Showing posts sorted by date for query COLONIALISM. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query COLONIALISM. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Sunday, May 03, 2026

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

America and Israel’s aggression in Iran is the latest reminder that violent, expansionist powers will never cease in their desires for warfare and plunder. This “might-makes-right” ideology being put into practice once again sees Israel playing the lead role, with full support from the Trump administration.

This current war, among many others the U.S has engaged in over the last several decades, is never for the benefit of the working class, nor does it serve the interests of the domestic population that is being attacked.

The United States is a war economy, propped up by the development and sale of armaments that end up used against foreign adversaries to ensure that the process of capital accumulation continues unabated. This arrogance – the cavalier use of force now seen in Iran with the indiscriminate killings of schoolchildren and strikes directed at oil facilities – is reminiscent of America flexing its military muscle to stamp out communism worldwide and punish sovereign nations who dared to nationalize a resource and cut into the profit margins of multinational corporations.

There is no existential threat or any country that will put the world into peril – besides the U.S of course – that necessitates such wanton military buildup at the heavy cost of both social services and our tax dollars as well as human lives. But there will always be more money for war. On top of the $1 trillion wasted annually by the American government on ‘defense’ spending, this current war with Iran has already cost roughly $65 billion of taxpayer money.

While not facing foreign intervention or clear threats to sovereignty, the situation inside the imperial core is precarious; fascism is on the rise, an affordability crisis is worsening, massive underemployment is rampant, and wages are stagnating. The billions of taxpayer dollars being wasted to murder civilians overseas and advance the objectives of an apartheid, genocidal state in Israel could have been better served domestically. We could be improving public infrastructure, providing universal healthcare, building affordable housing, or addressing any of the many social inadequacies that exist in this late-capitalist hellscape that is modern day America.

Wartime throws into sharp relief the shortcomings of a society structured around profit, rather than one which meets the people’s needs first and foremost, with a participatory economic structure and truly democratic politics and labor.

In a socialist world, where decisions are made by the populace for their own sustained benefit, there would never be a need for military assaults like this one. As capital accumulation and private property would become a thing of the past, the need to annex regions or confiscate natural resources in new territories would cease to exist. War would no longer be a way of life or a force that has any meaning.

In harrowing times like these, where sadistic forces like the United States and Israel disregard human life and make the rest of the world their military playground, it is vital to maintain a compassionate perspective and avoid disregarding the plight of the victims in a show of trivial patriotism and jingoistic rhetoric.

All around the world, the enemy of the working class are not people who come from different countries or members of different ethnic and religious groups. The adversary of the people are those who seek to pillage, to profit off the backs of others’ labor, and to destroy the planet for their financial gain.

Oftentimes the elite, along with the state and the media, will manufacture a sense of fear and outrage to get the common person on board. That is simply a purposeful distraction away from class struggle – away from our real, shared enemy.Email

Dominick Conidi is a recent graduate from the University of Massachusetts Amherst and is a contributor at ZNetwork.org. He has organized previously with the Sunrise Movement and is a current member of North Jersey DSA.

Source: Aljazeera

In this episode of Reframe, Varsha Gandikota-Nellutla, general coordinator of Progressive International, asks political economist Jason Hickel if today’s conflicts are a continuation of centuries of colonialism and economic policies that favour the richest and most powerful nations. Hickel is an economic anthropologist and professor at the Institute of Environmental Science and Technology at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. He is the author of Less is More and The Divide, which explore systemic economic change and the concept of “degrowth” — the planned reduction of resource and energy use in wealthier economies to curb environmental harm and improve wellbeing.

This article was originally published by Aljazeera; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.
avatar

Jason Hickel is an author and Professor at the Institute for Environmental Science & Technology (ICTA-UAB) at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. He is also a Visiting Professor at the International Inequalities Institute at the London School of Economics, and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts. He serves on the Climate and Macroeconomics Roundtable of the US National Academy of Sciences, the advisory board of the Green New Deal for Europe, the Rodney Commission on Reparations and Redistributive Justice, and the Lancet Commission on Sustainable Health. Jason's research focuses on political economy, inequality, and ecological economics, which are the subjects of his two most recent books: The Divide: A Brief Guide to Global Inequality and its Solutions (Penguin, 2017), and Less is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World (Penguin, 2020), which was listed by the Financial Times and New Scientist as a book of the year



 

Source: Mondoweiss

Slowly, amidst the high green weeds of April, Eyad Yousef moves forward in a white bee-keeping suit, inclined forward and looking toward the ground. I trail behind him as he goes about his work, picking the peas he and his brother planted earlier in March. “If the price for plowing a dunam of land is around 100 shekels these days, how expensive do you think a jerrycan of olive oil would be? Who would even buy it?” he exclaims.

Eyad Yousef is a Palestinian farmer in the village of Taybeh, east of Ramallah. He is also a car mechanic and a father of three. Every spring, he and his brothers plant peas, lentils, cucumbers, onions, and other seasonal crops. But this year is different. 

Yousef is not working his own land anymore, because it has been made inaccessible by the threat of Israeli settlers, who permanently patrol the plain on the eastern edge of the village. All residents who own land in Taybeh are unable to reach it.

“I rented someone else’s land this year, but it’s not really a written contract or anything, it’s a verbal agreement,” Yousef explains. “If at any time the owner decides to sell the land, I will lose my investment.” 

Despite this, Yousef still needs to keep up his seasonal farming. “It’s my oxygen,” he says.

Since October 2023, attacks from Israeli settler groups on Palestinian farmers in the West Bank have increased exponentially, both in numbers and in levels of violence. 

For many farmers, this has represented a severe blow to their livelihood and way of life, but the impact goes beyond farmers themselves: a substantial part of the Palestinian economy and a mainstay of rural families is being disfigured and decimated. At a time when settler pogroms in the countryside have terrorized Palestinians, farmers have been on the frontlines, enduring escalating Israeli violence. 

According to the Palestine Information Center, Israeli settler groups have carried out more than 8,000 attacks on Palestinians since October 2023. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) says that Israeli forces have demolished more than 1,000 Palestinian farming structures in the West Bank in 2025 alone. But even those who haven’t still feel the cumulative effect of this assault, reflected in the rising price of agricultural produce. 

It was not always this way. Farmers were once the backbone of the Palestinian economy. A historically agrarian society, the British traveler Lawrence Oliphant described Palestine in 1887 as “a green lake of waving wheat.” But today, most of the wheat used to make bread consumed by Palestinians is imported. This transformation has been the life story of multiple generations of Palestinian farmers under the pressure of Israeli colonialism.

“I have been a farmer all my life,” Yousef says. “I started working on my father’s land near the Rimunim settlement, southeast of the village, and we used to plant wheat and barley. My mother made our home bread from it, and my brothers and I grew up on bread from the land.”

“That land became inaccessible after the year 2000,” he recalls. “When Israeli settlers began to patrol the land, which is located right next to the settlement.” He looks up as if remembering something. “Actually, I remember when the settlement itself was built, as a very young boy in 1979,” he continues. “I remember that our family lost up to 20 dunams, including the lands that were taken by the settlement and the surrounding lands that gradually became inaccessible to us.”

Eight years ago, Yousef began to give his land near the settlement to a Bedouin family, who lived on it and grazed their flock there, under the increasing harassment of Israeli settlers. Then came October 2023, and even the Bedouin families were forced out. Yousef didn’t think, at the time, that he would find himself in the same place as the Bedouins who had used his land.

“Last year, Israeli settlers began to come much closer to Taybeh’s urban area, making our nearest farming lands more risky to go to and work,” says Yousef. When I ask Yousef what happened the last time he tried to go to his land, he pauses. “The last time I went there was six months ago. Three Israeli settlers arrived in a car, one of them armed, and he told me to go away. He said this land is no longer part of Taybeh.” 

When spring approached, Yousef and his brothers had to find a solution for their farming season, and decided to rent the same land where the same Bedouin family had been staying since Israeli settlers expelled them from Yousef’s land two years ago. “We spoke to the Bedouins first, and then with the owner, and we split the land, where the Bedouins planted barley for their livestock on half of the plot, and we used the other half.” 

On nearly two dunams of land, two Palestinian families now practice their seasonal farming and grazing. The entire agricultural life of the area has been confined to one small location, from which Israeli settler outposts can be seen on the distant hills, the same ones where Yousef once plowed his land alongside the Bedouins who grazed them.

An assault on Palestinian subsistence

Beyond Taybeh, the same dynamic has been taking place across the West Bank. Jamal Jumaa, head of the grassroots Stop The Wall campaign, told Mondoweiss that “the dynamic of Israeli settlement expansion since October 2023 has been the same everywhere, and it follows a clear model.”

That model, Jumaa said, is “trying to accomplish the same thing with the West Bank that it did in Gaza during the 1990s.” In the years that followed the Oslo Accords, the Israeli army turned most of Gaza’s farmland, located at the edges of the Strip, into military zones. Eventually, Palestinians in Gaza were hemmed into exclusively urban areas. After Israel’s withdrawal in 2005, Gaza was sealed off, turning it into an open-air prison with no means of subsistence.

“In the West Bank, the first victim of this violent settlement expansion has been livestock rearing,” Jumaa explained. “Bedouin families and villagers who raise livestock have either already lost their grazing lands or are now losing them.” 

The effect is already being felt in local markets, Jumaa said, as the price of fresh meat has doubled since 2023. “The next thing that’s being ruined is the olive production,” he added.

Olive and olive oil production is the most important agricultural sector in Palestine, supporting the livelihood of approximately 100,000 families. The annual harvest season before October 7 yielded 23,000 tons of olive oil during the 2022 season, a number that dropped precipitously to 10,000 tons in October 2023, coinciding with the harvest season. Last year, that number dwindled even further to 8,000 tons. The sharp decline is attributed, according to the UN, to a combination of systemic land confiscation, settler violence, Israeli military restrictions, and climate stressors.

“This is why the maintenance of olive groves has become so expensive,” Yousef explains. “Plowing an olive grove while settlers are about is risky work now.”

The activities of the settlers are done in concert with the Israeli army, which has used the uprooting of olive groves as a tool of “deterrence” and wholesale collective punishment in response to attacks against settlers and soldiers. In August 2025, following reports that an Israeli settler had been attacked by a Palestinian near the village of al-Mughayyir, the Israeli army bulldozed over 10,000 olive trees in the village as an act of reprisal and “deterrence” against residents.  

As Yousef continues to pick peas, he dumps the last of the harvested pods into his bucket. He falls silent for a moment, clearly affected by his own testimony. “If things continue this way, we will end up importing olive oil from Spain,” he adds, grabbing a handful of peas in his hand and raising them up in a sigh. “The seeds alone for producing these peas cost 250 shekels. I need to sell 25 kilos worth of peas to make up for.” 

He begins to walk out of the plot, done with work for the day. As he reaches the edge, he turns and reflects on what he’s been doing. “Do you know what I get from this pea season? About thirty to forty meals for my family. Because I might save more by not buying peas than actually selling these,” he remarks sarcastically.

As the midday sun is at its height, Yousef returns to his car repair shop — his version of every Palestinian farmer’s second job. I thank him for speaking to me and take my leave, hitching a ride on a mini-bus heading toward Ramallah, the commercial center of the West Bank, where the smell of the settler-battered Palestinian countryside is supposedly invisible. 

As I arrive in the city center, I step outside the public transportation parking lot and spy an elderly couple camped out on the edge of a sidewalk. They’re sitting on low chairs, and multiple plastic buckets are laid out in front of them, filled with freshly picked green fava beans, still in the pod. I head over to them and ask them about their produce and where it’s from.

“We are from Sinjil, the town that the Israeli army completely surrounded with barbed wire,” the man responds. Then his wife chimes in, “The peas are 10 shekels a kilo, a bit more expensive than last year.” She’s almost apologetic, but not enough to hide her exasperation. “But this year we have to pay rent for the land.” 

The woman then turns to her husband as if just remembering something, and comments, “By the way, do you know how expensive a gallon of olive oil will be this year? And who would even buy it?”

This article was originally published by Mondoweiss; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.Email

Qassam Muaddi is the Palestine Staff Writer for Mondoweiss.

A Country of Strangers: Death, Despair and Indifference in the US


 May 1, 2026

Still from Francois Ozon’s film of Camus’ “The Stranger.” (Music Box Films)

One of the few guarantees in life is loss. The unmerciful realities of temporal existence and entropy make the pain of separation a sole constancy. Over the course of an average life, a person will lose not only one person of emotional importance, but many. A few will take their last breath after an extended and humiliating period of decline, giving the bereaved an opportunity to prepare, which despite what logic would have us assume, doesn’t always make the blow any easier to absorb, while others will exit like captives making a jailbreak or party guests who neglect to say, “goodbye.” The surprise does seem to make the aftermath worse.

Grief is universal. The disorientation, burden, and sadness that it brings transgresses all racial, ethnic, and national differences. To wrap it up in simplest terms, grief is hard. It is especially hard in the United States of America. As if representatives of each sector met in a shadowy hideaway, the most powerful institutions of governance and finance, the most dominant social norms, and the most influential pop culture appear to conspire to coordinate a society that makes grief more confusing and alienating. Everyone from Sarah Winnemucca, a Native American leader in the nineteenth century who authored the first autobiography of an indigenous woman, to patrician man of letters, Gore Vidal, questioned if the US even has a culture, but there is little doubt that the most triumphant strain of the society is its consumer culture. “The chief business of the American people is business,” President Calvin Coolidge famously said. Its people, as he went on to say, are “profoundly concerned with producing, buying, selling, investing and prospering.”

Grief doesn’t sell. More important, the dead don’t make good consumers. A corpse cannot produce, buy, sell, or invest. Their erasure, along with the eradication of anything that might provoke sustained reflection and appreciation in regard to the lives they led – to the past – becomes an important business practice. Life, especially as it becomes inseparable from the market, is for the living.

Of course, the people whose business is business are nothing if not clever, always able to brandish their latest “innovations” and “disruptions.” So, grief doesn’t sell, except when it does. There are countless grief manuals that line the shelves of the remaining bookstores. One forthcoming release promises the bereaved, “40 grief-centered meditational practices.” Grief podcasts can fill the earbuds of listeners with endless chatter, and then, of course, the self-help racket offers high priced seminars to those who miss their deceased loved ones. Meanwhile, psychotherapy has become big business with an entire generation of Z’s operating according to the belief that sorrow, disappointment, worry, sadness, and even the slightest pang of unpleasantness, are not inevitable and unavoidable aspects of the human experience, but problems to troubleshoot with professional intervention. The amateur therapist and the professional podcaster are in agreement that grief should lead to an epiphany, conversion, or transformation. It is a lesson, perhaps even for which the bereaved will eventually feel grateful. But those who live with their grief with honesty realize that grief doesn’t teach as much as it hurts. Sure, it might affirm the power of love or the value of counting blessings, but that is similar to someone saying, “Getting hit on the head with a hammer reminded me of the importance of cognitive health.”

I recently lost two of my closest friends. They were both dedicated to movements that sought to make America a more humanistic, humanitarian, and ultimately, human society. Working for civil rights and social justice consumed them. To mourn my friends demands that I survey the disparity between the country in which they hoped, labored, and fought to live, and the one that they left behind. It is an unsettling and bizarre experience.

Grief is a sustained examination of the value of life. Because the lives of my friends ended, I am dealing with their eternal and irreplaceable value. There is only one of each person. So, when that person dies, we feel what they meant. We feel how much they mattered. The intensity of that feeling is painful. It is also strange in a society that consistently diminishes and devalues, often to the extent of denial, the value of human life.

Burial vaults at Mt. View Cemetery in Oregon City, during height of Covid pandemic. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

To grieve people who committed themselves to civil rights and social justice is also to grieve a society currently swinging a wrecking ball at those pillars of a just world. It is to measure the distance between the friends that I admired and a large percentage of the American people who treat civil rights and social justice with indifference or even contempt. Finally, it is to live in a strange inversion of the Albert Camus novella, The Stranger.

In Camus’s first published work of fiction, the protagonist, Meursault, learns of the death of his mother. In French Algeria, he goes through the motions of requesting time off work, attending the funeral arranged by the director of the nursing home where she resided, and seeing to her burial, but he seems to feel nothing. His emotional detachment is not only odd. It is borderline psychopathic. One of the most unforgettable passages involves the memorial service. Meursault obsesses over his body temperature, the physical appearance of his mother’s mourners, and his own fatigue. It disturbs him that a nurse from the nursing home is wearing a bandage over his nose, and he finds the sobbing of one of his mother’s friends annoying. When she stops crying, while thinking of his back pain, he then thinks that the silence irksome: “Now it was all these people not making a sound that was getting on my nerves. Except that every now and then I’d hear a strange noise and I couldn’t figure out what it was. Finally I realized that some of the old people were sucking at the insides of their cheeks and making these weird smacking noises. They were so lost in their thoughts that they weren’t even aware of it.”

Later in the novel, Meursault murders an Arab without a clear motive, provoking the reader to consider the effects of colonialism and Meursault’s own refusal to engage with the stakes of life and death. Apathy is his defining characteristic until his bitter end. When in a jail cell, awaiting his execution, he comes to embrace the “benign indifference of the universe.” Camus said that The Stranger was about “man faced with the nakedness of the absurd.” Meursault fails to see any meaning in the world beyond his immediate physical sensations, whims, and fluctuations of temperament.

The focus of Camus’s intellectual life and work was not domestic. It went beyond France and Algeria to touch upon the most fundamental questions of philosophy, politics, and psychology. Those questions are not unique to the United States, as Camus’s own background demonstrates, but they are, perhaps, sharper in the United States. The blade of absurdity cuts everywhere. In the US, it lacerates.

Imagine wrestling with the grief of losing a loved one in a mass shooting, only to watch your country move on as if it didn’t happen. Even worse, the ruling political party and its tens of millions of voters celebrate and fetishize the lethal weapon that your child, spouse, parent, sibling, or friend’s killer used to commit the crime. Meanwhile, the opposition party never even speaks of the issue.

Imagine wrestling with the grief of losing a loved one to a treatable disease, knowing that your child, spouse, parent, sibling, or friend did not acquire adequate care, because their insurance policy forbid it or they could not otherwise afford it. Then, you watch an insurance industry profit in the billions from denying other people’s loved ones medical care, while the political system has arguments about stripping millions of people of health care coverage.

Imagine wrestling with the grief of losing a loved one in the Covid-19 pandemic, learning that the US did relatively little as compared to the rest of the developed world to prevent Covid deaths, and then listening to the most powerful forces in media and politics discuss how the main lessons of the pandemic are that governing authorities kept schools and business shut too long, and that the vaccine didn’t do all that epidemiologists initially promised.

Imagine caring for a disabled child or close family member, only to have to go through the annual irritation and indignity of having to prove that said relative is sufficiently disabled to qualify for the miserly aid that the state government is able to provide. Meanwhile, perhaps as you help your loved one to bathroom, wipe his chin, or remind him to take his medication, you hear the news that the federal government intends to further cut assistance programs for families caring for disabled children.

Imagine wrestling with the grief of losing a loved one to an act of police brutality, only to see both political parties and innumerable programs on television treat agents of law enforcement as knights on horses galloping into the village to slay dragons and save princesses. If you live in a major city, the police union is the most powerful political force in your community.

It is difficult to contemplate anything more nakedly absurd than the above scenarios, and yet they transpire nearly every day in the land of the free. They don’t happen anywhere else in the developed world. The political systems of other wealthy, democratic societies, and the voters that they represent, long ago determined that mass shootings, medical bankruptcies, and police killings are not tolerable within a civilization. Far from utopian and full of their own respective histories of injustice against indigenous people, countries like Canada and Australia have, at least, met a bare minimum standard of community, safety, and solidarity.

It is hard to grieve in a country where the opposite is true; where the reality is best captured by Asha Bandele, who wrote in her novel, Daughter, “The United States likes to act as if it honors its dead. But if it did, there’d be a whole lot more people alive.”

The United States is a country of strangers.

David Masciotra is the author of six books, including Exurbia Now: The Battleground of American Democracy and I Am Somebody: Why Jesse Jackson Matters. He has written for the Progressive, New Republic, Liberties, and many other publications about politics, literature, and music. His Substack is Absurdia Now.