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Sunday, August 30, 2026

Why critics oppose India's RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat's US visit

(RNS) — To understand the true scale of the RSS's institutional reach normalizing Hindu nationalism, it is necessary to look beyond the RSS itself.
Protesters from an array of religions demonstrate against Mohan Bhagwat's upcoming visit, at City Hall on Tuesday, Aug. 25, 2026, in New York City. (RNS photo/Fiona André)


(RNS) — Mohan Bhagwat, head of one of India’s most influential Hindu nationalist organizations, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), is coming to New York City on Saturday (Aug. 29). His visit might have been a diaspora gathering. Instead, it has become a test of how the U.S. will respond to an organization with an opaque network of affiliates that human rights groups accuse of fomenting religious discrimination and violence.

The upcoming “Universal Oneness Celebration” is hosted by American Hindus for Engagement and Dialogue, a nonprofit with links to the U.S. wing of the RSS and founded in 2025. The event is expected to draw 5,000 Hindu Americans along with more than 100 groups, from temple associations to yoga and cultural groups. 

Founded in 1925, the RSS is one of India’s most influential social and ideological organizations. Through tens of thousands of local branches and a vast network spanning education, labor, student groups and social services, the RSS has helped spread Hindu nationalist, or Hindutva, ideas across Indian society and has faced criticism for its treatment of Muslims and Christians, often cast as less Indian than Hindus. 

The RSS promotes and informs the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s most controversial policies and rhetoric, including cow protection that has encouraged vigilante violence against Muslims, anti-conversion laws that have led to mob attacks on churches, a citizenship amendment that favors non-Muslim migration and restrictions on foreign funding to religious organizations, disproportionately choking Christian and Muslim NGOs, which provide essential services to Indians in education and other social sectors.

In 2025, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), an independent, bipartisan federal commission created by Congress to monitor religious freedom abroad and make recommendations to the U.S. government, has recommended that the government designate India as a “country of particular concern.” USCIRF also recommended targeted sanctions against individuals and entities, including the RSS, including freezing their assets and restricting their entry into the country. Most recently, USCIRF officials warned against extending high-level meetings and diplomatic courtesies to Bhagwat and other RSS leaders. Several human rights and advocacy organizations have also called on Secretary of State Marco Rubio to deny or revoke Bhagwat’s U.S. visa. 



2025 USCIRF Recommendations. (Courtesy image)

The Indian government and various Hindutva groups have pushed back hard in defense, claiming that their critics are simply anti-Hindu.

For the first time, in 2002 following the Gujarat riots, when Narendra Modi was the state’s chief minister, USCIRF recommended that India be designated a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC). It made the same recommendation again in 2004 but did not recommend CPC status for India again until 2020. Since then, it has made the recommendation every year.

Last year, in his Independence Day speech from the Red Fort, Prime Minister Narendra Modi described the organization as the world’s biggest NGO as it marked its centenary year. This characterization has revived an important institutional question: If the RSS is one of the country’s largest voluntary organizations, under what legal framework does it operate in India, and should an organization of such scale be subject to the same standards of registration and transparency as other organizations operating in the public interest? 

Further, if the RSS is an organization with such a vast network and global presence, why are programs and events for its members and supporters organized by separate organizations, both in India and abroad? What is the nature of the relationship between the RSS and these organizations, and how transparent is that relationship? 

One possible explanation is a desire to avoid greater transparency and potential tax scrutiny. These concerns have been highlighted recently by Karnataka Home Minister Priyank Kharge of the Indian National Congress, who has questioned the RSS’s legal status, sources of funding (particularly voluntary contributions), tax compliance and the scale of its public activities, including the thousands of daily branches operating in the state and even in government buildings. He demands that the RSS register in accordance with the law or face a ban.  

His remarks drew a strong response from the RSS and the BJP. Bhagwat called the demand politically motivated, saying the organization has openly functioned as a voluntary cultural body for nearly a century and so does not need formal registration. BJP Member of Parliament Ramesh Jigajinagi questioned why a dalit (low caste) leader like Kharge should be concerned about the RSS, sparking further debate. 

To understand the true scale of the RSS’s institutional reach, it is necessary to look beyond the RSS itself. Indian magazine “The Caravan” recently launched “Seeing the Sangh,” an ongoing research project developed over six years in collaboration with researchers. The project attempts to map the vast organizational network surrounding the RSS. Drawing on publicly available sources, including RSS publications, academic research, financial records and government documents, it has so far identified more than 2,500 organizations associated with the wider RSS ecosystem across the globe. While the database is still evolving, the sheer scale of the network offers a revealing picture of how the RSS umbrella has expanded its presence across different areas of public life and raises further questions about the nature, structure and transparency of these institutional relationships. 


As of now, the project’s map identifies 113 affiliated organizations operating under different names across the U.S. alone. 

While many of the RSS-associated organizations are separately registered, the RSS itself has maintained that it functions as a voluntary cultural movement rather than as an organization requiring formal registration. This limits public transparency regarding its structure, finances and accountability.

In 2025, the RSS quietly hired one of Washington’s major lobbying firms — not directly but through intermediaries, so that on paper, the RSS’s name barely showed up. The stated purpose, per the filings, was to introduce the RSS to the U.S. Senate and House. It took reporters actually digging through the disclosures to figure out who the real client was. That’s not an oversight; it’s the same move the RSS makes at home — stay just outside the frame that would force disclosure.

This raises a straightforward question: If the RSS is, by its own repeated insistence, just an unregistered cultural body confined to India, why exactly does it need $330,000 worth of Capitol Hill access and a team of congressional staffers whispering in Senators’ ears? Purely cultural organizations do not typically require such lobbying.

In the end, the central question remains: Should an organization with such extensive influence be allowed to remain institutionally opaque? 

(Mohd Arshid is a senior research scholar at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi working on the political economy of religion. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)

Mohan Bhagwat’s US visit puts RSS’s vision of Hindu unity in spotlight

(RNS) — The event has sparked widespread backlash from a coalition of faith-based and secular organizations, but organizers say Bhagwat will share the stage with leaders from other faiths to celebrate shared goals.
Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat offers prayers at Sangam, the confluence of the rivers Ganges and the Yamuna and mythical Saraswati rivers, at the annual traditional fair of Magh Mela in Prayagraj, India, Friday, Feb. 19, 2021. (AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh)


(RNS) — This Saturday (Aug. 29), Mohan Bhagwat, chief of India’s Hindu nationalist organization, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), is scheduled to give the keynote address at Madison Square Garden for an event celebrating “universal oneness.”

The event, hosted by the nonprofit American Hindus for Engagement and Dialogue (AHEAD) Forum, will feature musical performances and communal hymns and is expected to draw more than 5,000 spectators and over 100 groups affiliated with Hindu temples, yoga associations and cultural groups. 

“Our job is to sit for a dialogue — mutual dialogue — to understand each other for the betterment of global humanity,” said Sudesh Agrawal, director of the AHEAD Forum. “Our earth is one.”

Priya Samant, the spokesperson for the Universal Oneness Celebration, agreed. 

“It’s a celebration of our shared goals and our humanity,” she told RNS, adding that Bhagwat will share the stage with faith leaders from different religions, including Islam, Christianity, Judaism and Sikhism. “And oneness does not mean sameness. It means that we can work through our differences, and yet, be one big family.” 

And yet, the event has sparked widespread backlash from a coalition of faith-based and secular organizations as well as elected officials. Critics argue that the idea of unity is a thin veneer and that Bhagwat represents an organization built from a vision of a Hindu-first India. They point to a documented rise in discrimination and violence against minorities in India since 2014, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), considered the political muscle of the RSS, gained power. 

In the context of the RSS and its representatives, the idea of unity often only refers to Hindu unity, said Thomas Blom Hansen, a professor of South Asian studies and anthropology at Stanford who studies religious and political violence in India. “Anyone who talks about caste, who talks about communities, who talks about minorities — they are inherently divisive,” Hansen said. 

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat addresses students during an India International Movement to Unite Nations (IIMUN) event in Mumbai, India, Thursday, Aug. 6, 2026. (AP Photo/Rafiq Maqbool)

Bhagwat’s visit kicks off an international tour to increase global outreach on the centennial of the RSS’s founding. He is scheduled for upcoming events in Canada and the United Kingdom.



The RSS was founded in 1925 as a male-only volunteer organization that held small local gatherings meant to cultivate shared Hindu identity amid British colonial rule and past Muslim conquests. The organization has since become a major force in Indian society, particularly as an ideological guide to the BJP.

“The BJP knows that they cannot win elections without the RSS,” Hansen said. 

Bhagwat, 75, was born into a Marathi Brahmin family of RSS activists. He joined the organization full time in his 20s and climbed the ranks to become the organization’s chief in 2009. He now presides over millions of RSS members across the country and serves as a prominent figurehead.

Bhagwat himself has advocated for many controversial BJP policies promoted by the RSS, advising families to protect their Hindu daughters from “love jihad,” defending a citizenship amendment that favors non-Muslim immigration, defending “anti-conversion laws” that have resulted in mob attacks on churches, and labeling India a fundamentally Hindu nation. He has also praised the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya on the site where a Hindu nationalist mob illegally razed a 16th century mosque and ensuing riots killed an estimated 2,000 people, mainly Muslims.

A general view of the audience during the opening of the Ram Mandir, a temple dedicated to Hindu deity Lord Ram, in Ayodhya, India, Jan. 22, 2024. (AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh)

Two of AHEAD Forum’s previous initiatives involved book tours for Sachin Nanda and Ratan Sharda, who wrote about RSS history and principles. 

The RSS has been banned three times in India. The first ban came in 1948 after an RSS affiliate assassinated Mahatma Gandhi, the Indian independence leader who advocated for religious harmony and a secular democracy. 

The Indian government mandated that the RSS operate with transparency, but instead, “they branched out and created a whole range of different front organizations that are not formally affiliated with the RSS,” said Hansen. “It was a way of creating a sense of deniability.”

Ahead of Bhagwat’s speech, progressive platform Savera published a report alleging that the AHEAD Forum is a front for the U.S. wing of the RSS. 

Agrawal responded that the AHEAD Forum is an independent 501(c)3 organization and “not prompted or promoted or guided by any other organization.”

Sunita Viswanath, executive director of the progressive nonprofit Hindus for Human Rights, has been working with a coalition of advocates to campaign for Madison Square Garden to cancel the event, urging individuals to call the venue and voice their opinion.

“As a progressive Hindu organization that’s working night and day to manifest a loving and inclusive interpretation of our faith, it’s very upsetting to see the same words and the same concepts, such as ‘oneness,’ being used by an organization and its leadership who very clearly represent the opposite,” Viswanath said. 

Brad Lander, center, speaks during a demonstration against Mohan Bhagwat’s upcoming visit to New York, at City Hall on Tuesday, Aug. 25, 2026, in New York City. (RNS photo/Fiona AndrĂ©)

Elected officials, including Democratic candidate for Congress Brad Lander and New York City Councilmembers Shahana Hanif and Lincoln Restler, have also spoken out against Bhagwat’s appearance in New York City. Zohran Mamdani, New York City’s first Indian-American mayor and a Muslim, also said he opposed Bhagwat’s appearance but did not have the jurisdiction to cancel the event.

“The vision of India that I was taught by my family and the one that I grew up being very familiar with was of a pluralistic society, of a secular republic,” said Mamdani in a press conference. “It has been incredibly troubling to see the rise of a movement that is predicated on an exclusionary vision.”

Madison Square Garden representatives have told callers that venue management has limited authority to cancel private events.

Still, those opposed to Bhagwat’s visit will protest outside Madison Square Garden on Saturday. Viswanath expects hundreds of protesters will gather and voice their opposition to Bhagwat, the RSS and the Hindutva philosophies they embody.

“If we don’t stand up to religious supremacy and exclusively hateful ideologies,” she said, “we will not be fulfilling our responsibility as citizens of conscience, citizens of the countries that we live in and citizens of the world.”

Samant, on the other hand, said the event fills her with hope, stating that it is an opportunity for a diverse crowd to learn from Bhagwat’s experience leading a century-old organization. 

“The RSS has done so much great work,” she said. “It’s like a masterclass.”



Tuesday, August 11, 2026

INDIA


The tipping point of change



Jawed Naqvi 
Published August 11, 2026
DAWN

The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.

DISCUSSIONS are happening about how so many of the young protesters that rocked the Modi government recently came from families that have been faithfully voting for the right-wing prime minister. A crucial fact that seems to elude the discussants is that liberal or communist or fascist ideologues are not hatched in hatcheries. Unlike Narendra Modi, they are not ‘non-biological’ beings that gatecrash our earthly world.

To begin with, it would be useful to bear in mind that the jailed left-wing student leader Umar Khalid had transcended to secular left politics from circumstances in which his father was a member of a major Muslim revivalist body.

Likewise, Neha Bora, president of the pro-communist All-India Students’ Association who fasted for 23 days at the protest, tells you sans demur that she broke away from a family tradition of voting for the Muslim-baiting BJP. The flow can be in the opposite direction too. Howard Fast, as the despairing chief of the US Communist Party, famed for writing the story of Spartacus, the slave rebel of Rome, became a Buddhist seeker after abandoning Marxism.

Numerous such examples abound in the Indian intellectual pantheon of progressivism and regression, which we can discuss. A scene is vivid from my childhood in which the migration to progressive politics would seem facile despite the good intentions. It was a balmy morning in Mustafabad, a village of erstwhile Shia taluqdars in the heart of Uttar Pradesh.

Some young men and women in the joint family had recently got the first university degrees. Marxism was in the air in university campuses in the 1960s. That morning the tea was of just the right temperature, its bouquet flavourful. Three bespectacled young men from among the learned ones were steeped in a discussion that straddled Marx, Nehru, Josh and Neruda.

The men were wrapped in embroidered woollen shawls over spotless white muslin kurta-pajama attires when the mehtrani, the woman carrying human refuse in an open reed basket, walked past. Other than putting the handkerchiefs on their faces briefly, the men remained unabashedly unperturbed in their intellectual chatter.

A follower of Dalit politics would have reacted differently to the brutal absurdness of the frame. Indian communists added B.R. Ambedkar and the sickening caste angle to their class analysis grudgingly, only recently harnessing it to the dialectical quiver. These early activists had the theory but not the praxis, which would take years to arrive, or perhaps not.


It’s not clear that most of the youth who defied the fierce police assault the other day had, in fact, crossed the tipping point from their social reality.

Thus, it’s not even clear that most of the youth who defied the fierce police assault the other day to scare the hell out of a stubborn authoritarian government had, in fact, crossed the tipping point from their social reality. A Buddhist would call the migration nirvana — the blowing out of greed, hatred and ignorance.


Collectively, the youth displayed a healthy mix of all three characteristics. When and if they reassemble it could be a different variety of mix. Arvind Kejriwal had held out a similar promise when his Aam Aadmi Party stop­ped the Hindutva juggernaut in Delhi in 2015.

The ‘Modi wave’ had taken care of Maharashtra and Haryana state polls in quick succession. Kejriwal stopped the BJP chariot in Delhi. Then something equally important occurred. He rejected the offer of support from the Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid, and people were emboldened to believe that the time had come to separate religion from politics as the constitution ordains. Then in a crude display of regressive religiosity, he started holding election campaigns from Hindu temples and wooed senior voters with offers of free Hindu pilgrimages.

One doesn’t have to agree with T.S. Eliot who says: “Youth is cruel and has no remorse. And smiles at situations it cannot see.” But youth is a handy demographic factor with an uncertain political trajectory. Not long ago, taking on the same Modi establishment, a courageous woman had single-handedly instigated the downfall of Modi’s minister accused of sexual transgressions. But the same charges failed to secure the conviction of a BJP muscleman.

However, there again is the unforgettable instance of determined and seasoned farmers who forced the cancellation of Modi’s prized anti-farm laws. It is heartening to remember, therefore, that the Cockroach leaders have committed themselves to deter violations of citizen’s voting rights by a wayward election commission. The youth are committed to take on the hopelessly compromised corporate media that misreported the protests.

Keeping company in the progressive transition of Khalid and Bora are some very eminent intellectuals of the subcontinent. Faiz Ahmed Faiz’s path from traditional Islamic education to becoming one of South Asia’s most iconic Marxist intellectuals highlights a fascinating evolution. Majro­­oh Sultanpuri was destined to become a hakim, for which he had acquired a degree. Then he turned towards left politics and endured isolation and even jail for his beliefs.


I recently saw lovely pictures of Faiz’s daughters on a holiday in Sri Lanka. Had DPT been around, they would have in all likelihood been in India for he had the magic of fixing visas for all manner of progressive Pakis­tanis. Devi Prasad Tripathi came to JNU from the RSS stable. He became a staunch member of the Communist Party of India-Marxist and won the election as student union president when he was arrested and jailed during the emergency. Many political stalwarts left the RSS to become leftists and are leading critics of the Modi establishment.

Kaifi Azmi became a progressive writer after early inspiration from the valour of Imam Husain. And, Iran has shown that a just battle can harness religious motifs to thwart a powerful aggressor. “Dekhna Kaifi nishan-i-hurriyat lahraega/ Jab jahan ko azm-i-Sher-i-Karbala mil jayaega” (‘Watch, O Kaifi, the banner of freedom shall flutter high/ Once the world finds the Lion of Karbala and joins his battle cry’). Kaifi’s pre-Marxist verses presaged the retreat of imperialism not far from the site of the students’ protest. And Iran’s left? They’re cohabiting with imperialism.

The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.

jawednaqvi@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, August 11th, 2026

Wednesday, August 05, 2026

 INDIA

T. Mohandas -- The True Face of RSS Ideology



Ram Puniyani |




While RSS has disowned his statement, he represents the Hindu nationalist ideology that sees democratic norms and women’s equality as undesirable and contemptuous.



After the government agreed to the demands of the Jantar Mantar student protestors, the matters are not over yet. The arrests continue, those arrested have not been released in various places. There is also an observation that among those arrested for these protests, Muslims number more than others. The case of Junaid bhai is very disturbing. He organised a team to provide water and food to the protesters. Cockroach Janata Party founder Abhijeet Dipke touched his feet as a matter of gratitude. However, police were prompt and overactive in harassing Junaid and his family members.

Where did Junaid get the money to organise the supply of food? He had begun with just distributing water and later, with the help of a few relatives, started supplying food. Later, he started getting many supplies from various donors and his outfit became a sort of centre for providing this basic necessity at the protest site.

The welcome thing was that the protestors shouted slogans against the communal politics of the Central government. It is good that the youth are vigilant about the failure of the government to keep the promises given in the signed agreement. All over the country, the movement has left an immense positive impact in that the people who felt stifled are now able to breathe and partly express themselves. The protest is midway, with kudos to the spirit of the youth. They deserve all the praise for loosening the tight grip of the repressive system.

The question is, will it last? The question is to channelise the mass discontent piling up over the past few years. The question is whether broader political coalitions will pick it up and ensure that the democratic values are revoked to some extent.

In the aftermath of this protest, there are many like Hindi film actor Kangana Ranaut, the Bharatiya Janata Party MP who said India got “freedom in 2014”, calling GenZ as the “gutter generation”. Shame on such people who can’t see the positive and creative culture that was on display at Jantar Mantar.

And then there are the likes of T. Mohandas, an ex-chief of BJP’s Intellectual Cell, one who has shouldered many responsibilities for Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh-BJP, who showed their political ideology in its true colours. He said, “The protesters at Jantar Mantar would have been shot and killed if he was in control.” He also said the women who were part of the protest “like to be raped and would not even complain if it happens.”

While for tactical purposes, his statement has been disowned, the fact remains that RSS is adept in disowning its members when they do or say ghastly things. The unforgettable case of RSS denying that Nathuram Godse had anything to do with them. This despite the fact that Nathuram Godse’s brother, Gopal Godse, in his book, May it Please Your Honour” says that all the brothers, including Nathuram, were groomed in RSS shakhas.

Mohandas, representing the Hindu nationalist ideology, makes both aspects of democratic norms and women’s equality as undesirable, and has contempt for them. He describes the chronology of controlling the protest at Jantar Mantar. First, he would have imposed a curfew in that area, then he would have given a warning to disperse, failing which firing would have been ordered and those killed and injured would have been sent to hospitals.

The democratic norms for which Mohandas is showing contempt have already been clear during the past 12-13 years, since the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance has been in power.

Global indices showing India’s ranking in democratic norms is falling year after year to the extent that now it is labelled as an “electoral autocracy.” Even the BJP ‘Marg Darshak Mandal’ is disturbed by the path this government is taking. First, Lal Krishna Advani declared that it was an “undeclared emergency.” Now Murli Manohar Joshi is critical of the way police handled the protests.

As per Freedom House (Freedom in the World Index): India is placed at 62 out of 100, designating the country as "Partly Free" due to pressures on political rights and civil liberties. The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU Democracy Index) categorises India as a "Flawed Democracy". V-Dem Institute (Democracy Reports) classifies India's governance structure closer to an "Electoral Autocracy", citing a heavy reduction in civic space and judicial independence.  Reporters Without Borders (World Press Freedom Index) ranks India 157th out of 180 countries, pointing to growing constraints on media independence and journalist safety.

Mohandas’s comments about girls and women participating in the Jantar Mantar dharna are straight from the inventory of misogynist abuses and comments. The RSS, to which Mohandas belongs, is deeply rooted in feudal and patriarchal values in which women, as a matter of principle, are regarded as the property of man. The politics of communalism is played on the bodies of women. While RSS is an exclusively male organisation with swayamsevaks, its subordinate women’s organisation is Rashtra Sevika Samiti. Here women can only be sevikas (servants).

In Savvy magazine (April 1994), Mridula Sinha of BJP, did accept that taking and giving dowry was OK, wife-beating was OK and women should not work outside unless there is dire economic crisis. This is quite in line with Hitler’s diktat for women, that their lives should revolve around the Kitchen, Children and Church.

Hindutva’s major ideologue, VD Savarkar, reprimands the noble king Shivaji for returning the daughter- in-law of Bassein’ king, who was brought as a gift for him by Shivaji’s army. As per him, the atrocities on Muslim women were needed as revenge.

The RSS does try to hide its real ideology by deceptive language but the truth pops up times and time again. The previous anti-corruption protest that was led by Anna Hazare and Arvind Kejriwal were cleverly propped up by RSS to defame the Congress. This time, we need to exercise caution. In due course, the democratic forces have to put their act together, shoulder to shoulder, and try to ensure that the likes of T. Mohandas and their ideological parents do not manipulate this protest into their lap and strengthen the divisive politics of Hindu nationalism.

Sure, most in this country are fed up with the present dispensation and if elections are held honestly (a big if) they would have no place in a secular democracy. Mohandas’s statement is the polar opposite of the politics of another Mohandas, whom following Netaji Subhash Bose, we term as the ‘Father of the Nation’.

The writer is a human rights activist, who taught at IIT Bombay. The views are personal.


Manufacture of a Usable Past: NCERT & Hindutva Rewriting of Indian History



Archit |





Education has become a live political fault line in India right now.

The past few weeks of encampment at Jantar Mantar by the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) along with various Left organisations like SFI, AISA AND AISF, and nationwide protests, have shaken the power corridors of New Delhi and resulted in an unprecedented resignation of a cabinet minister for the first time since the victory of the Bhartiya Janata Party in 2014.

Education has become a live political fault line in India right now. While paper leaks and mismanagement have been the central taking point of the movement, Left groups have consistently pointed out the deeper embedded rot in the education system, where curriculum seems to have transformed into a frontier for the regime to establish its legitimacy and political-cultural world-view.

Nationalist projects also need a past, one which is comfortable for them to live with. However, the past on offer is very often inconvenient, ambiguous, or simply too complicated to serve present politics, a challenge that serves as catalyst for projects of remaking the past. Historian Eric Hobsbawm called this the invention of tradition, wherein there is a deliberate construction of a lineage or a set of origins along with a moral order and universe which is argued to be as ancient, pristine and beyond critical scrutiny given its sacred and unbroken continuity; even though much of it is in fact actually freshly assembled information arranged to the end of answering contemporary, modern needs.

Italian communist thinker Antonio Gramsci gave another name for the end product of such undertakings: common sense, the layer of belief which is so deeply absorbed and accepted that it ceases to be an argument at all, and instead it is the only way things obviously are. School textbooks are an important site where this common sense takes shape. The textbooks reach a child before she has the tools to question them, and they do it under the authority of the state and the discipline of history itself, which is precisely why regimes carry a relentless and compulsive drive to remake a nation's self-understanding.

The Hindutva movement has pursued revision of history for a long time. Its account of the past rests on a few load-bearing claims: that Hindus are the original and continuous inhabitants of the subcontinent, stretching back to the first urbanisation and Harappan period; that the arrival of Islam had interrupted an otherwise harmonious civilisation and inflicted several centuries of unrelieved suffering on it; and the caste system, whatever its faults, is a secondary and largely colonial-era distortion rather than something woven into the fabric of the sub-continent’s religious and social life.

All these claims collapse against evidence, and cannot survive in the form the movement needs them to. Genetic and linguistic research supports migration into the subcontinent rather than an unbroken line running from Harappa to the Vedic age.

The five centuries of the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal empire were, like every other period of subcontinental history, a mix of conquest, patronage, syncretism, and violence and cannot be categorised under a singular category of Dark Era. Caste hierarchies, far from being introduced by colonialism, have textual and social roots that predate colonialism by well over a thousand years, as generations of scholarship from Ambedkar onward have shown.

This is the gap that the revised NCERT textbooks, rolled out at every level from class six through class twelve, exist to close. For roughly a decade after the BJP’s rise to power in 2014, the NCERT curriculum had proven surprisingly resistant to wholesale rewriting. That resistance has now given way. What has replaced it is not a coherent alternative history so much as a patchwork of insertions, omissions, and reframing, each aimed at a different pressure point in the discipline, and each traceable back to one or another of Hindutva's foundational claims.

Reading the textbooks, chapter by chapter makes it apparent that it is not merely ideologically motivated revision which is visible, but rather a kind of muddle: contradictions within a single chapter, contradictions between chapters written for different classes, and a persistent unwillingness to follow any argument to a place the writers do not want it to go. This essay works through four of those pressure points, and then asks what it means for a country to raise a generation of students on a history built this way.

Remarkable Continuity, Invented On The Page

The clearest instance of this confusion is also the most consequential, because it touches Hindutva's founding myth of civilisational continuity. The class six textbook Exploring Society: India and Beyond opens its chapter on the Harappan civilisation by listing its various names - Indus, Harappan, Indus-Sarasvati, Sindhu-Sarasvati - and announcing that the book will use all of them. It then does nothing of the sort. The term "Harappan civilisation" never appears again in the chapter, even as the people themselves are still called Harappans throughout. "Indus-Sarasvati" recurs at least five times; "Sindhu-Sarasvati" twice. The term Sindhu-Sarasvati re-appears, briefly but more prominently, as the only term used for the civilisation in the textbook on social sciences for class nine. The class twelve textbook, by contrast, sticks to "Harappan civilisation" from beginning to end and never uses the Sarasvati formulation at all.

This is not a stylistic inconsistency. It is the seam where an argument the writers want to make meets an argument they cannot quite bring themselves to complete. Archaeology names cultures after the site where they were first identified, which is why "Harappan" remains the term of choice among working archaeologists. Today, well over a thousand sites are  known, spread from Alamgirpur in western Uttar Pradesh to Sutkagen-dor on the Makran coast, from Manda in Jammu and Kashmir down to Malvan in Surat district, with an isolated site as far off as Shortughai in North Afghanistan.

An archaeological culture distributed across that much territory, along multiple river systems, is poorly served by a name tied to any single one of them, whether that name is Indus or Sarasvati. The identification of a string of sites along the dried bed of the Ghaggar-Hakra with the Rigvedic Sarasvati is a live and interesting hypothesis, one that even Romila Thapar's older NCERT text treated as worth entertaining, but it remains a hypothesis, not a settled finding, and the objection to river-based naming applies to the Sarasvati formulation exactly as much as it applies to “Indus Valley Civilisation."

What the Sarasvati formulation buys, when a textbook insists on it anyway, is continuity: a direct line from the Harappan cities to the age of Rigveda, and from there onward to a Hindu civilisation that has occupied the subcontinent since the beginning, needing no migration story to explain how the Vedic-speaking peoples got there. This is precisely the ground on which the Class 12 NCERT rejects the Aryan migration hypothesis outright, notwithstanding the weight of genetic and linguistic evidence behind it. But the chapter that would need to do the actual work of establishing that continuity, the class twelve chapter on Harappa itself, declines to touch the Sarasvati terminology at all, presumably because making the case at the level of specialised, university-track history invites exactly the scrutiny the term cannot survive. It is at the Class 6 and 8 level, where most students will encounter their last formal history lessons, that the claim gets planted and left uncontested. Very few of those students will go on to study history in college. Fewer still will ever read the counter-argument.

Turning The Past Into The Present's Mirror[1] 

A second, subtler technique is anachronism: describing the past in the vocabulary of the present, so that old events come pre-loaded with contemporary political meaning. Historical method treats this as close to a cardinal sin, because it erases the very thing that makes a period worth studying on its own terms, the fact that people in the past operated within categories, loyalties, and constraints that were not ours.

The Class 6 textbook's account of Shivaji's night raid on Shaista Khan's camp offers a textbook case, in more than one sense. After describing the raid, in which Shaista Khan escaped having lost several fingers and abandoned Maharashtra, the text adds that "this daring raid resembles the modern-day surgical strike." A 17th-century Maratha ruler's assault on a Mughal governor is folded into the vocabulary that has, over the past decade, become central to Indian political rhetoric around cross-border military action against Pakistan.

The effect is to make Shivaji legible to a child not as a figure of his own century but as a proto-nationalist forerunner of today's state, and to make today's state, by the same gesture, an inheritor of an eternal Hindu tradition of righteous retaliation against a Muslim adversary. When put to test with the historical method such conflation is bound to be extremely untenable. Raiding for tribute is about as far from the self-image of a modern professional army as a historical practice gets, yet this is what the textbooks attempts at establishing.

The Maratha state, if studied on its own terms, reveals much more nuanced histories of statecraft and polity, of raiding, wars, alliances and conciliations, including those with muslim polities of the same period. It also reveals the friction between new polities like that of the Marathas and the existing Brahmanical order, histories   which are conveniently ignored. Shivaji[2]  has long been a central icon for the Hindutva movement's account of Hindu resistance to Muslim rule; a comparison this anachronistic does not happen by accident in a textbook that otherwise polices its language quite carefully[3] .

The historian David Ludden identifies this manoeuvre as a repeating ingredient in most nationalist history projects. This is territorial anachronism, or the projection of a present-day map backward onto a past that never organised itself along those lines, so that the boundary appears ancient rather than freshly drawn. Ludden's point is that a national map carries the emotional freight of belonging, prerogative , and exclusion. This freight , rather than geography, decides who counts as inside the nation and who counts as an intruder in it, legitimising present day structures of power and authority. Civilisational formulations throughout the textbook seem to project this very kind of demarcation, as which polities are constituents of the ancient and righteous civilisational lineage and which ones are aberrations to it. 

Building a dark age out of a colonial habit

The most audacious revision sits at the opening of the history section in the class eight textbook, under a heading titled "A Note on History's Darker Periods." It concedes, reasonably enough in the abstract, that history often dwells on war and cruelty, and counsels that such periods be approached with detachment. What follows makes clear which centuries the framing is meant to cover: roughly six hundred years, from the establishment of the Mamluk dynasty in Delhi in 1206 through the decline of the Mughals after Aurangzeb. The textbook's own justification is that this era saw "war, abuse, fanaticism, bloodshed" descend suddenly upon an otherwise era of peaceful social order.

The claim does not withstand a moment's scrutiny, since the subcontinent before 1206 was no stranger to war, conquest, or bloodshed of its own. But its purpose is not really historical; it is to reintroduce, under a new vocabulary, the periodisation that the British colonial historian James Mill imposed on Indian history two centuries ago, dividing it into Hindu, Muslim, and British ages. That scheme was always a political instrument rather than a neutral chronology, useful to a colonial administration that wanted to present British rule as a rescue from Muslim tyranny. Hindutva has recycled it for a domestic audience, where it does a double duty: it supplies a centuries-long narrative of Hindu victimhood, which is the emotional fuel of majoritarian politics, and it erases everything about the period that complicates the picture, above all the Bhakti movements, whose critique of caste and Brahmanical authority makes them an uncomfortable fit for a history organised around Hindu suffering at Muslim hands rather than internal Brahmanical hierarchy[4] . Attention to the latter would also have brought light to structural caste violence, institutionalised as the varna-jaati system, which is a major constituent in any serious reconstruction of ancient and medieval Indian history, and thus, discredit any framing of pre-sultanate landscape as harmonious and

The textbook's treatment of the Delhi Sultans compounds this. It notes, accurately, that the Sultans “lived in luxury funded by plunder, taxation, and the slave trade” — a description equally true of essentially every medieval court anywhere in the world, and offered here without that comparison, so that ordinary medieval statecraft reads as evidence of a uniquely foreign and barbaric rule.

The section on temple destruction follows the same pattern. It states that the period saw attacks on Buddhist, Jain, and Hindu religious images, motivated not primarily by plunder but by iconoclasm, which it later defines as unique to Islamic polities. Most serious historians situate temple desecration in the wider subcontinental practice of desecrating a defeated rival's patronised deity and temple, a practice that long predates the arrival of Turkic rule.

Richard Eaton's extensive research on temple desecration lays out the pattern clearly: in 642, the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I looted the image of Ganesha from the Chalukyan capital at Vatapi; in the eighth century, Bengali troops destroyed what they believed was the state deity of the Kashmiri king Lalitaditya; in the early tenth century, the Rashtrakuta ruler Indra III not only destroyed a Pratihara temple at Kalapriya but took evident pride in recording it. Temples of state deities were understood across the subcontinent as targets in war precisely because they embodied a rival king's authority. None of this excuses the destruction that did occur under Turkic and Mughal rule; it simply means that treating that destruction as the unique signature of Muslim conquest, rather than a regional political practice that Muslim rulers also participated in, is bad history in service of a predetermined conclusion.

In the same textbook for class 8, It is noted that Aurangzeb issued a blanket ban on all non-muslim institutions of education. This seems to be based off a de-contextualised reading of a court Farman dated 1669. It quotes the order as instructing provincial governors "to demolish schools and temples of the infidels and put down their teachings and religious practices," presenting it as a blanket order for religious persecution. The fuller record, found in the Ma'athir-i 'Alamgiri, situates the order as a response to a specific report reaching the court that April: that certain teachers in Thatta, Multan, and Benares were spreading what the court called "false books" and drawing students of both Hindu and Muslim background from great distances. Whatever the court's actual objection to this teaching was, the order reads as a response to a targeted complaint about a specific mode of instruction at certain specific locations, not a general campaign against the worship and practices of non-muslim groups, and it sits awkwardly beside the extensive documentary record of land grants and patronage that Aurangzeb extended to various sects, communities, temples and religious institutions throughout his reign, what Richard  Eaton and Satish Chandra, along with others have well highlighted in their work on Aurangzeb. This misreading of the Aurangzeb record is not new; Hindu nationalist historians going back to Sita Ram Goel have leaned on selectively quoted Persian court sources for decades, by reading Persian hyperbole at its face value. Mainstream historiography corrected the record long ago. The reappearance of this long rejected extrapolation here is clearly a politically motivated choice[5] .

The Caste Violence That Disappears

The fourth pressure point is caste, and here the method is not distortion so much as removal. The previous class eight social science textbook carried a dedicated chapter on women, caste, and reform. The revised edition drops it, and caste as a subject barely surfaces anywhere else in the new curriculum. Where the class six social science text does address the varna-jati system, it offers the following account: that “the system was more flexible in earlier periods and became rigid over time, in particular during the British rule in India," and that varna-jati, while significant, is only one of several mechanisms shaping Indian society.

Both halves of that sentence do real ideological work. The first pushes the hardening of caste hierarchy onto the colonial period, letting pre-colonial Hindu society off the hook for a rigidity that, as the historical and textual record shows, long predates British rule. The second minimises caste's centrality to Indian social life by placing it on a list alongside unspecified other factors, treating a structuring institution as one variable among many. Both moves protect the same thing: a vision of a harmonious, undivided "Hindu society" that Hindutva politics needs in order to mobilise Hindus as a single vote bank across caste lines, something the movement's own internal history, from its Brahmanical leadership to its uneasy relationship with Dalit assertion, makes considerably harder to sustain than the textbook suggests. A curriculum genuinely interested in restoring suppressed history would have expanded its treatment of caste and gender not deleted it. That it has done the opposite, in a project explicitly framed as correcting historical injustice, is the clearest evidence that the aim is at producing a rather communitarian history, where hinduism becomes an homogenised category rather than the diverse and stratified social reality it that is swept under the rug.

Continuity For The Victors, Catastrophe On Loan

There is an older vocabulary for what these four moves add up to, and it comes from Walter Benjamin in his Philosophy of History, written in 1940. Here he argues that the historian who identifies with the past as an unbroken inheritance is, whether he admits it or not, identifying with whoever currently holds power, because that inheritance, the "cultural heritage" passed down as a triumphal procession, belongs to "the heirs of all those who have ever been victorious." Continuity thus is what gets constructed for the people who won. Set against this is what Benjamin calls the tradition of the oppressed, for whom the state of emergency is not an interruption of history but its rule: not a chain of events but a single unbroken catastrophe piling wreckage at its own feet. The attempt at establishing continuity from Harappan culture to the Vedic age seeks to manufacture an unbroken civilisational line running from the Harappan urban centres,  through the Vedas to the present, so that whoever stands at the end of that line inherits it as birthright. That is what continuity is for.

But framing of the period of muslim polities, as an “Dark Age”, does something Benjamin's schema does not anticipate. It assigns the vocabulary of rupture, emergency, centuries of unrelieved catastrophe, to the same party that is supposedly the uncontested heir to the so called eternal and essentially Hindu civilisation. Hindutva historiography wants continuity and catastrophe at once, applied to the eternal Hindu civilisation which is perpetually at the risk of imminent catastrophe and subjugation. A textbook that wants its readers to feel both at the same time is not describing a historical position so much as borrowing an emotional register it has no structural claim to, which is catastrophe without the risk of actually occupying any losing side of history.

What a common sense costs

None of these four revisions reads, on its own, as overtly dramatic falsification. That is what makes the method effective. A confused nomenclature here, an unearned comparison there, a selectively quoted order, a deleted chapter: each is small enough to defend individually, and cumulatively decisive enough to rebuild a child's sense of who did what to whom over two thousand years of subcontinental history. Gramsci's point about hegemony was never that a ruling narrative announces itself as ideology. It is that it stops looking like an argument at all, and becomes simply what everyone already knows, absorbed before the tools to interrogate it exist. That is what a Class 6 or Class 8 textbook does better than almost any other instrument a political movement could design, because most of the students reading it will never take another history course.

What is at stake, then, is not a dispute between two versions of the past that reasonable people might weigh against each other. It is whether the discipline of history, with its ordinary and unglamorous obligations to evidence, context, and the refusal to read the present back into the past, survives as something Indian children are actually taught, or whether it is replaced by a story whose only real test is whether it flatters the politics of the government that commissioned it. Historians can and do argue about the Aryan migration, about the balance of plunder and patronage under the Delhi Sultanate, about how rigid caste hierarchy really was in any given century. What they cannot do, and what these textbooks do throughout, is settle those arguments in advance and then wish away every piece of evidence that points the other way.

A country's history curriculum is usually the last place its citizens will encounter organised, evidence-based arguments about their own past before they either forget the subject or make their peace with whatever version of it they were handed at the age of 13 years. It is difficult to imagine a more consequential place to get this wrong.

The writer is an activist with the Students' Federation of India and currently a Master's student in the Department of History, University of Delhi. The views are personal.


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