Showing posts sorted by date for query CCS. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query CCS. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Sunday, November 17, 2024

 

INEOS and Royal Wagenborg to Build CO2 Carrier for Denmark’s CCS Operation

dry cargo Baltic vessel
Royal Wagenborg developed the EasyMax as a large capacity, fuel efficient carrier (Royal Wagenborg)

Published Nov 13, 2024 6:33 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

 

Danish energy company INEOS Energy is contracting for a dedicated CO2 transport vessel as it takes the next step in advancing the program to launch Denmark’s first large-scale CO2 storage facility in the Danish North Sea. INEOS and the Netherlands’ Royal Wagenborg signed an agreement for the vessel which will be the next in an emerging class of shipping dedicated to the emerging CO2 capture and storage industry.

“The lack of dedicated CO2 carriers has been a bottleneck for advancing CCS projects within Europe,” said David Bucknall, CEO of INEOS Energy. The collaboration between INEOS and Royal Wagenborg serves as a breakthrough moment for the EU’s climate goals, offering a viable solution for large-scale CO2 transport.”

INEOS has been leading the pilot phase of Project Greensand, which is slated to launch in the Danish North Sea by 2026. The project aspires to store up to 400,000 tonnes of CO2 annually in the initial phase, with plans to increase capacity to up to eight million tonnes per year by 2030. In 2023, it became the first to demonstrate cross-border transport of captured CO2 and received a license for injection of the CO2 into a depleted oil field in the North Sea.

INEOS Energy agreed to buy a specially adapted vessel for large-scale CO2 transport from Royal Wagenborg. The vessel will be based on the EasyMax design developed by Royal Wagenborg and Royal Niestern Sander in cooperation with partners for an easy-to-operate, fuel-efficient, high-capacity loader. EasyMax is an open-top multi-purpose ice-classed vessel with a load capacity of 14,200 tonnes and a hold volume of 625,000 cubic feet.

With a length of 492 feet (149.95 meters), the EasyMax has the maximum possible dimensions for the Royal Niestern Sander shipyard. Last week, the company delivered the fourth vessel of the class to Wagenborg. 

The order was signed in the presence of HM King Willem-Alexander of the Netherlands and HM King Frederik of Denmark to underscore the effort to expand cooperation between the countries. The Dutch king is accompanied by a Dutch business delegation on a visit that centers around strengthening cooperation between the two countries around hydrogen and future energy systems.

In Norway, they are also preparing to start operations at Northern Lights, a joint venture started in 2017 between Equinor, TotalEnergies, and Shell. The onshore facility has been completed and they have contracts with Yara in the Netherlands to capture and store 800,000 tonnes of CO2 from ammonia production, and with Ørsted to store 430,000 tonnes of biogenic CO? emissions per year from two power plants in Denmark. Both are set to start in 2026. 

The company’s first CO2 transport vessel is completing sea trials in Dalian, China, and will shortly depart for Norway. They are building a total of four vessels that will transfer the captured CO2 from sites in Europe to the receiving facility in Norway which will pump the CO2 offshore for storage under the seabed.

 

Monday, November 11, 2024

The myth that carbon dioxide can save us is not just an Alberta thing

Only in Alberta. That was the refrain when my colleague Natasha Bulowski broke the story that Alberta’s ruling party was considering striking carbon dioxide from the list of planet-heating pollutants and instead, embracing the gas as a "foundational nutrient for all life on Earth.”

Those types of broad-brush remarks about our fellow Canadians are unfair, of course. There are a good many people in my home province who wouldn’t buy into this line of thought for a second. However, Alberta is the powerhouse producer of oil and gas in Canada, and politically deserves its bad rap for thwarting efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Its premier, Danielle Smith, is an unabashed fossil fuel booster, who lashes out at absolutely anything that would make life more difficult for corporations mining the oil sands and fracking for gas.

She throws around threats of lawsuits against federal climate policy like a major league pitcher. Days before her leadership review, Alberta filed suit against the federal carbon pricing system, on grounds it was being unfairly applied across the country — pointing to the tax carveout on home heating oil in the Atlantic provinces. 

This week, Smith threatened another court challenge, this one against the proposed federal oil and gas emissions cap, claiming it encroaches on provincial jurisdiction and threatens to lead the country “into economic and societal decline.”

And of course there are the roadblocks the Smith government has thrown up to thwart Alberta’s thriving renewable energy sector, designed to ensure fossil fuel companies maintain their edge. 

But even against this backdrop, the CO2 love-fest motion by the United Conservative Party (UCP) seemed beyond the pale. But lo and behold, it passed. An overwhelming majority of UCP members voted last weekend to ditch the province’s emissions reduction targets and recognize carbon dioxide as “a foundational nutrient for all life on earth.” 

That put Smith in a bit of a quandary. She couldn’t wholeheartedly promise to back the resolution; giving up on emissions reductions all together would rob the giant oilsands companies of huge amounts of money they want for their carbon capture projects and place them at a disadvantage internationally, where carbon intensity is starting to matter.

Smith tiptoed through that dilemma by saying she would honour the spirit but not the text of her party’s resolution and promised to continue support for the oil and gas industry’s commitment to reach net-zero by 2050. 

All of this made us at Canada’s National Observer wonder where the motion came from in the first place. To be sure, some carbon dioxide is a foundational part of life on our planet; plants need it to grow. All animals exhale it when they breathe. Of course, just like coffee that eventually gives you the shakes, there is a limit to how much carbon dioxide is good for the planet. 

Only in Alberta, you say? Not really. The CO2 as a life giving force myth has been around a long time. #emissions #CO2 #carbon #climate #abpoli

The Alberta motion ignores entirely the fact we are well past the threshold. Carbon dioxide, produced when humans burn fossil fuels, and other greenhouse gases like methane, act like a blanket that traps more and more of the heat around the planet. As the planet warms, more energy is added to the atmosphere, creating more violent storms, less predictable weather patterns, drying forests and rising sea levels. The hurricanesfloods and forest fires tell you all you need to know about how far past optimum levels we have already gone.

Turns out the disinformation spreaders, who designed the pro-CO2 slogans and urged us to forget the facts, were from a front group for a coalition of American coal producers. They first blasted out the argument in 1997 to prevent climate policies curtailing coal. It has been in circulation ever since, used as a rallying cry by fossil fuel boosters, climate deniers, online conspiracy theorists, and now, sadly, some Canadian political parties. The same myth was propagated by at least two Conservative Party of B.C. candidates during the recent provincial election.

It all goes to show how persistent disinformation in the service of the fossil fuel industry can be, and how eager those who stand to profit from the economic status quo are to continue its spread. In this case, it is the political parties lacking foresight who are to blame. 

So, no, it’s not only in Alberta. The UCP is just the latest one to jump on this bandwagon. 

 SEE LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for CCS

Monday, November 04, 2024

Greenwashing Case Against Santos Could Set Global Precedent

By Felicity Bradstock - Nov 03, 2024


Israel's ban on UNRWA, the main aid provider in Gaza, could have catastrophic consequences for Palestinian refugees.

Experts believe Israel's move is politically motivated and aimed at undermining Palestinian refugee status.

The international community has condemned Israel's actions and Norway has called for a ruling from the International Court of Justice.


In the most recent in a long line of oil and gas companies to be accused of greenwashing, Australia’s second-largest independent oil firm is being sued by the Australasian Centre for Corporate Responsibility (ACCR) for misguiding consumers on its decarbonisation aims. The ACCR is a shareholder activist group that has purchased shares in several high-emissions companies to try to encourage them to pursue Paris Climate Agreement targets. It is not the first time that an activist organisation has accused an oil and gas company of greenwashing and misleading the public, but the outcome of the trial could have an impact on future legal action in the sector.

Monday marked the first day of the 13-day Santos trial in Australia’s federal court. The lawsuit, which was launched in 2021, claims that Santos did not have a proper basis for saying it had a clear strategy for reducing emissions by 26 percent, to 30 percent by 2030, and to achieve net-zero emissions by 2040. The ACCR says this constitutes misleading or deceptive conduct and puts the company in breach of Australian corporate and consumer laws. The case is the first of its kind and could provide the blueprint for lawsuits against oil and gas majors in other countries in the future.

The ACCR’s lawyer, Noel Hutley, stated, “We’ll be submitting that Santos lacked reasonable grounds for making these statements.” Hutley suggested that Santos’s climate strategy was “little more than a series of speculations … cobbled together in a matter of weeks”, rather than a comprehensive pathway to decarbonisation. The ACCR is using additional examples to support its argument that Santos was wilfully greenwashing its oil and gas activities, such as the company calling natural gas a “clean fuel”. Santos also referred to blue hydrogen, which is produced using fossil fuels, as “clean” and “zero emissions”.

Santos has often stated that its net-zero plans rely heavily on the deployment of carbon capture and storage (CCS) technology, to help decarbonise its operations. The company aims to expand its oil and gas production while reducing emissions by using CCS technology. However, ACCR argues that Santos made “a range of undisclosed qualifications and assumptions about CCS processes”. Dan Goucher, ACCR’s Director of Climate and Environment, stated, “We read annual reports and sustainability reports from a range of companies every day. And some of these claims are completely unjustified… The key point for us I guess is that it’s become very difficult for any investor to differentiate between companies making genuine claims and companies that are not genuine.”

Santos is worth approximately $22 billion and operates both onshore and offshore in Australia, the U.S., Papua New Guinea, and Timor-Leste. The court judgement is being watched closely by activist groups around the globe that hope it will put greater pressure on oil and gas companies to be more transparent about their environmental impact and climate efforts going forward. The ACCR hopes the court will forbid Santos from engaging in deceptive conduct in the future, as well as force the company to issue a corrective notice about the environmental impact of its activities.


Earlier in the year, Rob Bonta, the Attorney General of California, filed an amended complaint aimed at encouraging some of the biggest players in oil and gas to relinquish profits that were made while misleading consumers about their contribution to climate change. In June, Bonta filed a lawsuit against the American Petroleum Institute (API), as well as BP, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, ExxonMobil and Shell, for their deceptive conduct. Bonta accused the companies of false advertising and possible greenwashing. A press release said that the firms used words such as “clean” and “green” to make consumers believe their products were more environmentally friendly than they actually were.

Meanwhile, Italy’s oil major Eni was sued last year for alleged early knowledge of the climate crisis. It was the first climate lawsuit to be launched in Italy. Several environmental groups sought legal action, accusing Eni of “lobbying and greenwashing” to encourage higher levels of fossil fuel production despite having an awareness of the risks its products posed since 1970. The allegations are largely based on a study commissioned by Eni between 1969 and 1970 that determined rising fossil fuel use could result in a climate crisis within just a few decades.

The report by the Isvet research centre stated, “Carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, according to a recent report by the UN secretary, given the increased use of [fossil fuels], has increased over the last century by an average of 10 percent worldwide; around the year 2000 this increase could reach 25 percent, with ‘catastrophic’ consequences on climate.”

A new wave of lawsuits, aimed at forcing oil and gas majors to be more transparent about their environmental impact and climate efforts, is taking place in several countries around the globe. Environmental organisations and activists are no longer standing for greenwashing and are asking state and federal courts to impose restrictions on the use of misleading language, as well as force oil and gas companies to produce viable decarbonisation strategies with clear policies and mid-term targets to achieve their climate goals.

By Felicity Bradstock for Oilprice.com

Friday, October 25, 2024

The IMO's Black Carbon Rules Are Coming, and Shipping Must Be Ready

WHY THEY NEED CCS

Black carbon
iStock

Published Oct 23, 2024 2:29 PM by Dr. Sean Prior and Dave Walsh

 


In early October, the IMO Marine Environment Protection Committee (MEPC 82) agreed that the concept of “polar fuels” would be further considered at a technical committee meeting in January, setting a clear pathway for future black carbon regulation.

This new course must see the IMO and its Member States develop mandatory regulations to reduce black carbon emissions - and these new rules must be prepared in a matter of months so that they can be approved at MEPC 83 in April 2025 and adopted by 2026. 

Progress is certainly to be welcomed - after all,  IMO has been discussing the Arctic impact of black carbon from ships since 2011. There are many ways that ships can reduce their black carbon emissions, but without rules in place, emissions are increasing globally - and have more than doubled in the Arctic. 

Black carbon is a short-lived climate pollutant, produced by the incomplete burning of fossil fuels, with an impact more than three thousand times that of CO2 over a 20-year period. It makes up around one-fifth of the climate impact of international shipping, which contributes around three percent of all human sources of climate-warming greenhouse gases. Not only does it contribute to warming while in the atmosphere, black carbon also accelerates melting when it falls onto snow and ice. 

This melting exposes darker areas of land and water which then absorb further heat from the sun, while the reflective capacity of the planet’s polar ice caps is severely reduced. More heat in the polar systems results in increased melting. This is the loss of the albedo effect, and it is a serious concern: scientists recently announced that the Arctic’s reflectivity has weakened by 24% since 1980.

Declines in sea ice extent and volume are leading to a burgeoning social and environmental crisis in the Arctic, while cascading changes are impacting global climate and ocean circulation. Scientists have high confidence that processes are nearing points beyond which rapid and irreversible changes on the scale of multiple human generations are possible.

The shipping industry can reduce black carbon emissions by switching ships from using dirty residual fuels - like heavy fuel oil - to lighter distillates. This alone could reduce black carbon emissions by between 50 and 80 percent, depending on the type of engine, while installing technology such as diesel particulate filters would remove further black carbon from ships’ exhausts, much like cars today. 

IMO Member States have now been tasked with providing comments and proposals on the concept of polar fuels. The Clean Arctic Alliance’s submission to MEPC 82 set out the fuel characteristics that would distinguish polar fuels from residual fuels, and thus lead to fuel-based reductions in black carbon emissions from ships. Some countries have suggested that any outcome on polar fuels could be first included in existing best practice guidance, but a number of Arctic countries at MEPC 82 supported the idea of mandatory regulation. 

It would be irresponsible and reckless for the IMO to further delay the shipping sector’s response to the significant threat to the Arctic and to Arctic tipping points (changes that are virtually impossible to reverse) posed by black carbon emissions. To continue to allow unregulated emissions of a short-lived climate forcing pollutant in the Arctic is quite simply negligent, and will have unprecedented repercussions for the planet and humanity globally. There is little time left if the IMO is to have any impact on slowing down the loss of Arctic sea ice or the melting of the Greenland ice sheet.

It will be important, however, to ensure that a move from dirty heavy fuels to lighter diesel fuels does not prevent the flourishing of other cleaner new fuels or other forms of propulsion, including wind power. The black carbon regulation must be written in such a way that it requires ships operating in or near to the Arctic to move to cleaner distillate fuels, but also allows the use of “new” low- or zero-carbon, non-fossil fuels or other forms of propulsion that are now becoming commercially available. 

The clock is ticking. The IMO and its Member States have just a few months to develop these mandatory regulations, which must be effective in radically reducing black carbon emissions. These new rules can and must be approved at MEPC 83 in April 2025 and adopted by 2026. 

Other issues: Emission Control Areas at MEPC 82

During MEPC 82, two new emission control areas (ECA) were adopted and will come into effect from 1 March 2026, covering the Canadian Arctic waters and the Norwegian Sea. ECAs, which are sea areas with stricter rules, are designed to require ships to reduce nitrogen oxides (NOx), sulfur oxides (SOx), and particulate matter (PM) emissions. Since they also enforce the use of cleaner fuels by ships, they have a co-benefit of reducing black carbon emissions. 

At MEPC 82, the Committee heard a presentation led by the government of Portugal setting out background studies for a further ECA in the North Atlantic. The boundaries of this future ECA have not yet been decided but could potentially stretch from Portuguese waters to the coast of Greenland, reducing NOx, SOx and PM, with consequent improvements in air quality and the health of coastal communities along the European western seaboard. 

Creation of this ECA would ensure that black carbon emissions would be further reduced, which is good news for the Arctic. When ships sail north of 60 degrees, their impact from black carbon emissions is the greatest. However, as black carbon remains in the atmosphere for a few days or weeks, dependent on prevailing winds, it can be transported to the Arctic from further south. Any measures to reduce black carbon emissions from ships sailing north of 40 degrees North - just north of the Mediterranean Sea - will be immensely beneficial in terms of reducing the impact of shipping’s black carbon emissions on the Arctic.

While this is all very welcome news, it does not negate the need for an Arctic-wide black carbon regulation. The new ECAs and a future Atlantic ECA will improve air quality and the health of coastal populations, but until the IMO puts in place mandatory rules, shipping's black carbon emissions remain totally unregulated. 

Dr Sian Prior is Lead Advisor to the Clean Arctic Alliance, and Dave Walsh is the Alliance’s Communications Advisor.

The opinions expressed herein are the author's and not necessarily those of The Maritime Executive.

Monday, October 21, 2024

 THE CONVERSATION 

Heavy Industries Need Carbon Capture - But It Has to be Done Right

CCS is an essential part of the transition for heavy industries, including shipping, but the details matter

An onboard carbon capture and storage system prototype (DSME)
An onboard carbon capture system prototype (DSME)

Published Oct 20, 2024 5:37 PM by Myles Allen

 

 

The UK government has given the go-ahead to carbon dioxide capture and storage (CCS) schemes worth £22 billion (US$28.6 billion). Critics are insisting that this technology – which involves capturing carbon as it is emitted or taking it back out of the atmosphere, then pumping it into rocks deep underground – is unsafe, unproven and unaffordable. Defenders are responding with painstaking rebuttals.

Could the whole debate be missing the point? I think it is better to focus on the big picture – why we need CCS to work – rather than playing whack-a-mole with every objection to individual projects.

The case for CCS boils down to waste disposal: we are going to make too much carbon dioxide (CO?), so we need to start getting rid of it.

By burning fossil fuels and producing cement alone, we will generate more CO? than we can afford to dump into the atmosphere to have any chance of limiting global warming to close to 1.5°C – even after accounting for the capacity of the biosphere and oceans to mop it up.

So, we need to start disposing of that CO?, safely and permanently, on a scale of billions of tonnes a year by mid-century. And the only proven way of doing this right now is to re-inject it back underground, through CCS.

Keep our options open

The world is not giving up fossil fuels any time soon, and the transition is going to be difficult enough without tying our hands by ruling out CCS.

The questions we should be asking are: will enough “green hydrogen” – produced from water using renewable electricity – be available to power all the industries that will need it, given all the other new demands on the electricity grid? Will we still need gas as a back-up to deal with the vagaries of the weather in a renewable-dominated grid? Can we get by entirely on recycled steel, and eliminate the use of conventional cement in construction (steel and cement are notoriously hard to produce without generating CO?)?

If the answer to any of these questions, anywhere in the world, turns out to be “no” – or even “not by 2050” – then we need CCS.

Would taking CCS off the table focus minds and make us abandon fossil fuels faster? It could equally make us abandon climate targets – ultimately, the most expensive option of all.

Nature is maxed out

What about offsetting continued fossil fuel use with nature-based solutions, such as restoring ecosystems and rewilding? Unfortunately, we are already planning on maxing out nature’s credit card.

In the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s (IPCC) scenarios in which warming is kept close to 1.5°C, we eliminate deforestation almost immediately, and restore a cumulative total of some 250 billion tonnes of CO? to the biosphere by 2100 – by restoring forests and wetlands, for example.

Over the same period, we dispose of four times that amount of CO? back underground through various forms of CCS – as well as slashing fossil fuel use by 75%-80%.

We cannot bank on stuffing an additional trillion tonnes of CO? into the biosphere over the next 75 years – especially as carbon stored at the Earth’s surface is increasingly at risk of being re-released to the atmosphere as the world warms, forests burn, and peatlands dry out.

Invest, but invest wisely

The fact that we need CCS is no excuse for doing it badly. It makes little sense, for example, to manufacture “blue hydrogen” – produced from natural gas with CCS to limit emissions – from high-emission LNG. UK rules would prohibit this, and there are cleaner gas supplies available, but rules need to be enforced. Above all, we need to make sure the availability of CCS does not encourage yet more CO? production.

This is where critics of government policy may have a point. If CCS is widely available and heavily subsidized, could that just encourage individuals and companies to use more fossil fuels? The danger is real, but it doesn’t mean we should abandon CCS. We need to be smart about how it is implemented.

An injection of government money is, by now, essential to kickstart our CO? disposal industry. But this should not become an endless subsidy which allows private industry to keep profiting from selling the stuff that causes global warming, while taxpayers pay for the clean-up.

Fortunately, there is another way. The EU has shown, in its Net Zero Industry Act, how regulation can force the fossil fuel industry to contribute to the cost of CCS without relying on US-style subsidies.

The UK government could go further, making it clear that, by mid-century, anyone selling fossil fuels in the UK will be responsible for geological disposal of all CO? generated by their activities and the products they sell.

Pricing in permanent CO? disposal would make fossil fuels more expensive, potentially adding 5p per kWh to the cost of natural gas over the next 25 years. That’s cheap compared with the cost of just dumping that CO? into the atmosphere, and would encourage everyone to use fossil fuels more sparingly, which is precisely what needs to happen.

Building a global industry to dispose, safely and permanently, of every tonne of CO? still generated by any remaining fossil fuel use by 2050 will be hard. But if we want to meet our climate goals, we just have to get on with it.

Fortunately, the UK has the right geology, skills and expertise, as well as a history of innovation in climate policy. It also has a clear interest in getting involved in what should become one of the major industries of the second half of this century. And it has a moral obligation, having pioneered taking fossil carbon out of the Earth’s crust, to join the first wave of countries putting it back.

Myles Allen is Professor of Geosystem Science in the Environmental Change Institute, School of Geography and the Environment and Department of Physics, University of Oxford. His research focuses on how human and natural influences on climate contribute to observed climate change and risks of extreme weather and in quantifying their implications for long-range climate forecasts.

This article appears courtesy of The Conversation and may be found in its original form here

The Conversation

The opinions expressed herein are the author's and not necessarily those of The Maritime Executive.