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Monday, November 18, 2024

‘What’s happening in Canada?’: clashes between Hindus and Sikhs spark fears of growing divisions


Misinformation drives tensions in Ontario’s south Asian community amid rise of Hindu nationalism


Olivia Bowden in Brampton
THE GUARDIAN
Sun 17 Nov 2024 

The Hindu Sabha Mandir temple in the Canadian city of Brampton lies beside a busy road in a suburb where many homes are still strung with lights left over from Diwali. Standing over the parking lot, a 17-meter-tall statue of the monkey god Lord Hanuman gazes out over the traffic as worshippers come and go.

A couple of minutes down the road, the Gurdwara Dasmesh Darbar Sikh temple sits near a strip mall with sari shops, Indian restaurants and other businesses indicative of the city’s large south Asian population.


Save for a few security guards at the Hindu temple, it would be hard to tell that this quiet residential neighbourhood was recently the site of violent clashes between Sikh activists and nationalist counterprotesters.

The confrontation drew condemnation from the city’s mayor, the premier of Ontario and Canada’s prime minister, Justin Trudeau – and also from India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, who described the incident as an attack on the Hindu temple.

View image in fullscreenThe Hindu Sabha Mandir temple in Brampton, Ontario. Photograph: Nick Lachance/Toronto Star/Getty Images

So far, local police have made five arrests and say more may come.

But as the dust settles, members of the local community say they fear further violence between Sikh separatist activists and Modi supporters, some of whom espouse Hindu nationalist ideologies.

Videos of the overnight clashes on 3 November show men throwing bricks, kicking cars and striking each other with sticks or flagpoles – including some flying the Indian tricolour and others the bright yellow emblem adopted by advocates of an independent Sikh homeland known as Khalistan.

The protests were prompted by a visit to the temple by Indian government officials who have been holding consular sessions at places of worship across Ontario, including Sikh temples.

The 4 November visit came at a moment of high tension, soon after Canadian police and Trudeau’s government alleged that Modi’s government had orchestrated a campaign of violence and intimidation against Sikh activists in exile.

Inderjeet Singh Gosal, a leader of Sikhs for Justice (SFJ) who helped organize the demonstration, said the protest was specifically against the Indian government, not the Hindu religion, and that he had liaised with police to ensure it would not disrupt worship.


Gosal was a close associate of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, another SFJ leader and Khalistan advocate whose 2023 assassination Canadian officials have linked to Indian diplomats and consular staff.

The Khalistan movement is banned in India, where o
fficials describe Sikh separatists as “terrorists” and a threat to national security.

View image in fullscreenSikh demonstrators outside the Indian consulate in Toronto on 25 September 2023, after the murder of Hardeep Singh Nijjar.
 Photograph: Cole Burston/AFP/Getty Images

Gosal claimed that it was pro-Modi counterprotesters who instigated the violence, alleging that one of them had looked him in the face and told him in Hindi: “We’re going to kill you.”

“I went forward to him and said, ‘Look, I’m sorry you feel that way.’ But before I could say anything they moved up and punched [me],” he said.

Peel regional police have since charged Gosal with assault with a weapon; he accepts he has been charged and has not yet entered a plea.

The clashes escalated and later that night crowds waving Indian flags blocked traffic outside the temple. Video posted online shows a man with a megaphone drawing cheers from the group as he called for the Indian army to “storm” Sikh temples in Canada, which he says are “promoting terrorism”.

Peel police confirmed the man had been charged with public incitement of hatred.

Jaskaran Sandhu, a board member of the World Sikh Organization advocacy group, said such scenes were unprecedented in Canada, home to the largest Sikh population outside India.
This type of Hindu nationalist rhetoric is very normal in India, but not in Canada. That’s very disturbingJaskaran Sandhu of the World Sikh Organization


“This type of Hindu nationalist rhetoric is very normal in India, where minorities are targeted in this manner, but not in Canada. That’s very disturbing,” he said.

Sandhu said that the unrest did not reflect tensions between Sikhs and Hindus, who have historically lived alongside each other in Brampton.

“What’s different here is you have violent, pro-India, Hindu nationalist actors in this country,” he said.

Paritosh Kumar, an adjunct assistant professor of political science at Queen’s University in Kingston, Ontario, said Hindu nationalists around the world have been emboldened by Modi’s government – and that this has become an increasing concern in Canada.

But he also said the ideology was attractive to some members of the diaspora who encountered racism in western countries.

Kumar said academics in Canada have previously been harassed after denouncing Hindu nationalism, but the recent violence marked a serious escalation.

“That seems like a very dangerous transition that is taking place,” he said.

Modi’s framing of the protest as an attack on a Hindu temple by Sikhs may also further inflame the situation, he said.

“It’s a trend that will probably manifest in more street violence,” Kumar said.
View image in fullscreenA Sikh protester holds up an effigy of the Indian prime minister outside the Indian consulate in Vancouver, British Columbia, on 18 October. Photograph: Jennifer Gauthier/Reuters

That worries Chinnaiah Jangam, an associate professor of history at Ottawa’s Carleton University who focuses on Dalit peoples, considered the lowest rung of India’s caste system.


Jangam is a practicing Hindu and identifies as Dalit. After the protests in Brampton, relatives in India called him to see if he was safe – an indication of how successful Modi’s supporters had been in casting the protests as an attack on Hindus.

“They are playing into this idea of victimhood. It’s a false narrative … and this is a part of a larger narrative to discredit [the Canadian government],” Jangam said.

Brampton city councillor Gurpartap Singh Toor said misinformation published in the Indian media or shared on WhatsApp had framed the unrest as a violent attack on the Hindu temple, fanning fear and hatred in both Canada and India.

“It’s sad to see it happening here in our city. And then to pitch it as the Sikh community versus the Hindu community – it’s just a gross injustice,” he said.

Roopnauth Sharma, the pandit at the Ram Mandir Hindu temple in the nearby city of Mississauga, said the unrest in Brampton did not reflect any broader sectarian tensions.

“This is not a Hindu-Sikh issue … It is a group of people who have a certain opinion, and they’re allowed to [express it],” he said.

Sharma, who is also the president of the Hindu Federation, said he had been working with local officials to create restrictions on demonstrations near places of worship.

“We want to make sure people still have the right to protest … but we want to make sure there’s a safe distance,” he said.
View image in fullscreenPandit Vasudev Joshi at the Hindu Sabha Mandir temple in Brampton, Ontario. 
Photograph: Nick Lachance/Toronto Star/Getty Images

Leaders of the Hindu Sabha Mandir temple did not respond to a request for comment, but Vasudev Joshi, a pandit at the temple, told the Toronto Star that the protest should have been held outside the Indian consulate.

Such sentiments were echoed by political leaders: Brampton’s mayor, Patrick Brown, pushed for a bylaw that would ban protests at places of worship, while Trudeau said last week that acts of violence at the temple were “unacceptable”.

But Sandhu said such statements miss the point. “Our leaders are so quick to speak about mob violence … but have chosen to be absolutely silent on this India violence directed at the Canadian Sikh community,” he said.

“Are the visuals not enough for you to realize what’s happening in Canada?”

Friday, November 01, 2024

INDIA

Promoting Love Versus Instilling Hate and Fear


Ram Puniyani 





India’s anti-colonial struggle was based on the unity of Indians. This is being negated by RSS-BJP that is raising the slogan of ‘batenge toh katenge’.




Image credit: The Leaflet

India’s anti-colonial struggle was accompanied by various diverse social phenomena. One of these was ‘Hindu-Muslim’ Unity, and the emergence of the overall identity of Indians among people of all religions. The national, anti-colonial stream promoted this and the best embodiment of this was Mahatma Gandhi, who took three bullets on his bare chest for striving for this.

Gandhi wrote, “The union that we want is not a patched-up thing but a union of hearts based upon a definite recognition of the indubitable proposition that Swaraj (self-rule) for India must be an impossible dream without an indissoluble union between the Hindus and Muslims of India. It must not be a mere truce. It cannot be based upon mutual fear. It must be a partnership between equals, each respecting the religion of the other.”

In contrast, some streams, basing their nationalism under the mask of religion, not only kept aloof from the anti-colonial struggle but also sowed the seeds and nurtured the plants of hate and divisiveness. M. S Golwalkar, the second sarsanghchalak of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), wrote, “German race pride has now become the topic of the day. To keep up the purity of the Race and its culture, Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the Semitic Races—the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well-nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by.” - We, or Our Nationhood Defined (Bharat Publications, Nagpur, 1939). This set the tone for RSS to propagate hate against Muslims and Christians in India.

This hate was a marginal tendency for decades, but has now emerged as the dominating ‘social common sense’ leading to a series of anti-Muslim violence, their intimidation, lynching and what not, leading to the phenomenon of ghettoisation, and relegating them to a secondary position in society.

This process is still on and different RSS-BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) leaders have used all their ‘innovation’ to create more hatred, they have kept adding on to catchy slogans to demonise Muslims. “They can be identified by their clothes”, “Shamshan-Kabristhan”, a series of jihads -- ‘vote jihad’ being probably the latest. There is a long list. To cap it all, two of BJP’s top leaders have peaked this phenomenon in recent times.

One of them is Giriraj Singh (a Union minister) who is among those leading the pack of hate promoters. Recently, he stated, "If a Muslim/ghuspetiya (infiltrator) slaps you once, everyone should come together and slap him 100 times....Keep a sword, spear and trident in the house, worship it and if someone comes, protect yourself from him..."

One is incidentally reminded of the Father of the Nation, who went on to say that if someone slaps you on one cheek put forward the other cheek. The two ideologies of Gandhi’s Indian nationalism, amity and love are being totally countered by the ideology of Hindu nationalism by provoking violence and hate. The downslide of amity and rise of hate have run parallel with the divisive politics of sectarian nationalism, particularly after the demolition of Babri mosque, followed by a series of divisive campaigns. With BJP coming to power at the Centre, the various RSS wings and the foot soldiers of divisive nationalism felt that now they can enjoy impunity to the fullest extent.

Around this time, another divisive leader, Yogi Adityanath (the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister), the introducer of bulldozer (in)justice has also thrown up a phrase ‘Batenge to Katenge’, i.e. Hindus should remain united else they will be slaughtered. This slogan has various dimensions, and the peak organisation of Hindu nationalism has approved it.

“The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh on Saturday (October 26, 2024) backed Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s controversial remark — ‘*batenge to katenge*’, claiming that Hindus ‘will be slaughtered if divided’ — with RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale saying that the slogan, calling for unity among Hindus, is the lifetime pledge of the Sangh,” says a report.

This has multiple dimensions. One is that the RSS strategists feel that the decline of BJP’s fortunes in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections was due to shift of Dalit votes to the opposition INDIA bloc, which stood solidly with the concept of social justice and demanded a caste-based census. The threat being generated is that if Dalit-OBCs (Other Backward Classes) go to the INDIA bloc, Hindus will be slaughtered. By whom? As per this slogan, it will be by the Muslims. On the contrary, Muslims have been left in the lurch during the past 75 years. The RSS combine may even prop up the non-applicable example of the plight of Hindus in Bangladesh after the uprising (2024) in the neighbouring country. Also, Pakistan is always an evergreen (pun intended) example of the worsening plight of Hindus there.

‘We must unite as Indians’ was the central plank of the freedom movement. ‘Indian’ was the core theme of our unity during the anti-colonial struggle, which is reflected in our Constitution. Gandhi, the greatest Hindu of the 20th Century, never called for unity as Hindus. Neither did the likes of Maulana Azad, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan call for unity as Muslims.

For BJP, which is not concerned about the welfare of the ‘person standing last in line’, all its ideology, actions and utterances are contrary to what had united India. It ridicules Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s (RG) call for ‘Mohabbat ki Dukaan’ (shop of love) and questions as to why Rahul Gandhi does not meet RSS. A counter question is, why does RSS want to meet RG? RSS knows its politics is based on hate (of Muslims, Christians and those opposed to Hindu nationalism), while RG is trying to put life back into the Indian nationalism and the ethos of love and amity, as underlined in our Constitution. Why should RG be interested in ideologues against whose ideology he is trying to raise his voice?

If RSS wants to RG to meet them, it has to drastically change its ideology of division and adopt the values of the Indian Constitution, the core of which is unity as Indians, and fraternity between people irrespective of their religion. It is precisely for this reason that Nehru, Gandhi’s disciple, never gave importance to RSS, it is for this reason that Indira Gandhi refused to concede RSS chief Balasaheb Deoras' request to meet her. RSS, as per its character, wants to derive its legitimacy even from those who oppose its politics.

The writer is a human rights activist, who taught at IIT Bombay. The views are personal.

Friday, October 18, 2024

India: Rape victims struggle to get justice

Akanksha Saxena Madhya Pradesh, India

Mass protests in cities like Kolkata and New Delhi seem to finally be changing Indians' view of sexual assault. In the countryside, however, perpetrators are still shielded by caste, power structures, and apathy.


All names of survivors and their family members in this article have been changed by DW to preserve anonymity.

Minors, especially girls, are often targeted by sexual predators in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. In a small countryside town, DW met with the family of 6-year-old Masoom, who was raped in broad daylight by a 27-year-old man.

Her mother Fatima recalls the horrific day: "I was cooking, and her grandmother was washing dishes. We didn't hear a thing. My daughter was reading an Urdu lesson in the shop attached to the house, playing as she did every day. She came inside crying and told us a man had come and taken her pajamas off. She was bleeding from her private parts. We understood what had happened. He had threatened to kill her if she made any noise.

Now, Masoom is terrified of men, including her own father.

"My daughter is so innocent and smart, yet this happened to her. She was in the hospital for over two weeks. She's scared of her own father now. She refuses to sleep next to him," says Fatima.

Her grandmother Sultana is worried about the long-term impact of the assault.

"She used to be so full of life and joy. That brightness has disappeared from her face since the incident. She hardly eats, and whatever little she does eat isn't making her strong. I don't want any other girl's life to be destroyed like hers," Sultana says.
Majority of child rape unreported

Masoom's story is not an isolated case. According to new UNICEF estimates, over 370 million girls and women who are alive today across the world have experienced rape or sexual assault before the age of 18.

Her family's search for justice ended with the rapist sentenced to life in prison under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act (POCSO). But such outcomes are rare. In rural India, cases like Masoom's often don't even make headlines.

India recorded nearly 39,000 child rape cases in 2022, but those numbers only tell part of the story. For any reported rape, many more cases go unreported as the victims and their families are silenced by intimidation, caste dynamics, and a broken justice system. Additionally, only 3% of registered child rape cases ended in convictions in 2022.

Upper-caste dominates law enforcement

Behind these numbers are victims like Chandralekha, a 14-year-old Dalit girl. Her rapist, an upper-caste man, apparently counted on the system to shield him.

"I was out selling tea when he stopped me and forced me," Chandralekha says with her voice shaking.

Rights groups have long documented how upper-caste men use sexual violence as a weapon against Dalits, often without fear of punishment. Chandralekha's father, Manoj Kumar has been repeatedly threatened for trying to get justice for his daughter.

"I'm under a lot of pressure, but I won't give in. They've threatened to kill me. The rapist said to me, 'I'm upper caste, you're at the bottom.' He uses caste-related slurs. He said, 'You're lower caste, and we'll make sure you suffer,'" Manoj told DW.

Law enforcement in India is often dominated by upper caste officers. A 2020 report found that police frequently ignore crimes against Dalit women. In Chandralekha's case, the police allegedly told her family to file a harassment complaint instead of a rape charge. This allowed the accused to secure bail and continue intimidating the family. And even if the case gets to trial, his punishment will likely be lenient.

"When I asked the police to record it as rape, they refused. They only arrested him after 15 days, and that was because I called the women's helpline. He was released on bail soon after. The police wouldn't listen to me. They told me, 'Why should we follow your instructions?'" Manoj said.

Modi acknowledges anger, but change comes slow

After the recent rape and murder of a doctor in Kolkata sparked massive outrage, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said India was "angry" over sexual assault.

"As a society, we must think seriously about the atrocities against our mothers, daughters and sisters," he said in a national address.

However, critics argue that his government's response has been largely performative. Allegations of sexual violence continue, even against members of his own party, while systemic issues —such as poor police investigations and institutional backing for perpetrators — remain unaddressed.

Systemic failure of justice

India's courts, especially in rural areas, are often riddled with inefficiencies, biases, and corruption. In Sarita's case, the 15-year-old was abducted and gang raped.

Despite the police finding her attackers, justice is painfully slow. Her brother Suresh, the family's sole breadwinner, has been repeatedly summoned by police over minor formalities.

"Every time they summon me, I have to go," he told DW "They say it'll take a year before any punishment. How can I support my family if I'm stuck dealing with this?"

These delays happen for a reason. According to defense lawyer Vaibhav Bhatnagar, rural courts are often overwhelmed.

"There's only one session judge for all these cases, and families are pressured to compromise. That's why conviction rates are so low."

Meanwhile, families are harassed, ostracized, and pushed to drop cases.
Stigma and silence: Survivors ostracized

Perpetrators often avoid the shame of committing rape, with the stigma falling on the victims instead. Survivors like Chandralekha and her family are shunned by their communities and often forced into isolation.

"Our ration shop was shut down. We had to sell our livestock to fight this case," said Chandralekha's mother.

Her daughter, once a brilliant student, now stays home in fear.

Local police officer Monika Singh has made it her mission to challenge these toxic attitudes through her school outreach programs. She speaks to schoolboys and girls, demanding a shift in mindset.

"We have to get it into our heads that women are equal to men, and they deserve respect," she tells a gathering of adolescent boys.

"If you stay silent, the perpetrator will feel like he can do more," she warns them, urging them to report harassment.

Activists fight back


Despite the overwhelming odds, grassroots activists are pushing back against rape culture.

In towns across India, street plays focusing on sexual violence challenge deeply ingrained patriarchal beliefs. The performances confront audience with uncomfortable truths.

"This is a man's world," one actor says during the play. "What can you do alone?" A woman's voice responds, "I will fight for my daughter, I will get her justice."

These activists know the change won't happen overnight. But every little step, including every street performance, moves the country closer to breaking the silence on sexual violence.

Edited by: Darko Janjevic


Monday, October 07, 2024

FEMICIDE

Gender-based violence: What's being done to protect women?
October 6, 2024

Gisele Pelicot's mass rape trial in France and other equally harrowing sexual violence cases have sparked outrage around the world. So what's being done to prevent such gender-based violence?


Demonstrators in Paris showed their support for Gisele Pelicot in mid-September
Image: Apaydin Alain/ABACAPRESS/IMAGO

Gender-based violence, defined as violence directed against a person because of their biological or social gender, is omnipresent.

According to estimates by the World Health Organization, almost one in three women worldwide has experienced either physical and/or sexual violence in her lifetime.

In addition to the highly publicized #MeToo movement in the United States, campaigns such as #aufschrei in Germany, mass protests in Mexico and India against rape and femicide or, most recently, the case of Gisele Pelicot in France can raise awareness, but change happens only if politicians and the judiciary follow suit.
France: Gisele Pelicot becomes a feminist icon

The case of Gisele Pelicot has shocked France and the entire world. The 72-year-old was drugged by her husband for years and abused by him and other men. Her husband filmed 200 incidents, footage that is now serving as evidence in the ongoing trial against him and 50 other men.

A key aspect of the case is that Gisele Pelicot explicitly campaigned for the trial to take place publicly, "so that the shame changes sides."

This graffiti on a wall in the south of Paris was created to honor the courage of Gisele Pelicot
Image: Geoffroy van der Hasselt/AFP/Getty Images

To show their support for Pelicot and other victims of sexualized violence, several thousand people took to the streets in cities across France in September, chanting, among other things: "We are all Gisele!"

While this has brought fundamental aspects of violence against women back into focus in France, it's not nearly enough, said Elke Ferner, chairwoman of the UN Women organization in Germany. The politician and long-standing expert on women's rights believes that changes to French criminal law are needed.

"There is not even a 'no means no' rule, according to which sexual acts against the recognizable will of the other person would be punishable," she said. "Instead, in France, active resistance must have taken place for it to be considered rape in court."
India: Discrimination and misogyny persist

The rape and murder of a female assistant doctor recently caused outrage in India. In early August, the 31-year-old was found dead in a state hospital in Kolkata, the capital of the state of West Bengal. The latest of many rape cases in the world's most populous country sparked massive protests. State hospital workers went on strike and West Bengal tightened the penalties for rape.


For many Indians, the crime brings back memories of the brutal gang rape of a student on a bus in the capital New Delhi in 2012. The 23-year-old died due to severe internal injuries. Back then, the protests and public outrage were even greater than now, Indian women's rights activist Ranjana Kumari told DW.

The situation is sobering, said Kumari, the director of the Centre for Social Research in New Delhi and chairwoman of Women Power Connect, a coalition of women's organizations. "When you look at the data, the crime has increased. Not just the domestic violence but also the public space crime in terms of rape and also bullying and harassing women on the streets," she said.

"And what is very shocking and upsetting is that more crime is happening with the women coming from the minority community. And from the underprivileged Dalit," she added, referring to the group lowest in the Indian caste system.

The sexual violence reflects the patriarchal and misogynistic structures of Indian society, in which change to social norms is sluggish, said Kumari. Although laws have been tightened and new programs launched in recent years, much of this remains theory rather than practice, she added.

There have been repeated cases of authorities trying to cover things up, with officials sometimes refusing to accept reports from women. "Cases take 10 to 15 years to come to any kind of justice. So what is failing are these institutions.You must start delivering justice, otherwise the the criminals get emboldened," she said.

Mexico: Women rise up against femicide


In Mexico, hundreds of women are victims of femicide every year — murdered because they are female, usually by their current or former partner. According to official data, there were 827 femicides in 2023, with the number of unreported cases likely to be significantly higher.

Experts attribute Mexico's high rates of femicide to deeply rooted cultural machismo and a problematic justice system that offers little protection for women. The alarming extent of deadly misogyny has led to a feminist movement that has gained momentum in recent years, developing into a social uprising.

In 2022, after another femicide, activists pinned photos of women killed to the wall outside the office of the attorney general
Image: Eyepix/NurPhoto/picture alliance

"Mass protests against femicides and other forms of gender violence play an important role in advancing public awareness and in holding officials to account," US lawyer Julie Goldscheid, an expert on gender-based violence, told DW.

The high level of public attention has increasingly led to the judiciary and politicians to address the issue, but far-reaching and effective measures have so far failed to materialize. Many Mexicans are now focused on Claudia Sheinbaum, who was elected as the country's first female president in June, and has already announced her intention to provide better protection for women.


Germany: More reforms needed


In 2013, German women began using the hashtag #aufschrei, or "outcry," on social media to report their experiences of sexism and violence. The subsequent news coverage led to a broader discussion of the topic in Germany.

This likely encouraged some changes in the years that followed: the morning-after pill has been available over the counter since 2015, and the law on sexual offenses was reformed in 2016.

Elke Ferner, of UN Women Germany, explains: "The principle of 'no means no' means that crimes that were not previously considered rape are now punished as such. Previously, if a woman did not explicitly say no because she was in a state of shock or did not want to endanger the children in the next room, it was more difficult to classify it as rape." The 'yes means yes' principle, which was also discussed at the time, would have been even clearer, assuming clear consent rather than clear refusal, she added.

Ferner believes the most pressing task in terms of women's rights and protection against violence is the planned Violence Assistance Act, which she said is sorely needed. This would give those affected by domestic violence a legal right to counselling and protection, in addition to setting the first uniform guidelines for the funding of women's shelters and counseling centers.

According to official figures, 250,000 people in Germany were affected by domestic violence last year, and every second to third day a woman dies as a result of intimate partner violence.

This article was originally written in German.


Ines Eisele Fact-checker, editor and author

Sunday, September 22, 2024

PM Modi arrives at Nassau Coliseum to address Indian diaspora in historic event

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has arrived at the Nassau Coliseum in Long Island, New York, where he will address 15,000 members of the Indian diaspora gathered from 42 states in a highly anticipated event. The “Modi and US” program has drawn immense excitement, with the venue resembling a grand Diwali celebration.

Jagdish Sewhani, a member of the event’s organizing committee, highlighted the significance of the moment, saying, “It is a historical event at Nassau Coliseum. This is the first time ever that an Indian Prime Minister has come to Long Island in 75 years. The mayor of Nassau County is eager to welcome PM Modi, whom he described as one of the most popular leaders in the world.”

Over 500 artists are set to perform as part of the cultural celebrations preceding PM Modi’s speech. Traditional performances include ‘Yakshagana,’ a folk dance from Karnataka and Kerala, and ‘Parai,’ a traditional musical instrument from Tamil Nadu.

Outside the venue, a group showcased ‘Mallakhamb,’ an acrobatic sport originating in Maharashtra. Jaydev Anata of the Mallakhamb Federation US expressed hopes of promoting the sport globally, with aspirations of getting it into the Olympics.

Earlier, PM Modi took to social media, posting pictures of his interactions with the Indian diaspora and expressing his eagerness to participate in the community program. The prime minister’s visit to New York also includes chairing key bilateral meetings, participating in a CEO Roundtable, and addressing the Summit of the Future on September 23.

(Inputs from ANI)



Modi’s Global Agenda: India’s Rise In US Politics – OpEd

US President Joe Biden with India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Photo Credit: PM India Office


By 

The Rise of Hindu Nationalism in the West Hindutva, the Hindu nationalist ideology closely associated with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is no longer confined to India’s borders.


Through the Indian diaspora, particularly in the United States, Hindutva is influencing political decisions and shaping Western policies to align with India’s strategic interests. The Indian-American community, dominated by upper-caste Hindus, has become a powerful political and economic force in the U.S., with significant influence in sectors such as technology and politics. This influence is now being used to promote Modi’s nationalist agenda on a global scale, often at the expense of addressing human rights abuses and caste discrimination.

Both the Democratic and Republican parties have recognized the growing importance of the Hindu-American voting bloc, particularly in swing states. This has led to a concerted effort to court Indian-American donors, many of whom are aligned with Modi’s Hindutva ideology. The political influence of the Indian diaspora has reached a point where it can affect key decisions, such as Governor Newsom’s recent veto of a bill aimed at banning caste-based discrimination. The bill, which was intended to address the issue of caste discrimination within Indian-American communities, faced strong opposition from upper-caste Hindus who used their political and economic power to pressure the governor.

This incident highlights the broader trend of political manipulation within the Indian-American community, where influential figures use their power to suppress criticism of caste-based discrimination and human rights abuses in India. By aligning with Hindutva, the diaspora is not only promoting Modi’s nationalist agenda but also protecting discriminatory practices from scrutiny, both in India and abroad.

A Hidden Issue Despite the progressive values espoused by Western societies, caste-based discrimination remains a hidden issue within Indian-American communities. In Silicon Valley, where many Indian-Americans hold leadership positions, reports of caste-based discrimination have surfaced, particularly against Dalit workers. These reports reflect how India’s social hierarchy is being replicated in the U.S., undermining the principles of equality and justice that are central to American society.

While caste-based discrimination is illegal in India, it remains deeply ingrained in the country’s social fabric, and the diaspora has carried these practices with them to the West. The refusal to confront caste-based inequality, particularly within the tech industry, perpetuates a system of oppression that marginalizes lower-caste individuals and allows upper-caste Hindus to maintain their privileged status. This mirrors the situation in India, where efforts to address caste-based discrimination are often met with resistance from powerful upper-caste groups.


Hindutva’s influence on U.S. politics goes beyond caste-based discrimination. Supporters of Modi’s government within the Indian diaspora have actively lobbied Western governments to ignore India’s human rights abuses, particularly in Kashmir. The Indian-American community has successfully positioned itself as a key player in shaping U.S. foreign policy, ensuring that India’s strategic interests are prioritized over concerns about its treatment of Muslims and lower-caste Hindus.

This influence has become especially evident in discussions surrounding Kashmir, where India’s oppressive policies have drawn widespread condemnation from human rights organizations. Despite this, the Indian diaspora has lobbied U.S. policymakers to turn a blind eye to the situation, framing India’s actions as necessary for national security. This mirrors the role of the Jewish lobby in shaping U.S. policies toward Israel, with the Indian diaspora similarly positioning itself to control U.S. politics in India’s favor.

The global reach of Hindutva is not just about political influence; it is also about solidifying Modi’s power on the world stage. By promoting Hindutva both in India and abroad, the Indian diaspora is helping to strengthen Modi’s position as a global leader. This is particularly evident in the tech industry, where Indian elites are using their economic power to shape foreign policy discussions and advance India’s geopolitical goals.

The Indian diaspora’s penetration into key sectors like technology and politics is part of a larger strategy to influence Western policies in India’s favor. This includes ensuring that discussions on human rights abuses, caste discrimination, and the marginalization of Muslims and Dalits in India are sidelined in favor of promoting a positive image of the country. By controlling the narrative, the Indian diaspora is helping to project a false image of India as a progressive, inclusive democracy, while hiding the reality of oppression under Modi’s rule.

Hindutva’s Impact on Global Politics The global reach of Hindutva, supported by the Indian diaspora, is reshaping Western policies in ways that prioritize India’s interests over human rights and equality. Caste discrimination, anti-Muslim policies, and human rights abuses in India are being overlooked in the name of geopolitical alliances. The Indian-American community’s growing influence in U.S. politics serves as a warning of how nationalist ideologies can infiltrate even the most progressive societies, threatening the values of equality and justice that are central to Western democracy.



Mohan Malawya

Mohan Malawya is currently pursuing a degree in Social Sciences from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), and writes on India's domestic politics, foreign policy and India-Pakistan relations.


India’s ‘Namaste’ has become multinational: PM Modi tells diaspora in New York

In a landmark address to the Indian diaspora at Nassau Coliseum in Long Island, Prime Minister Narendra Modi highlighted the growing global significance of India’s traditional greeting, ‘Namaste’, saying that what was once a local expression has now become a multinational symbol of unity.

“‘Namaste’ has gone multinational; it has transitioned from local to global,” PM Modi said, expressing gratitude to the diaspora for their unwavering support. “Your love is my good fortune,” he added.

During his speech, PM Modi emphasized the significant contributions of the Indian community around the world. “Many languages, but one common feeling—that feeling is for Bharat Mata and Bhartiyta. This is India’s biggest strength,” he said, highlighting the unity of Indians regardless of their geographical location.

“We look to do good; we contribute the most no matter where we are,” he added, reinforcing the idea of global citizenship among Indians.

The Prime Minister’s visit to the US from September 21-23 has drawn a large crowd, with approximately 15,000 members of the Indian diaspora gathering from 42 states to welcome him. As he entered the Nassau Coliseum, PM Modi greeted the audience with the chant, “Bharat Mata ki Jai,” receiving a standing ovation.

The atmosphere was vibrant, with talented artists from the Indian community performing traditional music to set the tone for Modi’s address.

Earlier, in a post on X, PM Modi shared his excitement about engaging with the diaspora, saying, “After programmes in Delaware, landed in New York. Eager to be among the diaspora at the community programme in the city and to take part in other programmes.”

Following this historic event, PM Modi is scheduled to chair key bilateral meetings and attend a CEO Roundtable in New York. He will also address the Summit of the Future on September 23.

(With ANI inputs)



Tuesday, September 17, 2024

Why India is still struggling with an unrelenting rape crisis

A month after the sexual assault and murder of a Kolkata doctor, demands for justice and women's safety continue to reverberate.

NILOSREE BISWAS
TRT/AA

A doctor holds a banner during a protest demanding justice following the rape and murder of a trainee medic at a hospital in Kolkata, in New Delhi, India, August 19, 2024.

Over the past couple of days, it has rained incessantly in Kolkata, the capital of India's West Bengal state. But that hasn't stopped the West Bengal Junior Doctors Front and citizens from all walks of life from taking part in massive protests demanding justice for a doctor who was raped and killed at RG Kar Medical College last month.

It's been more than 36 days since the doctor was killed at one of the oldest medical colleges in the country. Since then, demonstrations have gripped Kolkata, with protesters demanding justice and successfully spurring the sacking of the city's police commissioner and state government health officials.

The public outrage has spilled over across the nation, as well as to 25 cities through Europe and North America.

In an Independence Day speech last month, Prime Minister Narendra Modi alluded to the crime, saying state governments should instill the fear of punishment in the perpetrators and boost confidence in society. However, his BJP party appears to grapple with its own rape problem.

Still, what happened on the night of August 9 has not only opened a floodgate of fury, but also reopened scars of the past, forcing Indians to once again ask hard questions about rape culture, a disorder that has gripped our society for too long.



In the past month, several notable events have taken place in India.

For one, India's Supreme Court has begun hearing the proceedings of the Kolkata case, and the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) has assumed jurisdiction over the matter.

Meanwhile, a district court in Siliguri (in North Bengal) has announced a guilty verdict in a rape and murder case that occurred in the Matigara area of Siliguri subdivision, roughly a year ago. The perpetrator was sentenced to death.

Additionally, more cases of rape continue to be reported around the country, including a rape of a woman in broad daylight in Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh, and the rape and murder of a 14-year-old Dalit girl in Bihar, as well as reports that two kindergarten students (girls) had been sexually abused by school staff (in charge of cleaning) in Badlapur, Maharastra.



And these are just the incidents that have made it to the news headlines.

From all of these concurrent events, it's fair to conclude that India is in a complex, distressing situation where two things hold true.

One, that law-abiding processes are in place, the judiciary is working towards offering justice, and verdicts and punishment are pronounced and implemented. Two, sexual violences and rape still continue.

So what is the problem, and why can't India fix it? The near-distant past offers a clue.

Attempts to change

On December 16, 2012, a 23-year-old physiotherapy student was gangraped by six men in a moving bus in New Delhi.



The victim, nicknamed Nirbhaya, or Fearless, in media reports as Indian law prohibits naming a rape victim, succumbed to her injuries days after the attack.

The crime was a sexual offence that sent shock waves across the nation, leading to massive outrage for months, drawing international attention and prompting sweeping changes, including introducing a new anti-rape law that sanctions the death penalty for offenders on a case-by-case basis.

The four men found guilty were convicted and hanged on March 20, 2020 at Tihar Jail. The fifth had committed suicide while serving his sentence and the minor offender who was less than 18 years old at the time of the crime was released after three-year term, the maximum under juvenile law in India.

In 2018, another grim case came to light: the rape and murder of a minor (baby girl) in Indore, Madhya Pradesh. This resulted in a three-week fast-track trial, the fastest ever in a rape case in post-independent India, with the 26-year-old male offender found guilty and sentenced to death.



The messages sent through both cases were loud and clear, but incidents of molestation, rape and murder continue to run rampant through the years.

Fast forward to the third quarter of this year. Multiple judgements on various cases have been announced and sentences rendered, including the death penalty, and they will all likely be implemented.

In a country where legal process takes years, verdicts are welcome and offer a ray of hope.

However, the on-the-ground reality remains grim. International and national data reveal a spine-chilling graph of unabated incidents of violence against women, including rape and murder. Consider the last three years alone.



According to the National Crime Bureau Report (NCRB), which released 2022 crime stats at the end of 2023, India saw a 4 percent surge in crimes against women including rape, murder, dowry deaths, molestations and acid attacks.


In 2020, there were 371,503 registered cases of crimes against women. Since then, there has been an alarming increase in crime rates with 445,256 cases tabulated in 2022.


Rape cases registered in 2021 stood at 31,677, or an average of 87 cases a day - an increase of 19.34 percent from 2020. Notably, rape-related convictions documented between 2018-2022 stand only at 28 percent.


Last year, the Georgetown Institute's Women, Peace and Security Index ranked India poorly - 128th out of 177 countries in terms of women's security, justice and inclusion.


Malicious cycle

So what should India do about its rape problem?



Earlier this year, West Bengal passed the Aparajita Bill. The legislation introduces newer provisions related to sexual offences, including rape. The bill is intended to further strengthen the protection of children and women in West Bengal. Other states are working to pass laws along the same lines and courtrooms across the nation are escalating efforts to get justice.

But why does rape still remain one of the most common crimes against women in India? Why is India struggling to curb its rape culture? The answer isn't a one liner.

In a deeply divided country, rape signifies more than a standalone sexual crime. It is a weaponised act of vengeance within caste politics and settling personal scores.

That brings us back to India's draconian patriarchy and deep-rooted misogyny, wherein abusing and torturing women is permissible and where women are shamed for being raped.


Junior doctors protest to demand the resignation of city police commissioner and condemn the rape and murder of a medic, in Kolkata on September 2, 2024 (AFP).


Given this societal flaw, it is unlikely that rape numbers will go down or stop altogether. This is also why historical judgements as in Nirbhaya's case have failed to initiate any noticeable change. It shows the absence of fear of law, as neither life sentences nor death penalty scare the offenders.

With past lessons never taken seriously, no counter culture that challenges patriarchy, male social conditioning at all levels, and sensitisation towards a gender, a just and inclusive society could be established.

Additionally, there are lags in police reporting and registration of complaints, impeding faster implementation of the existing laws against sexual offences.
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It's a long journey towards a counter culture that could finally beat patriarchy, toxic masculinity and misogyny in India.

As the Kolkata protests peak, it is high time to draw on lessons from the past to break down the rampant problem of sexual crime at every social level, nurture and encourage a gender -sensitive, safe environment.

Otherwise, making sweeping changes under the criminal justice system or with legislation may only work temporarily. It's a long journey towards a counter culture that could finally beat patriarchy, toxic masculinity and misogyny in India.

One can hope that amnesiac India will wake up!


SOURCE: TRT WORLD

Nilosree Biswas
Nilosree Biswas is an author and filmmaker who writes about history, culture, food and cinema of South Asia, Asia and its diaspora.
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