis and consequences of the criminal [United States-led] sanctions onto the shoulders of workers.

There needs to be an international campaign to demand the CNE publish the results broken down by voting centres and booths. Also, there needs to be a comprehensive audit and the opening of 100% of the ballot boxes in order to count the ballot papers. Transparency is the only way to ensure this conflict does not worsen. International solidarity with the hundreds of detainees — especially those adolescents and minors still in jail — who are being illegally prosecuted for alleged hate crimes and terrorism is also important. Some of them were not even involved in the protests; they were arbitrarily abducted by security forces.

This is the time of the people. We cannot allow the powers that be and the operators of imperialism and capital to condemn this legitimate struggle of the Venezuelan people to failure.

 

The spectre of revolution: The 1917 Russian revolution failed, but its influence remains strong even now



Published 
Lenin Russian revolution

[Editor’s note: On the occasion of the anniversary of 1917 Russian revolution, jailed Russian Marxist Boris Yulievich Kagarlitsky sent the following text addressing fundamental questions of revolutionary development. Kagarlitsky is currently in a Russian penal colony serving a five-year sentence for speaking out against the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. To support the campaign for his release visit freeboris.info.]

First published in Russian at Rabkor’s Telegram channel. Translation and footnotes by Dmitry Pozhidaev for LINKS International Journal of Socialist Renewal.

This year, on November 7, public interest, regardless of political views, is not focused on the anniversary of the revolution but on the results of the elections in the United States. This is, in essence, correct. No matter how much we respect history, we must live in our time with its problems, passions and contradictions. However, if we are to speak about the 1917 Russian revolution, does it belong exclusively to history? The fact that even today people argue, debate, and even quarrel over assessments of those events proves that the topic has not lost its relevance.

I have said it many times before and will now repeat my thesis that the process initiated on November 7, 1917, is far from complete. The revolution failed, but its spectre still wanders — primarily in Russia.

In using the word “failure”, I risk provoking a wave of indignant comments pointing to the victory of the Reds in the Civil War, the successes of the first Five-Year Plans, and so on. Therefore, it is necessary to clarify. If the historical mission of October 1917 was to launch a process of socialist transformations in Russia and the world, we must unfortunately acknowledge that even where the political victory of the Bolsheviks and their followers seemed indisputable for a long time, capitalism now prevails. This applies to China as much as it does to the states that emerged from the former USSR.

The success of the Russian Revolution and other early socialist revolutions, including the Chinese, Vietnamese and Cuban, lies in the radical modernisation of various aspects of life in the societies that experienced them. Moreover, modernisation occurred everywhere at a rapid pace and on a scale that is virtually unattainable for countries that avoided revolutionary upheavals.

Thus, the successes are indisputable. Just as indisputable (at this moment) is the defeat. The society formed as a result of these upheavals did not become the realisation of a socialist project, did not provide for democratic self-governance of the working people, and did not create a mechanism for systematically addressing the problems and tasks of development recognised by humanity. The restoration of capitalism (whether official, as in Russia, or bashfully disguised under red flags, as in China — complete or partial) became nothing more than a consequence of this failure.

However, revolution is not merely the seizure of power by the left, the proclamation of slogans, or the re-labelling of ideologies. It is a substantive, albeit painful, resolution of capitalism’s accumulated contradictions, a transition to a new phase of development. The practice of contemporary capitalism shows that revolutionary tasks are still on the agenda.

I risk repeating myself (for I have spoken and written about this many times), but the revolutionary process, as we see from past experience, goes through several stages. From democratic popular mobilisation led by moderate reformers, through to the dictatorship of the revolutionary party (the Jacobins and the Bolsheviks), and then Thermidorian-Bonapartist regimes, to restoration. In fact, we are now in a phase of restoration, which has certainly stretched out but is inexorably approaching its end.

The content of the future era will be what is referred to in English history as the Glorious Revolution, when society again returns to the path of development marked by the original revolutionary upheavals, but without the excesses and extremes that characterised them previously.

A new era of reforms and revolutions is inevitably approaching. The only question is whether we can rise to the challenges posed by history.


Otto Rühle

From the Bourgeois to the Proletarian Revolution

1924


Table of Contents:From the Bourgeois to the Proletarian RevolutionForeword
1. The Bourgeois Revolutions
2. The Russian Problem
3. The Bourgeois-Capitalist State
4. Parliament and Parties
5. The Trade Unions
6. The Last Phase Of European Capitalism
7. Factory Organisation And Workers' Union (1)
7. Factory Organisation And Workers' Union (2)1. The Origins of the Unionist (Arbeiterunion) Movement
2. Nature and Goal of the AAUD-E
3. Structure of the Betriebsorganisation (Factory Organisation)
4. Structure of the Union (Councils' Organisation)
5. Tactics
6. Nature of Administration
7. Membership
8. The Councils' System
9. The Proletarian Revolution
Footnotes

 

Mozambique on the brink: Post-election crisis and youth-led uprising for change



Published 

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First published at Amandla!.

Mozambique is at a critical juncture, with post-election discontent revealing deep-rooted flaws in its political system. What began as a challenge to the ruling party, Frelimo, following the recent 2024 election has now erupted into a national crisis. The ruling party, once revered for its role in Mozambique’s liberation, is increasingly seen by many as a far-right organisation operating for private interests and international capital. Decades of alleged electoral manipulation, systemic corruption, and control over all arms of government have eroded public trust and legitimacy.

Frelimo: from liberation heroes to corporate collaborators

The Frelimo party, in power since Mozambique’s independence, is at the centre of the country’s democratic crisis. Initially lauded for its liberation role, Frelimo has shifted from being a revolutionary force to being a party accused of running a quasi-authoritarian system. A growing body of evidence suggests that Frelimo has employed the National Elections Committee (CNE) to block opposition participation in elections, leveraging its control to secure consistent electoral victories. The CNE’s current makeup—filled with Frelimo sympathisers—lacks the independence essential to democratic legitimacy. For many, the CNE’s handling of recent election results has only confirmed that it operates as an extension of the ruling party.

This monopolisation extends beyond political machinery. Frelimo’s entrenchment in extractive industries, including gas, coal, rubies, and rare earth minerals, has transformed Mozambique into a hub of international extraction. Corporations have gained access to the country’s wealth with Frelimo’s support, while local communities suffer land grabs and environmental degradation. As wealth flows out of Mozambique, a cabal of elites and foreign investors continues to profit at the expense of the nation’s economic autonomy. Meanwhile, vast income inequality widens, and poverty persists, creating a precarious socio-political landscape where the people’s grievances intensify.

Electoral fraud and erosion of democratic institutions

The 2024 election served as a flashpoint for discontent. Despite the opposition’s compelling evidence, the CNE declared Frelimo’s candidate, Daniel Chapo, victorious with a staggering majority (70%). This announcement sparked national outrage, as the populace saw it as yet another demonstration of Frelimo’s stranglehold on the electoral process. Opposition leaders, particularly Venâncio Mondlane from PODEMOS, presented evidence of his victory to the Constitutional Council, a move emblematic of the growing frustration with Frelimo’s monopolisation of political space.

Adding to the controversy, the CNE was unable to produce original voting records for scrutiny, citing theft as the reason. The Constitutional Council later challenged the CNE to explain a discrepancy between voter turnout and vote tallies, with the latter suspiciously exceeding the former. Such incidents have fueled public perception that Mozambique’s electoral system is at best ineffective and at worst complicit in state capture by a ruling elite.

The youth’s discontent and the role of foreign influence

The widespread rejection of the election results has brought Mozambique’s youth to the forefront of the resistance. Many young people, who make up a substantial portion of the voting base, have no historical allegiance to Frelimo as a liberation party. For them, Frelimo represents decades of unfulfilled promises, increasing unemployment, and barriers to socio-economic advancement. Led by Venâncio Mondlane, the youth are actively protesting, taking to the streets in defiance of what they see as a stolen future.

The government has responded with heavy-handed measures. Police crackdowns on demonstrations have led to casualties, and key figures close to Mondlane, including his lawyer and a senior political aide, have been assassinated. Frelimo officials, claiming foreign influence in the protests, have attempted to frame the unrest as part of an international conspiracy to destabilise the country and seize its resources. However, such accusations ring hollow, particularly given that Frelimo itself has historically engaged with foreign corporations to exploit Mozambique’s resources.

The silence from Mozambique’s President, Filipe Nyusi, has only added to the tension. Reports suggest that Nyusi recently travelled to Rwanda, a country whose leader, Paul Kagame, has provided security assistance to Mozambique in the Cabo Delgado conflict zone. Given Kagame’s close alliance with Nyusi, some analysts suspect the trip may have been a tactical retreat amid concerns of a potential coup. This speculation underscores the fragility of Mozambique’s institutions and the heightened role of foreign actors in maintaining the status quo.

The need for systemic change

The challenges facing Mozambique cannot be addressed with superficial reforms; the country’s political infrastructure requires a fundamental overhaul. The lack of transparency in electoral processes, the CNE’s compromised independence, and the partisan nature of Mozambique’s judiciary are critical issues that demand immediate action. Moreover, the control exerted by the ruling party over the police and military perpetuates a system in which power is maintained through force rather than consent.

The crossroads of democracy and authoritarianism

Mozambique stands at a crossroads. The Constitutional Council now faces the difficult decision of annulling the election, declaring Mondlane as the winner, or affirming Chapo’s presidency. Each path carries risks, but failure to address the public’s grievances will likely deepen Mozambique’s instability. The youth-led resistance signals a rejection of a political system that has failed to evolve alongside its people’s aspirations. Whether Mozambique chooses to confront its democratic shortcomings or further entrench its authoritarian structures will determine not only its future but also its place within a global community that increasingly values transparency and accountability.

In Mozambique, the call for reform is no longer just a demand—it is an imperative. A genuine democratic renewal could empower Mozambique to harness its rich resources for the collective good, moving beyond the legacy of liberation towards a future of equitable and accountable governance.

Boaventura Monjane is a Mozambican journalist and scholar. Research Fellow at the Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape. Solidarity Programme Officer for West Africa and Haiti at Grassroots International.