November 13, 2024
American Coup: Wilmington 1898 premieres tonight on PBS and investigates the only successful insurrection conducted against a U.S. government, when self-described white supremacist residents stoked fears of “Negro Rule” and carried out a deadly massacre in Wilmington, North Carolina. Their aim was to destroy Black political and economic power and overthrow the city’s democratically elected, Reconstruction-era multiracial government, paving the way for the implementation of Jim Crow law just two years later. We feature excerpts from the documentary and speak to co-director Yoruba Richen, who explains how the insurrection was planned and carried out, and how the filmmakers worked to track down the descendants of both perpetrators and victims, whose voices are featured in the film.
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org
American Coup: Wilmington 1898 premieres tonight on PBS and investigates the only successful insurrection conducted against a U.S. government, when self-described white supremacist residents stoked fears of “Negro Rule” and carried out a deadly massacre in Wilmington, North Carolina. Their aim was to destroy Black political and economic power and overthrow the city’s democratically elected, Reconstruction-era multiracial government, paving the way for the implementation of Jim Crow law just two years later. We feature excerpts from the documentary and speak to co-director Yoruba Richen, who explains how the insurrection was planned and carried out, and how the filmmakers worked to track down the descendants of both perpetrators and victims, whose voices are featured in the film.
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org
I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González.
A new film is premiering tonight on PBS on the largely erased history of a coup to overthrow the elected government of the Black-majority North Carolina city of Wilmington three decades after the Civil War. This is the trailer for American Coup: Wilmington 1898.
PEYTON HOGE: [dramatized] We have taken a city as thoroughly, as completely, as if captured in battle.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: It was the only armed overthrow of an elected government.
LERAE SIKES UMFLEET: We really don’t know how many people were murdered that day.
KIERAN HAILE: Whole families have broken up and scattered. The homes, representing their savings, are deserted.
UNIDENTIFIED: I’ve always felt like this story was always meant to be told.
ALEX MANLY: [dramatized] In North Carolina, the Negro holds the balance of power.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: There was really no other major city in the South like Wilmington.
CAROL ANDERSON: You have the Black leadership with college degrees.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: And there was a professional class there.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: Doctors and teachers and lawyers.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: White vendors were having to compete with Black vendors for customers. And Black men were able to hold public office at multiple levels of government. Wilmington is essentially a promised land for African Americans.
CAROL ANDERSON: It was a different vision of what American democracy could be, that it could actually be multiracial and work.
ALFRED MOORE WADDELL: [dramatized] Men, do your duty. This city, county and state shall be rid of Negro domination once and forever.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: The Confederacy was trying to take power back.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: And white supremacy is going to be the rallying cry.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: So, leaders of the conspiracy turned to actually taking over the city government at gunpoint.
LERAE SIKES UMFLEET: A definition of a coup d’état is an armed overthrew of a legally elected government, which is what happened on this day in Wilmington.
CAROL ANDERSON: This was a coup based on the devaluation of African American citizenship. You think about the loss of wealth, the stealing of their generational legacies. What Wilmington tells us is how fragile American democracy is.
AMY GOODMAN: The trailer for American Coup: Wilmington 1898. We’re going to speak to the director, but first this clip lays out how Wilmington was the largest city in North Carolina in 1898. Black people held many positions in government alongside white people.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: The removal of troops from the South ushered in the end of Reconstruction, and white supremacists are once again able to regain power.
LERAE SIKES UMFLEET: Democrats and Republicans of 1898 are not the Democrats and Republicans of the 21st century.
CAROL ANDERSON: Remember, what we had coming out of the Civil War was that Lincoln was a Republican, and the Republican Party was founded on an anti-slavery platform.
LERAE SIKES UMFLEET: That meant that most African American voters were going to vote for the Republican candidates.
CAROL ANDERSON: The Democrats were the Klan members. The Democrats were the slaveowners, the enslavers. They were deeply committed to the denying citizenship rights to African Americans.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: The Democratic Party holds the state in the 1870s throughout the 1880s. It’s really not until the 1890s that you begin to see the Democrats again lose their power. There’s a depression that takes place in 1893. White farmers are suffering.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: These white farmers felt that the Democratic Party was beholden to the banks and the railroads and the moneyed interests.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: And they bolt from the Democrats and join the Populists, which is a third party.
LERAE SIKES UMFLEET: Neither the Republican Party nor the Populist Party had the voting power to unseat Democratic Party candidates if they were running in a tripart election.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: So they form an alliance, white Populists and Black and white Republicans. This became known as fusion.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: We see a political alliance between African Americans and working-class white people.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: The Populists were as racist as any of the members of the Democratic Party, but their economic interests were so strong that they were able to set that aside.
CAROL ANDERSON: It’s not some kumbaya moment. We’ve got to be really clear about that. It was a pragmatic moment.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: So, both in 1894 and in 1896, this fusionist coalition of Black and white men are able to sweep the North Carolina General Assembly.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: North Carolina elects a fusion governor, Daniel Russell. They send George White to Congress. And they start to pull back all the things that the Democrats did to reduce democracy. So, for example, the positions that were once appointed in Wilmington are now turned into elected positions, which allows Black people to run for office.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: It created, really, a situation in Wilmington that was unique. You had Black men in positions of authority and power.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: So we see Black and white men on the Board of Aldermen. We see Black and white men serving in various municipal offices.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: Ten of the 26 policemen were Black men, the city treasurer, the city jailer, the city coroner. John C. Dancy was the custom collector at the port, which is a federally appointed position. He made $4,000 a year, which was $1,000 more than the governor made.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: The mayor of Wilmington is also a fusion candidate. It’s not the majority of Black, it’s the majority fusion that makes the difference.
KIDADA WILLIAMS: So, with Wilmington by 1898, African Americans had still held on to a lot of the rights and privileges and the institutions and the power they had enjoyed.
CAROL ANDERSON: It was a land of possibility, a land of hope, a different vision of what American democracy could be, that it could actually be multiracial and work.
AMY GOODMAN: That last voice, Carol Anderson, Emory professor. And this is another clip from American Coup: Wilmington 1898 that describes an editorial in Wilmington’s Black newspaper, The Daily Record, before the coup.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: Rebecca Felton, she was the wife of a congressman in Georgia. She gave a speech to the agricultural society condemning white men for, in her mind, not doing enough to stop the Black beast rapists and this supposed rape epidemic in Georgia. There was no rape epidemic, but she created one. White supremacist newspapers in Wilmington realized they could make something of this, so they reprinted her speech in August of 1898. And as soon as Alex Manly saw that, he sat down and wrote an editorial in response to Mrs. Felton.
KIERAN HAILE: “Mrs. Felton from Georgia makes a speech before the agricultural society at Tybee, Georgia, in which she advocates lynching as an extreme measure.”
ALEX MANLY: [dramatized] Experience among poor white people in the country teaches us that women of that race are not more particular in the matter of clandestine meetings with colored men that are the white men with colored women. Meetings of this kind go on for some time until the woman’s infatuation or the man’s boldness bring attention to them, and the man is lynched for rape.
Every negro lynched is called a big burly black brute. When in fact, many of those who have thus been dealt with, have had white men for their fathers, and were not only not black and burly, but were sufficiently attractive for the white girls of culture and refinement to fall in love with them.
KIERAN HAILE: “Tell your men that it is no worse for a Black man to be intimate with a white woman than for a white man to be intimate with a colored woman. Don’t think ever that your women will remain pure while you are debauching ours.” Alex Manly editorial, Daily Record, August 18th, 1898.
CAROL ANDERSON: This was blasphemous. You know, to say that a white woman could actually desire a Black man? What?
DAVID ZUCCHINO: The other point he made was that for generations, white men had been raping Black women with impunity, and that had been going on forever, and nobody talks about that.
CAROL ANDERSON: Alexander Manly’s rebuttal to Rebecca Felton was absolutely courageous. He didn’t say it behind closed doors while he’s talking with his friends. He did it in an editorial published in The Daily Record that has white advertisers. I mean, so he’s really putting himself out there. You had some members of the Black community who were like, “Oh, Manly? Manly doesn’t speak for us.”
CRYSTAL SANDERS: There were many who perhaps, even if they believed it was true, thought that it was, you know, too inflammatory to be printed. We also see prominent Black men in Wilmington urge Manly to recant the editorial, to apologize, in an effort to avoid conflict. He refuses. He sees himself as someone who has done nothing wrong. He has spoken a truth that he believes has gone unspoken for too long.
AMY GOODMAN:American Coup: Wilmington 1898 premieres tonight on PBS and will also stream online. We’re joined by the co-director, Yoruba Richen, award-winning filmmaker.
Yoruba, welcome back to Democracy Now!
YORUBA RICHEN: Thank you, Amy. Thanks for having me.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Yoruba, I wanted to start off by asking you — the Manly editorial became the basis for the first attack of the white supremacists, when they burned down his newspaper. Can you talk about — and again, they were spurred on by the editor and publisher of the white-owned News & Observer. Talk about the role of that publisher, as well.
YORUBA RICHEN: Absolutely. So, the editorial that we just saw was used as the spark to, you know, go into action. But this coup had been planned meticulously in the months leading up to it. It was planned by a group called the Secret Nine, otherwise known as the Chamber — you know, very prominent members of the Chamber of Commerce. And they were self-styled, self-called white supremacists. And it was led by Josephus Daniels, who was the editor of The News & Observer in Raleigh. And the newspaper had published continually this idea, this racist idea, of Black men raping white women and of bad government that Negroes were in charge of, and that if we continued — you know, if they continued to let this happen, white women would be debased and continue to be raped, an epidemic of rape.
And that’s what you saw, you know, the Rebecca Felton newspaper — her speech reprinted in the newspaper, and Manly responding and saying, “No, that’s not true,” and debunking that. And it was that editorial that was — that they said, you know, “Look what happens when Negroes are in rule. Look at the things that they can say. We’ve got to get rid of them. We’ve got to get rid of this newspaper.” And that was the spur for the attack. But it had been planned many months before the actual events happened.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And in making the film, you not only went into the archival records, but you made a decision to locate and interview both white and Black descendants of families that were involved in the events at the time. Could you talk about that?
YORUBA RICHEN: Absolutely. My co-director and I, that was one of the first things that we knew we wanted to include in the film. We found out that a group of Black descendants and, really, one white descendant had been meeting for about a year before we started the production, through an organization called Coming to the Table, which is a national organization that deals — that brings Blacks and whites together dealing with racial issues. And they had been meeting. And we were able to meet them through that organization, attend those meetings and start to create a relationship with some of the descendants who you see in the film. And then we did work to find more descendants, particularly more white descendants, because they were harder to locate or to invite to come and be a part of the film. And we’re very grateful for their participation.
AMY GOODMAN: And one of the white descendants was the descendant of the newspaper editor, right?
YORUBA RICHEN: Absolutely, yes.
AMY GOODMAN: And he and the other descendants took down his statue.
YORUBA RICHEN: Yes, yes. So, The News & Observer, up until the 1960s, was the paper that we saw in 1890s. And then there was a change. And the family recently took down the statue, I think in about 2020. And, you know, Frank was a part of it. He is in the film admitting to what his ancestor did and the harm that it produced not only to North Carolina but to the nation.
AMY GOODMAN: And what happened, actually? What did all of this lead up to? How many people died?
YORUBA RICHEN: So, you know, we’ll never know the numbers, the exact numbers. They weren’t — you know, they weren’t taking it down. But it’s said that it was maybe 200 to 300, but it was probably more than that, you can imagine. Black people were run into — ran into the swamps. One of the — Alfred Waddell, one of the leaders, said, “We’ll choke Cape Fear with their bodies.”
AMY GOODMAN: We have 10 seconds.
YORUBA RICHEN: And then it returned to — and, sorry, then it became a majority-white city. And two years later, Jim Crow was instituted, and there was not another Black person elected from the state of North Carolina ’til 1992.
AMY GOODMAN: Wow. It is an amazing film, and I encourage people to watch it. It premieres tonight on PBS and also live-streamed. Yoruba Richen is co-director of American Coup: Wilmington 1898. That does it for our show. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González. This is Democracy Now!
The original content of this program is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. Please attribute legal copies of this work to democracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates, however, may be separately licensed. For further information or additional permissions, contact us.
A new film is premiering tonight on PBS on the largely erased history of a coup to overthrow the elected government of the Black-majority North Carolina city of Wilmington three decades after the Civil War. This is the trailer for American Coup: Wilmington 1898.
PEYTON HOGE: [dramatized] We have taken a city as thoroughly, as completely, as if captured in battle.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: It was the only armed overthrow of an elected government.
LERAE SIKES UMFLEET: We really don’t know how many people were murdered that day.
KIERAN HAILE: Whole families have broken up and scattered. The homes, representing their savings, are deserted.
UNIDENTIFIED: I’ve always felt like this story was always meant to be told.
ALEX MANLY: [dramatized] In North Carolina, the Negro holds the balance of power.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: There was really no other major city in the South like Wilmington.
CAROL ANDERSON: You have the Black leadership with college degrees.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: And there was a professional class there.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: Doctors and teachers and lawyers.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: White vendors were having to compete with Black vendors for customers. And Black men were able to hold public office at multiple levels of government. Wilmington is essentially a promised land for African Americans.
CAROL ANDERSON: It was a different vision of what American democracy could be, that it could actually be multiracial and work.
ALFRED MOORE WADDELL: [dramatized] Men, do your duty. This city, county and state shall be rid of Negro domination once and forever.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: The Confederacy was trying to take power back.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: And white supremacy is going to be the rallying cry.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: So, leaders of the conspiracy turned to actually taking over the city government at gunpoint.
LERAE SIKES UMFLEET: A definition of a coup d’état is an armed overthrew of a legally elected government, which is what happened on this day in Wilmington.
CAROL ANDERSON: This was a coup based on the devaluation of African American citizenship. You think about the loss of wealth, the stealing of their generational legacies. What Wilmington tells us is how fragile American democracy is.
AMY GOODMAN: The trailer for American Coup: Wilmington 1898. We’re going to speak to the director, but first this clip lays out how Wilmington was the largest city in North Carolina in 1898. Black people held many positions in government alongside white people.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: The removal of troops from the South ushered in the end of Reconstruction, and white supremacists are once again able to regain power.
LERAE SIKES UMFLEET: Democrats and Republicans of 1898 are not the Democrats and Republicans of the 21st century.
CAROL ANDERSON: Remember, what we had coming out of the Civil War was that Lincoln was a Republican, and the Republican Party was founded on an anti-slavery platform.
LERAE SIKES UMFLEET: That meant that most African American voters were going to vote for the Republican candidates.
CAROL ANDERSON: The Democrats were the Klan members. The Democrats were the slaveowners, the enslavers. They were deeply committed to the denying citizenship rights to African Americans.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: The Democratic Party holds the state in the 1870s throughout the 1880s. It’s really not until the 1890s that you begin to see the Democrats again lose their power. There’s a depression that takes place in 1893. White farmers are suffering.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: These white farmers felt that the Democratic Party was beholden to the banks and the railroads and the moneyed interests.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: And they bolt from the Democrats and join the Populists, which is a third party.
LERAE SIKES UMFLEET: Neither the Republican Party nor the Populist Party had the voting power to unseat Democratic Party candidates if they were running in a tripart election.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: So they form an alliance, white Populists and Black and white Republicans. This became known as fusion.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: We see a political alliance between African Americans and working-class white people.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: The Populists were as racist as any of the members of the Democratic Party, but their economic interests were so strong that they were able to set that aside.
CAROL ANDERSON: It’s not some kumbaya moment. We’ve got to be really clear about that. It was a pragmatic moment.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: So, both in 1894 and in 1896, this fusionist coalition of Black and white men are able to sweep the North Carolina General Assembly.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: North Carolina elects a fusion governor, Daniel Russell. They send George White to Congress. And they start to pull back all the things that the Democrats did to reduce democracy. So, for example, the positions that were once appointed in Wilmington are now turned into elected positions, which allows Black people to run for office.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: It created, really, a situation in Wilmington that was unique. You had Black men in positions of authority and power.
CRYSTAL SANDERS: So we see Black and white men on the Board of Aldermen. We see Black and white men serving in various municipal offices.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: Ten of the 26 policemen were Black men, the city treasurer, the city jailer, the city coroner. John C. Dancy was the custom collector at the port, which is a federally appointed position. He made $4,000 a year, which was $1,000 more than the governor made.
ROBIN D. G. KELLEY: The mayor of Wilmington is also a fusion candidate. It’s not the majority of Black, it’s the majority fusion that makes the difference.
KIDADA WILLIAMS: So, with Wilmington by 1898, African Americans had still held on to a lot of the rights and privileges and the institutions and the power they had enjoyed.
CAROL ANDERSON: It was a land of possibility, a land of hope, a different vision of what American democracy could be, that it could actually be multiracial and work.
AMY GOODMAN: That last voice, Carol Anderson, Emory professor. And this is another clip from American Coup: Wilmington 1898 that describes an editorial in Wilmington’s Black newspaper, The Daily Record, before the coup.
DAVID ZUCCHINO: Rebecca Felton, she was the wife of a congressman in Georgia. She gave a speech to the agricultural society condemning white men for, in her mind, not doing enough to stop the Black beast rapists and this supposed rape epidemic in Georgia. There was no rape epidemic, but she created one. White supremacist newspapers in Wilmington realized they could make something of this, so they reprinted her speech in August of 1898. And as soon as Alex Manly saw that, he sat down and wrote an editorial in response to Mrs. Felton.
KIERAN HAILE: “Mrs. Felton from Georgia makes a speech before the agricultural society at Tybee, Georgia, in which she advocates lynching as an extreme measure.”
ALEX MANLY: [dramatized] Experience among poor white people in the country teaches us that women of that race are not more particular in the matter of clandestine meetings with colored men that are the white men with colored women. Meetings of this kind go on for some time until the woman’s infatuation or the man’s boldness bring attention to them, and the man is lynched for rape.
Every negro lynched is called a big burly black brute. When in fact, many of those who have thus been dealt with, have had white men for their fathers, and were not only not black and burly, but were sufficiently attractive for the white girls of culture and refinement to fall in love with them.
KIERAN HAILE: “Tell your men that it is no worse for a Black man to be intimate with a white woman than for a white man to be intimate with a colored woman. Don’t think ever that your women will remain pure while you are debauching ours.” Alex Manly editorial, Daily Record, August 18th, 1898.
CAROL ANDERSON: This was blasphemous. You know, to say that a white woman could actually desire a Black man? What?
DAVID ZUCCHINO: The other point he made was that for generations, white men had been raping Black women with impunity, and that had been going on forever, and nobody talks about that.
CAROL ANDERSON: Alexander Manly’s rebuttal to Rebecca Felton was absolutely courageous. He didn’t say it behind closed doors while he’s talking with his friends. He did it in an editorial published in The Daily Record that has white advertisers. I mean, so he’s really putting himself out there. You had some members of the Black community who were like, “Oh, Manly? Manly doesn’t speak for us.”
CRYSTAL SANDERS: There were many who perhaps, even if they believed it was true, thought that it was, you know, too inflammatory to be printed. We also see prominent Black men in Wilmington urge Manly to recant the editorial, to apologize, in an effort to avoid conflict. He refuses. He sees himself as someone who has done nothing wrong. He has spoken a truth that he believes has gone unspoken for too long.
AMY GOODMAN:American Coup: Wilmington 1898 premieres tonight on PBS and will also stream online. We’re joined by the co-director, Yoruba Richen, award-winning filmmaker.
Yoruba, welcome back to Democracy Now!
YORUBA RICHEN: Thank you, Amy. Thanks for having me.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Yoruba, I wanted to start off by asking you — the Manly editorial became the basis for the first attack of the white supremacists, when they burned down his newspaper. Can you talk about — and again, they were spurred on by the editor and publisher of the white-owned News & Observer. Talk about the role of that publisher, as well.
YORUBA RICHEN: Absolutely. So, the editorial that we just saw was used as the spark to, you know, go into action. But this coup had been planned meticulously in the months leading up to it. It was planned by a group called the Secret Nine, otherwise known as the Chamber — you know, very prominent members of the Chamber of Commerce. And they were self-styled, self-called white supremacists. And it was led by Josephus Daniels, who was the editor of The News & Observer in Raleigh. And the newspaper had published continually this idea, this racist idea, of Black men raping white women and of bad government that Negroes were in charge of, and that if we continued — you know, if they continued to let this happen, white women would be debased and continue to be raped, an epidemic of rape.
And that’s what you saw, you know, the Rebecca Felton newspaper — her speech reprinted in the newspaper, and Manly responding and saying, “No, that’s not true,” and debunking that. And it was that editorial that was — that they said, you know, “Look what happens when Negroes are in rule. Look at the things that they can say. We’ve got to get rid of them. We’ve got to get rid of this newspaper.” And that was the spur for the attack. But it had been planned many months before the actual events happened.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And in making the film, you not only went into the archival records, but you made a decision to locate and interview both white and Black descendants of families that were involved in the events at the time. Could you talk about that?
YORUBA RICHEN: Absolutely. My co-director and I, that was one of the first things that we knew we wanted to include in the film. We found out that a group of Black descendants and, really, one white descendant had been meeting for about a year before we started the production, through an organization called Coming to the Table, which is a national organization that deals — that brings Blacks and whites together dealing with racial issues. And they had been meeting. And we were able to meet them through that organization, attend those meetings and start to create a relationship with some of the descendants who you see in the film. And then we did work to find more descendants, particularly more white descendants, because they were harder to locate or to invite to come and be a part of the film. And we’re very grateful for their participation.
AMY GOODMAN: And one of the white descendants was the descendant of the newspaper editor, right?
YORUBA RICHEN: Absolutely, yes.
AMY GOODMAN: And he and the other descendants took down his statue.
YORUBA RICHEN: Yes, yes. So, The News & Observer, up until the 1960s, was the paper that we saw in 1890s. And then there was a change. And the family recently took down the statue, I think in about 2020. And, you know, Frank was a part of it. He is in the film admitting to what his ancestor did and the harm that it produced not only to North Carolina but to the nation.
AMY GOODMAN: And what happened, actually? What did all of this lead up to? How many people died?
YORUBA RICHEN: So, you know, we’ll never know the numbers, the exact numbers. They weren’t — you know, they weren’t taking it down. But it’s said that it was maybe 200 to 300, but it was probably more than that, you can imagine. Black people were run into — ran into the swamps. One of the — Alfred Waddell, one of the leaders, said, “We’ll choke Cape Fear with their bodies.”
AMY GOODMAN: We have 10 seconds.
YORUBA RICHEN: And then it returned to — and, sorry, then it became a majority-white city. And two years later, Jim Crow was instituted, and there was not another Black person elected from the state of North Carolina ’til 1992.
AMY GOODMAN: Wow. It is an amazing film, and I encourage people to watch it. It premieres tonight on PBS and also live-streamed. Yoruba Richen is co-director of American Coup: Wilmington 1898. That does it for our show. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González. This is Democracy Now!
The original content of this program is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. Please attribute legal copies of this work to democracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates, however, may be separately licensed. For further information or additional permissions, contact us.
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