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Monday, November 11, 2024

Garrison Payne, the U.S. Navy's First Black Commissioned Officer

Fig. 1: USS SC 83 underway. Lieutenant (junior grade) Payne was awarded the Navy Cross for his service as commanding officer. (Photo credit: National WWI Museum collection 2012.98, via subchaser.org.)
USS SC 83 underway. Lt. j.g. Payne was awarded the Navy Cross for his service as commanding officer. (Photo: National WWI Museum via subchaser.org.)

Published Nov 10, 2024 7:40 PM by CIMSEC

 

 

[By Reuben Keith Green]

The hidden story of the U.S. Navy’s first Black commissioned officer spans five decades, three continents, two world wars, two wives from different countries, and one hell of a journey for an Indiana farm boy. For mutual convenience, both he and the United States Navy pretended that he wasn’t Black. This story had almost been erased from history until the determined efforts of one of his extended relatives, Jeff Giltz of Hobart, Indiana, brought it to light.1

From before World War I until after World War II, leaders in the U. S. government and Navy would make decisions affecting the composition of enlisted ranks for more than a century and that still echo in officer demographics today. Memories of maelstroms past reverberate in today’s discussions regarding diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI), affirmative action in the military academies, meritocracy over so-called “DEI Hires,” who is and is not Black, and in renaming – or not – bases and ships that honor relics of America’s discriminatory and exclusionary past.

Before Doris “Dorie” Miller received the Navy Cross for his actions on December 7th, 1941, and long before the Navy commissioned the Golden Thirteen in 1945, Lieutenant (junior grade) William Lloyd Garrison Payne was awarded the Navy Cross for the hazardous duty of commanding the submarine chaser USS SC-83 in 1918. While his Navy Cross citation is sparse, the hazards of hunting submarines from a 110-foot wooden ship were considerable. His personal and professional history, still emerging though it may be, reveals much about the nation and Navy he served and deserves to be revealed in full. Understanding the racial and political climate during which he received his commission is crucial to understanding the importance of his place in Navy history.Quietly Breaking Barriers

William Lloyd Garrison Payne was born on Christmas day in 1881 to a White Indiana woman and a Black man, and completed forty years of military service by 1940 – before volunteering for more service in World War II. Garrison Payne’s virtual anonymity, despite his groundbreaking status as the first Black naval officer and a Navy Cross recipient, stemmed from pervasive racial discrimination, manifested in political and public opposition (notably by white supremacist politicians like James K. Varner and John C. Stennis), and internal resistance within the Navy. His long anonymity exemplifies a failure to learn from the past.2

Fig. 02. Ensign Payne (seated), in command of USS SC-83. (Photo credit: subchasers.org.)

Garrison Payne, or W.G. Payne, served in or commanded several vessels and had multiple shore assignments during his five-decade career. His officer assignments include commanding the aforementioned USS SC-83 and serving aboard the minesweeper USS Teal (AD-23), the collier USS Neptune (AC-8), submarine chasers Eagle 19 and Eagle 31, which he may have also commanded, and troop ship USS Zeppelin. He had a lengthy record as a Chief Boatswain’s Mate (Chief Bos’n).

Fig. 03: 1917 North Carolina Service Card, thirty-three year-old Chief Boatswain’s Mate Garrison Payne was discharged from the Navy and immediately “Appointed Officer” (Commissioned) on 15 December 1917 while assigned to the USS Neptune (AC-8) at Naval Base, Plymouth, England. (Credit: Public record in the public domain.)

After his commissioning in Plymouth, he presumably stayed in England and later took command of the USS SC-83 after she transited from New London, Connecticut to Plymouth, England in May 1918.

Garrison Payne took Rosa Manning, a widow with a young daughter, as his first wife in 1916. The 1910 North Carolina Census records indicate that she was the daughter of Sami and Annie Hall, both listed as Black in the census records. Later census records list Rosa Payne as White, and using her mother’s maiden name (Manning), as she did on their 1916 marriage license. His race was also indicated as White on the license, and his parents listed as Jackson Payne and Ruth Myers (Payne), his maternal grandparents.

Fig. 04: Garrison Payne and an unidentified woman, possibly his second wife Mary Margaret Payne, presumably taken in the later 1920s, location unknown. Courtesy of Jeff Giltz.

In the photo above, Payne, wearing the rank of lieutenant, stands beside an unidentified Black woman, who may be his wife. He brought back Mary Margaret Duffy from duty in Plymouth, England on the USS Zeppelin, a troop transport, in 1919, listing her on ship documents as his wife. He used various first names and initials to apparently help obscure his identity.

Jeff Giltz of Hobart, Indiana is the great grandson of Gertrude “Gertie” Giltz, Garrison’s half-sister by the same mother, Mary Alice Payne. She was unmarried at the time of his birth in 1881. Her father, Jack Payne was the son of a Robert Henley Payne, who traveled first from Virginia to Kentucky, and then settled in Indiana, may have been mixed race. During the U.S. Census, census takers wrote down the race of household occupants as described by the head of the household. Many light-skinned Blacks thereby entered into White society by “turning White” during a census year. It is unknown when Garrison made his “transition” from Black or “Mulatto” to White.

None of Garrison’s half-siblings, who were born to his mother after she married Lemuel Ball, share his dark complexion. When she married, Garrison was sent to live nearby with his uncle, William C. Payne, whose wife was of mixed race. In the 1900 Census, Garrison is listed as a servant in his uncle’s household, not his nephew.

Taken together – Garrison Payne’s dark skin, the fact that the identity of his father was never publicly revealed and that he was born out of wedlock with no birth certificate issued, that he was named for a famous White Boston abolitionist and newspaper publisher,3 that his White mother gave him her last name instead of his father’s, that he was sent away after his mother married, and the oral history of his family – all point to the likelihood that Garrison Payne was Black.

In the turn of the century Navy, individuals were sometimes identified as “dark” or “dark complexion” with no racial category assigned. Payne self-identified as White on both of his known marriage licenses. According to Jeff Giltz, there are many references to Garrison Payne in online genealogy, military records and newspaper sites, but none appear on the Navy Historical and Heritage Command (NHHC) website. His military service likely began in 1900.

Rolling Back Racial Progress during Modernization

In his 1978 book Manning the Navy: The Development of a Modern Naval Enlisted Force, 1898-1940, former U.S. Naval Academy Associate Professor Frederick S. Harrod discusses several of the policies enacted during that period that helped shaped today’s Navy.4 He describes how the famously progressive Secretary of the Navy (1913-1919) Josephus Daniels, otherwise notorious for banning alcohol from ships, brought Jim Crow policies to a previously partially integrated Navy (enlisted ranks only) and banned the first term enlistment of Negro personnel in 1919, a ban that would last until 1933. No official announcement of the unofficial ban was made, but Prof. Harrod asserts that it was instituted by an internal Navy Memorandum from Commander Randall Jacobs, who later issued the Guide to Command of Negro Personnel, NAVPERS-15092, in 1945. President Woodrow Wilson and Daniels were both staunch segregationists and White supremacists. The Navy became more rather than less racially restrictive during the Progressive Era because of the lasting effects of both Secretary Daniels and President Wilson.

The number of Negro personnel dropped from a high of 5,668 in June of 1919 – 2.26% of the total enlisted force – to 411 in June of 1933, a total of 0.55% of the total force of 81,120 enlisted men. Most of the Black sailors were in the Stewards Branch, and most were low ranking with no authority over White sailors, despite their many years of service and experience. Those very few “old salts” outside that branch, like Payne, were difficult to assign, as the Navy did not want them supervising White sailors, despite their expertise and seniority.

Following his temporary promotion to the commissioned officer ranks – rising as far as lieutenant on 01 July 1919 – Garrison Payne was eventually reverted to Chief Bos’n, until he was given an honorific, or “tombstone”, promotion to the permanent grade of lieutenant in June of 1940, just before his retirement. Payne died on 14 October 1952 in a Naval Hospital in San Diego California, and was interred in nearby Fort Rosacrans National Cemetery on 20 October 1952, in Section P, Plot P 0 2765 – not in the Officer’s Sections A or B, despite being identified as a lieutenant on his headstone. Garrison Payne’s hometown newspaper’s death notice indicates that he was the grandson of Jack Payne, with no mention of his parents. A handwritten notation on his Internment Control Form indicates that he enlisted on 31 March 1943, making him a veteran of both world wars, as also reflected on his headstone. His service in World War II – as a volunteer 62-year-old retiree – deserves further investigation.

Fig. 05: Garrison Payne’s final resting place, in Section P, Plot P 0 2765 of Fort Rosacrans National Cemetery. Courtesy of U.S. Department of Veteran’s Affairs, Veteran’s Legacy Memorial.

The Navy reluctantly commissioned the Golden Thirteen in 1945 only because of political pressure from the White House and from civil rights organizations like the NAACP, led by Walter F. White, the light-skinned, blond-haired, blue-eyed Atlanta Georgia native who embraced his Black heritage. Unlike Walter White, though, Garrison Payne likely hid his mixed-race heritage to protect his life, his family, and his career. When he married Mary Margaret Duffy in 1937, at the age of 54, he travelled more than 170 miles from San Diego, California to Yuma, Arizona to do so. Why? His new wife, Mary Margaret Duffy, was 37, and an immigrant from Ireland. He had previously listed her as his wife when he transported her to America in 1919. Are there records of this marriage overseas? Would that interracial marriage have been recognized, given that interracial marriage would remain illegal in both states for years to come? On their marriage certificate, as with Payne’s first marriage certificate, both spouses are listed as White.

The Navy’s Circular Letter 48-46, dated 27 February 1946, officially lifted “all restrictions governing the types of assignments for which Negro naval personnel are eligible.” Despite that edict, and President Truman’s Executive Order desegregating the armed forces in 1948, it would be decades before the Navy’s officer ranks would include more than fifty Blacks.

The stories of several early Black chief petty officers are missing from the Navy’s Historical and Heritage Command’s website, though it does include the story of a contemporary of Payne’s, Chief Boatswain’s Mate John Henry “Dick” Turpin, a Black man. That Payne, a commissioned officer, is absent and unrecognized can be attributed to at least five possible reasons.

The first is that the Navy didn’t know of his existence, significance, or accomplishments. Table 5 in Professor Harrods’s book is titled “The Color of the Enlisted Forces, 1906 – 1940,” and is compiled from the Annual Reports of the Chief of Navigation for those years, with eleven different racial categories, including “other.” Where Garrison Payne fell in those figures during his enlisted service is uncertain, but he was present in the Navy for each of those year’s reports.

The second is that Payne had no direct survivors to tell his story, and no one may have asked him to tell it. He and his first wife Rosa likely divorced sometime after the death of their only child. It is unknown if his Irish-born wife Mary Margaret produced any children by Garrison.

The third reason could be that the Navy may have kept his story quiet for his own protection, and that of the Woodrow Wilson administration and the Indiana political leadership. Garrison Payne was commissioned by the same President Woodrow Wilson who screened the movie Birth of a Nation at the White House in 1915, re-segregated the federal government offices in Washington DC, refused to publicly condemn the racial violence and lynching during the “Red Summer” of 1919, and whose Secretary of the Navy, Josephus Daniels, was one of the masterminds behind the 1898 Wilmington Insurrection, which violently overthrew an elected integrated government in Wilmington, North Carolina. Acknowledging Payne as a decorated and successful Black naval officer would have been an embarrassment to Wilson, Daniels, and undercut their political and racist agendas.

Black veterans were specifically targeted after both world wars, by both civilians and military personnel, to reassert White supremacy. Payne was from Indiana, where the Ku Klux Klan was revived in 1915 and became a very powerful organization in the 1920s. Such organizations may have sought out and harassed Payne and his family, had they known that this Black Indiana farm boy, born to a White mother, had not only received a commission in the U.S. Navy but had commanded White men in combat.

The fourth reason is that the Navy may have wanted to hide his racial identity. His record of accomplishment as a Navy Cross recipient and ship’s C.O. would have undermined the widespread belief that Black men could not perform successfully as leaders, much less decorated military officers. He was not commissioned as part of some social experiment or social engineering, but because the Navy needed experienced, reliable men to man a rapidly-expanding fleet and train inexperienced crews. Garrison Payne did just that, during years of dangerous duty at sea.

The fifth reason may be that Payne recognized the benefits of passing for White to his life and career, which may have compelled him to do so. He was raised in a largely white society, by white-appearing relatives. Had he not successfully “passed,” he likely would not have been commissioned.

Regardless of the reasons in the past, it is now time to herald the brave naval service of Garrison Payne. The Navy Historical and Heritage Command, the Smithsonian Institution, the Indiana Historical Society, the Hampton Roads Navy Museum, and others should work together to bring his amazing story out of the shadows.

Why Garrison Payne’s Story Matters

For years, many Black naval officers have searched in vain for stories of their heroic forebearers. Actions taken by politicians regarding nominations to military academies for much of the 20th century helped ensure that Black military officers remained a rarity, particularly those hailing from Southern states.5 The life story of Lieutenant Garrison Payne needs to be thoroughly documented and publicized because representation matters.

On a personal note, knowing of his story while I was serving as one of the few Black officers in the Navy would have inspired me immensely. Garrison Payne served as likely the only Black officer in the Navy for his entire career. He showed what was possible. Heralding his trailblazing career can only positively impact the discussions about the future composition of the U.S. Navy’s officer corps as it inspires generations of sailors. Historians and researchers should continue the work of archival research to gain a fuller understanding of his story and significance. My hope is that veteran’s organizations and national institutions such as the Smithsonian Institution begin the effort to flesh out the story of Lieutenant Garrison Payne.

This article appears courtesy of CIMSEC and may be found in its original form here

Reuben Keith Green, Lieutenant Commander, USN (ret) served 22 years in the Atlantic Fleet (1975-1997). After nine years in the enlisted ranks as a Mineman, Yeoman, and Equal Opportunity Program Specialist, he graduated from Officer Candidate School in 1984 and then served four consecutive sea tours. Both a steam and gas turbine qualified engineer officer of the watch (EOOW), he served as a Tactical Action Officer (TAO) in the Persian Gulf, and as executive officer in a Navy hydrofoil, USS Gemini (PHM-6). He holds a Master’s degree from Webster University in Human Resources Development, and is the author of Black Officer, White Navy – A Memoir, recently published by University Press of Kentucky.

Endnotes

1. Except as otherwise cited, research in this article is based on documents in the author’s possession and oral history interviews with Mr. Jeff Giltz.

2. War and Race: The Black Officer in the American Military. 1915-1941, 1981, Gerald W. Patton, Greenwood Press

3. All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery, 2008, Henry Mayer, W. W. Norton and Company

4. Manning the New Navy: The Development of a Modern Naval Enlisted Force, 1899-1940, 1978, Frederick S. Harrod, Greenwood Press.

5. The Tragedy of the Lost Generation, Proceedings, August 2024, VOL 150/8/1458, John P. Cordle, Reuben Keith Green, U.S. Naval Institute.

The opinions expressed herein are the author's and not necessarily those of The Maritime Executive.

Thursday, November 07, 2024

SMASH PATRIARCHY

Iraq Parliament to vote on controversial amendment lowering marriage age to 9

By Lilia Sebouai
Daily Telegraph UK·
7 Nov, 2024


Women’s rights activists accuse the government of attempting to ‘legalise child rape’. Photo / AFP

Iraq is poised to slash the legal age of consent from 18 to 9, allowing men to marry young children.

The proposed legal change also deprives women of rights to divorce, child custody and inheritance.

Iraq’s Parliament, which is dominated by a coalition of conservative Shia Muslim parties, is preparing to vote through an amendment that would overturn the country’s “personal status law”.

The legislation, also known as Law 188, was heralded as one of the most progressive in the Middle East when it was introduced in 1959 and provides an overarching set of rules governing the affairs of Iraqi families, regardless of their religious sect.

As well as bringing down the legal marriage age, the amendment would also remove women’s rights to divorce, child custody and inheritance.



The governing coalition says the move aligns with a strict interpretation of Islamic law and is intended to protect young girls from “immoral relationships”.

The second reading of the amendment to Law 188 was passed on September 16.

It isn’t the first time Shia parties in Iraq have tried to amend the personal status law – attempts to change it failed in 2014 and 2017, largely because of a backlash from Iraqi women.



But the coalition now has a large parliamentary majority and is on the brink of pushing the amendment over the line, said Dr Renad Mansour, a senior research fellow at Chatham House.

“It’s the closest it’s ever been,” he told the Telegraph.

“It has more momentum than it’s ever had, primarily because of the Shia parties.

“It’s not all Shia parties, it’s just the specific ones that are empowered and are really pushing it.”

Renad added that the proposed amendment was part of a wider political move by Shia Islamist groups to “consolidate their power” and regain legitimacy.

“Stressing the religious side is a way for them to try and regain some of the ideological legitimacy that has been waning over the last few years,” he told the Telegraph.

It is not yet clear exactly when the amendment will go before Parliament for a vote, but it could come at any moment, he said.
An attack on women, girls ... and Iraq’s social fabric

Experts and activists say the amendment would effectively erase the most important rights of women in the country.

“The amendment would not just undermine these rights,” said Sarah Sanbar, Iraq researcher at Human Rights Watch. “It would erase them.”

Athraa Al-Hassan, international human rights legal adviser and director of Model Iraqi Woman, told the Telegraph she is “afraid” Iraq’s system of governance will be replaced with a new system known as the Guardianship of the Jurist – a Shia system that puts religious rule above the state.


The system is the same one that underpins the regimes in Afghanistan and Iran, where a Guardian Jurist serves as supreme leader of the country.

Iraq already has high rates of child marriage. According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (Unicef), some 28% of women in Iraq are married by 18.

This is because of a loophole in the personal status law which allows religious leaders, instead of the courts, to officiate thousands of marriages each year – including those involving girls as young as 15, with permission from the father.

These unregistered marriages are widespread in economically poor, ultra-conservative Shia communities in Iraq.

But because the nuptials are not recognised by law, the girls and any children they have are denied a plethora of rights.

For example, hospitals can refuse women admitted for childbirth without a marriage certificate.


The amendment would legitimise these religious marriages, putting young girls at increased risk of sexual and physical violence, as well as being denied access to education and employment, according to Human Rights Watch.

The proposed amendment is the latest move by the governing coalition to curb the rights of women.

In April it also made same-sex relationships punishable with up to 15 years in prison, after failing to impose the death penalty. And last year, it ruled that media outlets replace the term “homosexuality” with “sexual deviance” on all platforms. The term “gender” was also banned.

The Iraqi Parliament will formally debate the latest amendments before putting them to a vote.

The action has ignited an outcry on social media, with women’s rights activists accusing the Government of attempting to “legalise child rape”.

In August, protests erupted in Baghdad and other cities across the country. The demonstrations were organised by Coalition 188, an Iraqi group of female activists opposed to amending the personal status law.


“What they aspire to in Parliament is not in the interest of society, but their personal interest,” said Ms Al-Hassan, one of the leading voices in the country’s feminist movement.

There are fears that the amendment will deepen Iraq’s already sectarian divides.

“We are defending the rights of women and girls [and] protecting Iraqi society from disintegration and the establishment of sectarianism among the social fabric,” said Al-Hassan.

Sectarian conflict has long been rife in Iraq, with the toppling of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003 ultimately increasing Iranian Shia influence.
Mansour said amending Law 188 would further entrench divisions.

“It would bring everything back to the sect,” said Mansour. “But many Iraqis don’t want to be defined politically by their sect. They want to be defined by their government and their state.”


The proposed amendments would give Muslim citizens the option of selecting either the current, largely secular personal status law, or religious law – depending on their sect – as the basis for governing their personal affairs.

But, ultimately, this decision lies solely with the men.

“It’s explicitly written in the draft that when there’s a dispute between the couple, the sect of the husband takes priority,” said Sanbar. “This is going to remove a lot of protections for women … it will undermine the principle of equality before the law.”

She was also concerned the amendment would give Iraqi women belonging to certain sects greater privileges and economic independence, while others remain trapped in poverty or abusive marriages.

“[These women] will have to stay in harmful situations because they fear losing custody of their children,” Sanbar said.

Al-Hassan denounced the amendment as “very dangerous”, adding that its interference in the affairs of the Iraqi judiciary was a “violation of the constitution”.


“Iraq is a civilised civil state that cannot be otherwise. The first female minister in the Arab countries was Iraqi and the first female judge was Iraqi,” said Al-Hassan. “We aspire to progress, not regress.”

Wednesday, November 06, 2024

 Kitchener-Waterloo

After fleeing Taliban and abuse, Afghan woman in Canada for 8 years told she's being deported soon

IRCC ruled Frozan Hassan Zai’s marriage to Canadian is one of convenience, she got deportation orders Tuesday

Frozan Hassan Zai thought she would finally be safe after leaving an abusive marriage in the Netherlands and arriving in Canada eight years ago. She married a Canadian, had a child, started a business and has helped others wanting to come to this country. Now she faces deportation because Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada has deemed her marriage false.

Frozan Hassan Zai thought she would finally be safe after leaving an abusive marriage in the Netherlands with her two children, her second time fleeing a country.

She arrived in Canada, married a Canadian, had a child, started a business and has helped others to come to this country. 

Eight years later, and now living in Paris, Ont., she is being deported by Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC).

"In this big world, there is no place we can call home," Zai told CBC.

Zai's husband tried to sponsor her and her children twice through the common-law spousal program, but was denied both times because the IRCC has deemed they're in a marriage of convenience — meaning they wed solely with the intention of receiving citizenship or permanent status.

At a hearing Tuesday afternoon, Zai and her children received deportation orders. They must leave Canada by the first week of December.

She first fled Afghanistan as a teen

Zai's story begins at a grocery store in Taliban-ruled Afghanistan where she made the political mistake of not wearing a burqa — a full-body and face covering.

"I had only a scarf," she said. "They started beating me almost to death.

"And that day, my mom said we have to leave because today you were almost killed."

Photo of a woman looking down.
Frozan Hassan Zai escaped Taliban-ruled Afghanistan when she was 13 after she said she was nearly beaten to death for not wearing a burqa. (Cameron Mahler/CBC)

Zai said she was 13 when she left Afghanistan. She, her parents and her brother fled on foot with only a backpack to carry their belongings.

Eventually ending up in the Netherlands, at 16, Zai was forced to marry her cousin and became pregnant shortly afterward.

She named her first born Shokran Hassan Zai, who said growing up in Holland was full of ups and downs, but mostly downs.

My life is and my children's life is in great danger if we get sent back to Holland or Afghanistan.- Frozan Hassan Zai

"I grew up with just my mom and she was a single mom. My dad was not around all that much for most of my life," Shokran told CBC.

His mother said Shokran's father was abusive toward her, and in and out of jail over the next 14 years of their marriage.

"I went to the police, I went to the women's shelter, but they cannot protect you forever, or keep someone in prison forever," she said.

"Leaving Holland was the only option at that time."

When they arrived in the country, Zai's youngest, Sobhan, was two years old and Shokran was 14, still at an age to spend the majority of his time in high school in Canada.

"You have to start from zero, right? New country, you don't know the language all that well. It was challenging at first," he said.

Shokran said he didn't go to college because he was told he'd have to pay international fees.

"As far as I know, Canada is my home," he said. "I tried to do my best to be here to get a good job, make good money."

Now a finance manager at a car dealership in Hamilton, he said, "My mom is a business owner, I have a full-time job, my little sister's a citizen of this country. Why exactly do you guys see the need of deporting me?"

'We started as 2 friends ... it turned into love'

Shokran's mother met her future husband, Masood Meer, while he was working in an Afghani restaurant in Brampton.

She and her two children spent their first winter in Canada living in a basement apartment.

"I didn't know if it was day or night because it was dark inside the basement and cold," she said.

Because of Meer's Afghani background, she figured she could ask him if he knew anyone who was renting. They exchanged phone numbers and apartment listings, and Meer eventually helped her set up viewings. But when that was done, Zai said, he kept calling.

"We started as two friends. He was very, very helpful. And then at some point, it turned into love," said Zai.

"Oh, he's an amazing guy," said Shokran. "I love him to death."

Photo of two people at their wedding.
Despite attempting to sponsor his wife, Zai, and her two Dutch children's citizenships twice, Masood Meer was denied. The IRCC deemed the marriage one of convenience. (Submitted)

After living in Canada for a little over a year, Zai and Meer got married. About a year later, they had Rose, who is now seven years old.

But Zai said the IRCC doesn't believe there's any love there, and has declared their relationship a marriage of convenience, meaning obtaining citizenship or permanent residency is the sole purpose of their union.

Each case assessed based on Canadian law: MP

CBC reached out over a number of days to the federal government and multiple MPs who might be involved in Zai's case.

The office of Immigration Minister Marc Miller said they couldn't provide a response by publication time.

In Guelph, where Frozan spends a lot of time working and volunteering with St. Andrew's church, MP Lloyd Longfield's office said in an email that "every case is assessed on its merits and reviewed in accordance with Canada's laws."

Brantford–Brant MP Larry Brock, whose riding includes Zai's town of Paris, did not respond to requests for comment.

Lawyer gives reasons IRCC rules false marriage

Binod Rajgandha, a Waterloo-based immigration lawyer, said there are a number of reasons the IRCC might conclude a marriage was one of convenience.

There could be a massive age gap between the couple or perhaps they were married too soon after meeting each other. But for Zai and Meer, they're both 40 and they dated before marriage.

A big reason they might find that a marriage is false, however, is due to "minimal knowledge of the partner's life," said Rajgandha.

"For example, during an interview or during a discussion, if IRCC identified that they hardly know each other's background, such as the personal history, the interest or the family details," said Rajgandha, it might be ruled as a marriage of convenience.

Photo of a man
Immigration lawyer Binod Rajgandha says a lack of knowledge of a partner's life would be a key reason for a relationship to be deemed a marriage of convenience. (Mode Immigration)

Zai said her husband tried to sponsor her and her children twice through the common-law spousal program, but was denied both times for this reason.

Of one of the denials, Zai said her "son was enrolled in a college, he was not even started yet, and because [her husband] didn't know the name of the college, now they are thinking that marriage is not real."

Rajgandha said a marriage of convenience can't be the only reason to issue a deportation order.

"She might have lost their immigration status," he said.

Frozan said her refugee status was recently rescinded.

"If that is the case, when IRCC will send a refusal letter, they put in a removal order as well," said Rajgandha.

He said the removal order is the last step before deportation.

Zai said she's unsure whether there may be plans to deport her and her children to the Netherlands, or if she'd be sent directly to Afghanistan.

Zai said if she's sent to the Netherlands, because of the history there with her ex-husband and his family, she isn't safe. She said that because of her divorce and the fact she's fled Afghanistan already, they won't be safe there either.

"My life is and my children's life is in great danger if we get sent back to Holland or Afghanistan," she said.

'It's been very emotional'

Since settling in Paris, Zai has spent some time helping others come to Canada. Most recently, with the help of the Mission and Outreach Committee at St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church in Guelph, she managed to secure a place for her brother and his family in the church's 2024 refugee quota.

Richard McRonald, chair of the committee, said he met Frozan while she was advocating for her brother's refugee status.

Portrait of a man
Rick McRonald is chair of the Mission and Outreach Committee at St. Andrew's church in Guelph and has been working with Zai in her efforts to stay in Canada. (Cameron Mahler/CBC)

"It's been very emotional. We've tried everything we could think of to help and support her because we believe very strongly that she and her family need to stay together here in Canada," said McRonald.

"They work, they pay taxes, they volunteer, they get involved," he said. "They're the kind of people that we need here."

After Zai and her family received deportation orders on Tuesday, it's become clear that by the time her brother arrives in Canada, she will have already been removed.

"Why would we split the family up and send people away that we know are already contributing to our Canadian society?" said McRonald.

Monday, November 04, 2024

MARYLAND

Larry Hogan and Race: It Ain’t Pretty



 November 4, 2024
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Maryland Governor Larry Hogan giving the State of the State address in 2016. Photo: Maryland Governor’s Office.


Maybe it’s a small thing but I still can’t get over a line from Larry Hogan’s 2020 memoir. It’s about the first covid death to occur on Hogan’s watch as Maryland governor, the job he held from 2015 to 2023.

“[It was] a Prince George’s County man in his sixties who had underlying medical issues,” Hogan writes. “Terrible news, but you couldn’t exactly call it a surprise.”

It’s those last words – you couldn’t exactly call it a surprise – that disturb me.

This man was a constituent of Hogan’s and likely suffered a painful death, yet Hogan can do little more than shrug his shoulders. And I wonder if that has something to do with this man having been from Prince George’s, a majority Black county. (I wasn’t able to confirm the man’s race or name.)

If this line from Hogan’s memoir was a one-off it wouldn’t have stuck in my craw. But it’s all too consistent with Hogan’s troubling record on race, which has received scant attention over the years.

The election is Tuesday and Hogan is back on the ballot – this time as a candidate for Senate. If he wins, it’ll ensure Republican control of that body.

Since time is tight, I’ll limit my focus to Hogan’s record on race as it pertains to his covid response (which was also scandalous for other reasons).

Anne Arundel ‘Throwback’

From nearly the moment covid struck, it was clear that Black and Brown communities would be hardest hit. With thoughtful and robust interventions, however, the damage could have been lessened. But from the jump, Hogan made clear that he was taking a different approach.

Hogan could’ve tapped a Black official or a sophisticated white one to help localities combat existing disparities and save lives. Instead, Hogan chose Steve Schuh to be his covid liaison to local leaders, a move that left me speechless.

Schuh is part of a crew of Republicans from Anne Arundel County, where Hogan hails from, that run the gamut from retrograde to racist. I reported on these guys back in 2018, when Schuh was running for a second term as county executive, and Hogan for a second term as governor, with the two happily endorsing each other.

In addition to Hogan, that year Schuh also backed John Grasso, an Anne Arundel County councilman running for state senate. “John Grasso is motivated by [one] thing,” Schuh told the Capital Gazette: “He wants to make the community a better place. He wants to help people and animals.”

But Grasso’s Facebook posts told a different story. One post accused former President Obama of being “the bastard child of a bigamous marriage between two Communists,” who grew up to become a male prostitute who “had sex with older white men in exchange for cocaine.” Another Grasso post took aim at the LGBTQ community: “Folks keep talkin’ about another civil war. One side has 8 trillion bullets. The other doesn’t know which bathroom to use.”

Despite these and other such outbursts, Schuh – who Hogan would later tap to be his covid liaison – stood by Grasso, as well as an even more extreme fellow Anne Arundel Republican.

From my 2018 Counterpunch story:

“Up until the eve of his 2014 election to the Anne Arundel County Council, [Michael] Peroutka was a member of the League of the South, which the Southern Poverty Law Center classifies as a hate group. Even as a councilman, Peroutka continued supporting some of the group’s positions. It wasn’t until June 2017, just days before neo-Nazi David Duke keynoted the League of the South’s annual conference, that Peroutka finally denounced the group. Six months later, in a party-line vote, all four Republicans on the Anne Arundel County Council elected Peroutka Council chairman, his present position.

“While Hogan doesn’t support Peroutka, he’s not that far removed from him. The governor supports County Executive Schuh, who in turn backs Peroutka, calling him ‘a throwback’ who ‘does not have a malicious bone in his body.’”

Unlike Schuh, Hogan publicly distanced himself from Grasso and Peroutka. Still, Hogan showed up in campaign literature with Peroutka in 2014 and Grasso in 2018 – both times unbeknownst to him, Hogan said.

Unfortunately for the Anne Arundel gang, 2018 proved to be a watershed year in the county’s politics, and Schuh, Grasso and Peroutka all went down to defeat. (Peroutka would briefly resurface in 2022 as the Republican nominee for Maryland attorney general.)

Of the Anne Arundel crew, only Hogan won in 2018, beating back Ben Jealous, the youngest ever head of the NAACP. (When Jealous called to concede on election night, Hogan refused to take the call, then boasted about it in his memoir.)

Schuh, meanwhile, wasn’t out in the cold for long. The month after his loss, Hogan named his ally to a cushy post directing Maryland’s response to the opioid epidemic.

When covid hit, Hogan gave Schuh – someone who’d openly backed bigots – an additional role as the administration’s covid liaison to localities, like Baltimore City and Prince George’s.

Meanwhile, during the first six months of Maryland’s covid lockdown, white suicides fell by almost half, even as Black suicides nearly doubled, according to a Johns Hopkins University study published as a research letter in JAMA Psychiatry.

Black shots

Still, when it came to getting covid shots into people’s arms, Maryland fared well compared to other states. But even here there were issues of fairness.

As embarrassing news stories began to trickle out regarding how whites in Maryland had far more access to vaccines than Blacks, Hogan needed someone to blame.

“We have supply chain issues everywhere in the country,” Hogan said, “but in minority communities the additional problem is people are refusing to take the vaccine.”

With his remark, Hogan wasn’t just “blaming the victim” – as the head of the University of Maryland’s Center for Health Equity put it – he was also lying.

There’s “little difference in reluctance to take the coronavirus vaccine among Black and White Marylanders,” the Washington Post reported at the time.

Even as Hogan blamed Blacks for not getting the shot, he also blamed them for getting too many. “Baltimore City had gotten far more than they were really entitled to,” Hogan said.

“I think our citizens in Baltimore know a dog whistle when they see one,” Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott responded.

Like father like son

Prince George’s was hit particularly hard by covid. That’s due in part to the county’s antiquated tax structure.

If you were to pick a year when the trajectory of Prince George’s departed from that of its better-off neighbors, it’d be 1978. That’s when Prince George’s then-white majority put the county government in a chokehold by depriving it of tax revenue to prevent the increasing Black population from benefitting from quality schools and other public services.

The 1978 referendum – known as Tax Reform Initiative by Marylanders or TRIM – “passed just as Prince George’s County began a demographic transition from majority-white to majority-Black,” DW Rowlands wrote in a 2020 story for Greater Greater Washington. “A major motivation for its passage was the desire of white voters to limit funding for a public school student body that was becoming increasingly Black and integrated — four years earlier, in 1974, Prince George’s school system had become the largest in the country to be subject to a court-ordered busing desegregation plan. Holding property tax revenue constant while the county’s population was rapidly growing led to severe cuts to many county services and increases to fees.”

One of the leaders of this ugly movement was none other than Larry Hogan’s father, Larry Hogan, Sr., who was the last Republican to serve as Prince George’s County Executive from 1978 to 1982.

Today, this very post is held by Angela Alsobrooks, although maybe not for much longer. If polls are to be believed, come Tuesday Alsobrooks will defeat Hogan and become just the third Black woman ever to serve in the Senate.

Pete Tucker is a journalist based in DC. He writes at petetucker.substack.com