Diwali brings light to Unitarian Universalist congregation

BETHESDA, Md. (RNS) — Diwali's transcendent message of good over evil comes at the perfect time, say Unitarian Universalist congregants, who celebrated the festival of lights in the DC area just days before a critical presidential election.

Alexandra Dass performs a Bharatnatyam dance to help start the evening’s festivities on Sunday, Nov. 3, 2024, at Cedar Lane Unitarian Universalist Church in Bethesda, Maryland. 

RNS photo by Richa Karmarkar

Richa Karmarkar
November 4, 2024

BETHESDA, Md. (RNS) — As he stood at the pulpit on Sunday, the final day of Diwali (Nov. 3), the Rev. Abhi Janamanchi addressed his congregation in the words of one of the oldest Sanskrit mantras, the Gayatri Mantra, said to illuminate and guide the mind toward truth and righteousness.

“Om Shanti, Shanti, Shanti (peace, peace, peace),” chanted the group of more than 100 worshippers in response, their heads bowed. “May we carry forward the light, the strength and the resolve of this sacred celebration,” added Janamanchi, an immigrant from India who describes himself as a “Hindu UU.”

Diwali marks the new year in some traditions, an “opportunity to begin anew, similar to Rosh Hashanah,” said Janamanchi, who pulls tenets from all faith traditions in his sermons. “We say Unitarian Universalism is many windows, one light. While Diwali does have Hindu origins, it transcends a religious perspective. There is a universality in it and a unity, not conformity. It is a unity that is centered in diversity, in our differences.”

Cedar Lane Unitarian Universalist Church, established in 1951 in this suburb on the northern edge of the nation’s capital, was celebrating the Hindu festival of lights in partnership with Hindus for Human Rights, a progressive advocacy organization, adding a call to action to go with the holiday’s traditional dance, food, song and fireworks.

“We are living in critical, troubling and troubled times, and there is a need for us to be coming together in finding ways in which we can recommit ourselves to the work that we are charged with,” said the minister, “to rise up against injustice, to rise up against oppression and to rise up against authoritarianism.”

Rev. Abhi Janamanchi speaks to the gathered congregation on Sunday, Nov. 3, 2024, at Cedar Lane Unitarian Universalist Church in Bethesda, Maryland. RNS photo by Richa Karmarkar
A large crowd filled in Cedar Lane Unitarian Universalist Church for their annual Diwali celebrations on Sunday, Nov. 3, 2024, in Bethesda, Maryland. RNS photo by Richa Karmarkar
Lakshmi Swaminathan is a dance teacher and joined in for the annual Diwali celebrations on Sunday, Nov. 3, 2024, at Cedar Lane Unitarian Universalist Church in Bethesda, Maryland. RNS photo by Richa Karmarkar

The line of oil lamps that many Hindus, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists use to light their homes and temples, said Janamanchi, represent the divine light of truth meant to “guide us through the darkest of times,” he said, including the looming American presidential election. “My faith enjoins me to speak to the moral issues we are confronted with.”

Pranay Somayajula, organizing and advocacy director for Hindus for Human Rights, told the congregation in his address that rather than treat Diwali as an “abstract or detached celebration,” it is important to remember that the ancient holiday’s lessons apply while “we are still grounded here in the real world,” and against the backdrop of injustice across the globe.

“If we are talking about this being a festival of good triumphing over evil, and knowledge over ignorance, and truth over falsehood, that actually has to mean something in terms of how we carry that spirit forward after today, in the way we engage with the world, whatever that looks like for each of us,” said Somayajula.
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Celebrated across the worldwide Indian diaspora over a span of five days, Diwali’s significance varies from region to region. Somayajula said Sunday’s event demonstrated the vast diversity of stories told on Diwali, of Lord Rama’s return to Ayodhya after 14 years of exile and victory over Ravana; Lord Krishna’s defeat of the demon Narakasura; and the Sikh observance of Bandi Chhor Diwas, commemorating the release of Guru Hargobind from Mughal imprisonment, along with 52 kings he freed along with him.

At the evening service at Cedar Lane, young children reenacted the battle between Krishna and Naraka, a duo sang Indian and American folk hymns and three Sikh men sang a kirtan, a traditional devotion.

“True Diwali is if we see the lamp as the name of the God, if we see the wick as the name of the God, and the oil as a name of the God, so that the life of the Creator should come to our values,” said Mandeep Singh, one of the kirtan performers.

Mmamohau Tswaedi and Balaji Narasimhan, a couple in their mid-30s from Germantown, Maryland, have been attending Cedar Lane services together since the pandemic and celebrated Christmas and Ramadan there. Tswaedi is the daughter of a Lutheran pastor from South Africa, and Narasimhan is from a religious Hindu family in Chennai, India.


The Narasimhans family brought their baby for his first year of Diwali celebrations on Sunday, Nov. 3, 2024, at Cedar Lane Unitarian Universalist Church in Bethesda, Maryland. RNS photo by Richa Karmarkar

Bringing their 2-month-old son to his first Diwali celebration, the couple feels strongly that this congregation, where they have been “educated on what is out there,” is where their family belongs and where their son will eventually be able to “figure out what he wants to keep and what he wants to give up.”

“The culture where I grew up is very communal, and I find the U.S. is more individualistic, just generally,” said Tswaedi. “So I think spaces where you feel community — not necessarily that look like the community I grew up in, but where you can feel the togetherness — are places that you want to be in. And I think that’s what this space and events like this create. It’s that level of togetherness that transcends, like, one belief or another.”

Diwali is not new to Cedar Lane. Students at Lakshmi Swaminathan’s Natanjali School of Dance have been dancing Bharatanatyam, a traditional Indian form, at Cedar Lane’s celebrations for almost a decade. In 2010, they performed at the Washington National Cathedral, dancing to music of Hindu gods and goddesses in front of Jesus on the cross. For their teacher, the performance yielded a profound realization. “God is one. When you’re connecting with God, where you are doesn’t matter,” she said. “Whether you’re in a church or in the basement of your home, God is within you.”

It was the first Diwali for Beth Brofman, a member of the UU fellowship for the past month. A long-time member of a Dutch Reformed Church in New York, Brofman sought a more diverse and socially active spiritual community on moving to Bethesda, happily trading “How Great Thou Art” for “Get Up, Stand Up” by Bob Marley, she said, the latter of which played after Sunday’s sermon.

Congregants huddled outside to paint rangoli, or colorful mandala patterns, with chalk after the Diwali service on Sunday, Nov. 3, 2024, at Cedar Lane Unitarian Universalist Church in Bethesda, Maryland. RNS photo by Richa Karmarkar

After researching the correct greeting for Diwali, and the most auspicious colors to don, Brofman said her first Diwali came at the perfect time.

“I’m actually needing to distract myself and to be around other people who will reflect my values,” said Brofman, a retired social services worker whose level of anxiety has reached that of the 2016 elections, when she was a canvasser. “Regardless of what happens on Tuesday, we will have that community of like-minded individuals who will continue to advocate for the things I consider important. You know you’re not alone, and the people we know are way more important.”

Janamanchi agreed and said Sunday’s celebration was well timed. “The ‘Narakas’ of the world are pretty active,” he said, citing the evil figure battled by Lord Krishna and his queen, Satyabhama, in Hindu lore. “Like Krishna and Satyabhama, we can recognize that we’re not in this alone, that together, we can overcome, overcome evil, overcome oppression and overcome injustice.”

“In all of this, there is joy,” he added. “Joy is not the opposite of sorrow. Joy is present even through sorrow and challenge and despair and hopelessness. And to me, those are also messages that Diwali presents us with. So if there is one thing I want people to take away, it is joy.”
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Newport Rising Festival 2024: thousands turn out in memory of chartist uprising

Elen Johnston
Sun 3 November 2024 

Those marching carrying lit torches

 (Image: Alex Iacob) 

NEWPORT RISING FESTIVAL, which was held on November 2, commemorated the 185th anniversary of the Chartist uprising.

The event began at Bell Vue Park where guests enjoyed live music and fire performances.

At the start of the march, a speech was read out which ended with the speaker shouting ‘Westgate is ours’ - which received loud applause.

The procession could be seen as a long line of lit torches lighting up the dark night in the park.

Those attending were of all ages and generations with even dogs wearing lights turning up to take part.

The lit torches carried down Stow Hill (Image: Alex Iacob)

As they headed down Stow Hill, residents leaned out of their windows and stood on their doors steps in pyjamas to get a glimpse of the march.

On the raised pavement next to the Church on Stow Hill, a woman dressed in 1800s traditional clothing chanted ‘find my sons’.

A local resident, Helen, said: “It was wonderful. It brings the town together. The event has grown and grown over the years.”

David Mayer, who has lived in Newport since 1984 said: “I have been here since we started celebrating the festival.

“Ten chartists were buried here in the dead of night in four graves. We are at the moment looking to see if we can locate them with modern technology.”

The history of the uprising

In 1839, on November 4, thousands of chartist supporters – led by John Frost – marched to the Westgate Hotel in Newport.

On the cold night, more than five thousand ordinary workers gathered in the South Wales Valleys to march through Newport.

Those marching hoped to liberate comrades they believed were imprisoned in the building.

The Westgate Hotel Building (Image: Alex Iacob)

It was the last large-scale armed rebellion against authority in Britain and played a significant role in the journey to modern democracy.

While it remains unclear who initially opened fire, this resulted in a fierce battle killing and wounding many.

The Chartists fought for the vote and the right of the common people to have their voices heard.

Thousands of people carry burning torches through Newport in spectacular event

To honour the 185th anniversary of the Chartist uprising, a historic fight by working people demanding the right to vote

Bethany Gavaghan
Sun 3 November 2024 

-Credit: (Image: The Newport Rising Festival)

 (November 2).

This march is held every year to remember the tragic day in 1839 when soldiers killed 22 Chartists and injured many others. The Newport Uprising became an important step in Britain’s path toward modern democracy. You can read witness testimonies here.

Before the torchlit march, crowds enjoyed live music and a thrilling fire show at Belle Vue Park. Shavanah Taj, the General Secretary of TUC Cymru, spoke to the crowd, and actor Julian Lewis-Jones, known for his role in House of the Dragon, gave a special speech in memory of the Chartists. Together, they led the crowd on a mile-long walk to Westgate Square, the site of the deadly 1839 clash between Chartists and troops.

At the front of the march, leaders carried a symbolic “Charter” made by local artist Lucilla Jones. This symbolized the original 1839 People’s Charter, a powerful petition signed by 1.3 million people demanding voting rights for workers and a secret ballot. At the time, Parliament rejected these demands, causing anger throughout the country.

Almost 2,000 people carried burning torches marched through Newport

 -Credit:The Newport Rising Festival

In Westgate Square, participants heard the reading of the Riot Act, a reminder of the same warning given to the Chartists in 1839 just before soldiers opened fire. The Newport Rising Festival is organized by the group Our Chartist Heritage. They work to keep Newport’s role in the history of democracy alive for future generations.

Alongside the march, the festival includes other events, such as performances by Welsh folk and rock bands, the Chartist Convention at St. Woolos Cathedral, and the official Chartist Commemoration at the cathedral cemetery on November 4.

Eoghan Mortell, chair of the festival committee, said: “The turnout this year has been amazing. People across Newport and South Wales are really embracing their Chartist heritage and recognizing how important this city is in the story of how the vote was won for ordinary working people.”

He also noted that the new Newport Rising ‘Hub’ opened in the city centre this summer, helping build even more interest in the Chartist story and giving the festival a strong foundation for future growth. The Newport Rising Festival is a powerul reminder of the sacrifices made for democracy - still relevant today as people continue to work to protect democratic rights.

 Full event details can be found on the Newport Rising website.

Chartism

Amy J. Lloyd | University of Cambridge


In May 1838 the People's Charter was published by the London Working Men's Association. It petitioned for the just representation of all Britons in the House of Commons, with its soon-to-be familiar "Six Points" being: universal suffrage, annual elections for Parliament, equal electoral districts, secret ballot, payment of MPs, and the abolition of property qualifications for MPs. Radical proposals for the time, this document would become the rallying cry of a popular, vast, working-class movement which, over the next decade, would petition the British government on three occasions—in 1839, 1842 and 1848—for the adoption of the Charter's Six Points. However, on all three occasions, not only was this Chartist movement rebuffed, but it also met with great government repression. Following its final unsuccessful effort in 1848, the movement experienced a slow decline and death. The quick growth, popularity and demise of this popular working-class movement raises a number of interesting questions: what were the causes of Chartism, who joined the movement, why did it fail to achieve any of its goals and what was its overall significance to British history? Finally, with twelve Chartist newspapers being reproduced in this collection, what role did newspapers play in the movement?

Causes of Chartism
Chartism was both a political reaction to a series of setbacks suffered by the working classes during the 1830s, and a response to economic hardship. Chartism was only a mass movement in times of depression, with peaks of activity coinciding with troughs in the economy. However, it was more than just a 'knife and fork'1 question, with not all the active centres of Chartism being in depressed areas. Instead, there was an important political dimension to the growth and popularity of Chartism. In 1832 the Reform Act had extended the vote to members of the propertied middle classes. Since working-class leaders had been campaigning with the middle classes for a wider franchise, they consequently felt betrayed by the resulting Act, which essentially excluded the working classes. Moreover, the subsequent actions of the ensuing Whig government—including the 1834 New Poor Law, the transportation of the Tolpuddle martyrs (leaders of a union of agricultural labourers), the institution of borough and county police, and the war on the unstamped press—served to further confirm, in the eyes of the working classes, the government as a powerful, malevolent machine dedicated to repressing Britain's workers. The solution that was put forward—and that became popular—was to try to change the basis of political representation, as it was the unrepresentative political system that allowed the middle classes and the aristocracy to suppress the working classes; only when every man had the vote, it was argued, would the British parliament operate with equality and justice. It was thus that a large proportion of the working classes in Britain during the late 1830s and 1840s sought to remedy their social and economic grievances through an essentially political movement.

First Phase (1836-40)
The Chartist movement brought together a number of existing causes, organisations and grievances that had been gaining force through the early and mid 1830s. The government's repressive measures during these years had led to a revival of working- and middle-class radicalism, particularly in London and Birmingham, which was fed by the proliferation of cheap, illegal, unstamped, radical newspapers, such as Henry Hetherington's Poor Man's Guardian. Moreover, in northern England, the campaign against the New Poor Law had turned into a great popular movement in 1836 and 1837. In May 1838 members of the London Working Men's Association (which had been formed in 1836) published the People's Charter, which embodied the agenda many radical reformers had been putting forward for the past few years. The Charter proved to be an effective rallying point, and was quickly adopted by many radical organisations. Anti-Poor Law agitation in the North swiftly transformed into Chartism and, by the autumn of that year, a popular movement had been formed. A strategy had likewise been decided on: there would be a national petition and the formation of an elected National Convention, both of which would put pressure on the government to accept the radical reforms. The National Convention assembled in London in February 1839, and a petition was organised which ultimately collected 1.28 million signatures. However, on 12 July, by an overwhelming vote of 235 to 46, a motion to even consider the Chartist petition was rejected by the House of Commons. With this failure and the collapse of the Convention, some Chartists started planning risings, there having already been a riot at a Chartist gathering in Birmingham in early July. Only one rising occurred: on the night of 3-4 November, more than 7,000 colliers and ironworkers marched on the town of Newport in South Wales; they were met by soldiers and more than twenty people were killed in the ensuing battle. Arrests followed, and between June 1839 and June 1840, more than 500 Chartists, including most of the movement's leaders, were imprisoned.

Second Phase (1840-42)
Following these arrests, there was a pause in activity. In July 1840 the National Charter Association (NCA) was formed in Manchester to coordinate future Chartist activities, with Feargus O'Connor at the helm. With his Chartist newspaper (The Northern Star), organisational skills, spellbinding oratory and sheer force of personality, he would go on to dominate the movement after 1840, enormously popular among Chartism's rank-and-file. In 1842, in the midst of a severe industrial depression, Chartism revived and membership of the NCA rose to 50,000, with 400 branches. A second National Convention was organised by the NCA. It presented a second petition to Parliament with about 3.32 million signatures, which was again refused a hearing on 2 May by 287 votes to 49. This was followed in July and August by a series of strikes that swept across the industrial districts of Britain and involved up to half a million workers. While the strikes had not been organised by Chartists—although many participated—it was the Chartists who received the blame and a wave of arrests followed.

Third Phase (1843-48)
The failure of the second petition and the subsequent repression was followed by another lull in Chartist activities. O'Connor tried to divert Chartism to new channels, launching a Land Plan in 1845 that aimed to return labourers to the land. Around 70,000 subscribed, although only 250 people eventually received land. The scheme was criticised by O'Connor's rivals as a sideshow that diverted the movement from its main goals, and it eventually wound up in 1851.

With popular revolutions breaking out across Europe and economic distress returning to Britain in 1848, Chartism revived for the last time, returning to mass demonstrations and petitioning. During this final phase, Chartism attracted substantial support from recent Irish immigrants, who had fled Ireland's potato famine. Riots, born of economic distress but blamed on the Chartists, broke out in London, Manchester and Glasgow in March. A third elected Convention met on 4 April. On 10 April a peaceful mass rally was held on Kennington Common in London (plans for which had so alarmed the government that 85,000 special constables had been drafted in) and the petition was presented to parliament; containing a purported six million signatures (although it was later found to contain fewer than two million "real" signatures) it was again rejected. This rejection was followed by serious protests in London, Manchester, Liverpool and Bradford, which were—worryingly for the government—fuelled by links with revolutionaries in Ireland, France and Italy. Arrests quickly followed and Chartism subsequently fell into decline. Lingering on for a further decade, it was never again a mass movement.

Who Were the Chartists?
In identifying who joined the Chartist movement, there are three important factors to consider: locality, class and gender. The heartland of Chartism in England was the textile districts of Yorkshire and Lancashire, with other strong centres in the Midlands, London and the North East. In Scotland, Chartism was particularly strong in the area around Glasgow. Chartism was also more popular in medium-sized, single-industry towns and depressed industrial villages, rather than major provincial centres, and it floundered in purely agricultural areas. The movement appealed primarily to domestic outworkers (such as handloom weavers) threatened by mechanized production, rather than factory operatives who enjoyed a somewhat higher standard of living. Indeed, Chartism was primarily a working-class movement, although not all the leaders were working-class. While it was not an outright expression of class politics, as the working class was far too fragmented during this period, it was certainly pervaded by a sense of class. Finally, while Chartism was primarily a male movement, many women were also involved—particularly during the early years.

Chartist Culture
Alongside the mass meetings, Chartism's rank-and-file members also enjoyed a vibrant, localised associational culture. Local groups typically met weekly (usually on Sunday) in their own hall or a hired room; meetings often incorporated readings from The Northern Star, lectures and discussions. Fellowship at chapels or mechanics' institutes was also integral to Chartism, with such activities as concerts, dances and sports teams. Some Chartists also became involved in the provision of education, setting up evening and Sunday schools. Consequently, people often joined Chartist associations for reasons that had little to do with politics—for example, to find companionship or a sense of purpose. Chartism was thus very much associated with the world of working-class leisure, with a multitude of activities organised by and for working people.

Keeping the Movement Together
There were a number of elements that held such a diverse movement as Chartism together, providing what often seemed to be very localised activity with a national framework and purpose. First, the movement had a handful of national leaders who spoke across the country in vast, open-air meetings, carrying forth the Chartist message and raising enthusiasm for the movement. These touring leaders were supplemented and directed by formal organisations. In 1838 and 1839 the movement was coordinated to some extent by local working men's associations. With the widespread arrests of the movement's leaders in 1839 and 1840, the NCA was founded to give the movement a permanent organisation; along with the NCA, several other organisations, such as the Universal Suffrage Central Committee for Scotland, were also founded. Finally, Chartism was held together by its press, which disseminated its message across Britain. Many Chartist groups and leaders had their own periodicals or newspapers, as did many regions. For example, the North East had The Northern Liberator, Scotland's Central Committee had its Chartist Circular, and James Bronterre O'Brien (a prominent leader) edited several newspapers including The Southern Star. However, by far the most successful, influential and widely-read Chartist newspaper was The Northern Star. Started in Leeds by Feargus O'Connor in 1837 and selling up to 50,000 copies per week by 1839, it became the acknowledged organ of the Chartist movement. It provided the movement with an essential means of communication, national unity, continuity and organisation, and also assisted O'Connor's rise to the top of the Chartist leadership.

Why Did Chartism Fail to Achieve Its Goals?
Historians have posited a number of reasons for the ultimate failure of Chartism. First, despite the best efforts of some and the existence of The Northern Star, the movement was ultimately quite divided, both regionally and within its leadership. Chartists agreed on the Charter, but there were many differences within the movement regarding aims and strategy. For example, Chartists were very divided over the use of physical force to achieve the Charter and whether to form an alliance with the middle-class radicals. Second, there was little parliamentary or solid middle-class support. Instead, Parliament was determined not only to reject the Chartist petitions, but also to repress the movement through force and imprisonment. This repression was critical in weakening the movement and repeated failures sapped the movement's momentum. Finally, it has been argued that reforming legislation during the 1840s—including the Factory Acts and the repeal of the Corn Laws—served to morally rehabilitate the State, thus undermining the belief (central to Chartism) that the State was systematically corrupt and hostile to the welfare of working people, and that only a reformed parliament could improve the condition of the working class.

Chartism's Importance
While it failed to achieve its goals, this should not obscure Chartism's wider importance as a popular nineteenth-century working-class movement. It roused a mass of working men and women, allowing them to assert their right to be seen as full citizens. Moreover, while the Charter was not implemented, the movement nevertheless had a significant political impact, putting with immediacy the 'Condition of England Question' on the political agenda during the 1840s. Finally, it should be mentioned that some Chartists would live to see the achievement of some of their goals, as, within three-quarters of a century, five of Chartism's Six Points (the exception being annual elections to Parliament) would ultimately be enacted—albeit at different times and under different auspices.



NOTES

1 A term commonly used in the Chartist literature. It used to be believed that most working-class people who joined Chartism joined due to hard economic times, motivated by hunger. Hence, a 'knife and fork' question.



BIBLIOGRAPHY

Epstein, J. The Lion of Freedom: Feargus O'Connor and the Chartist Movement, 1832-1842. London: Croom Helm, 1982.

Jones, David. Chartism and the Chartists. London: Allan Lane, 1975.

Jones, Gareth Stedman. Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History, 1832-1982. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

Royle, Edward. Chartism. Third edition. London: Longman, 1996.

Thompson, Dorothy. The Chartists. London: Temple Smith, 1984.

Ward, J.T. Chartism. London: Batsford, 1973.



CITATION: Lloyd, Amy J.: "Chartism." British Library Newspapers. Detroit: Gale, 2007.

Up next

Thousands of people carry burning torches through Newport in spectacular event

Bethany Gavaghan

Sun 3 November 2024 at 8:16 am GMT-7·2-min read

-Credit: (Image: The Newport Rising Festival)

Nearly 2,000 people carrying burning torches marched through Newport to honour the 185th anniversary of the Chartist uprising, a historic fight by working people demanding the right to vote, on Saturday night (November 2).

This march is held every year to remember the tragic day in 1839 when soldiers killed 22 Chartists and injured many others. The Newport Uprising became an important step in Britain’s path toward modern democracy. You can read witness testimonies here.

Before the torchlit march, crowds enjoyed live music and a thrilling fire show at Belle Vue Park. Shavanah Taj, the General Secretary of TUC Cymru, spoke to the crowd, and actor Julian Lewis-Jones, known for his role in House of the Dragon, gave a special speech in memory of the Chartists. Together, they led the crowd on a mile-long walk to Westgate Square, the site of the deadly 1839 clash between Chartists and troops.
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At the front of the march, leaders carried a symbolic “Charter” made by local artist Lucilla Jones. This symbolized the original 1839 People’s Charter, a powerful petition signed by 1.3 million people demanding voting rights for workers and a secret ballot. At the time, Parliament rejected these demands, causing anger throughout the country.

Almost 2,000 people carried burning torches marched through Newport -Credit:The Newport Rising Festival

In Westgate Square, participants heard the reading of the Riot Act, a reminder of the same warning given to the Chartists in 1839 just before soldiers opened fire. The Newport Rising Festival is organized by the group Our Chartist Heritage. They work to keep Newport’s role in the history of democracy alive for future generations.

Alongside the march, the festival includes other events, such as performances by Welsh folk and rock bands, the Chartist Convention at St. Woolos Cathedral, and the official Chartist Commemoration at the cathedral cemetery on November 4.

Eoghan Mortell, chair of the festival committee, said: “The turnout this year has been amazing. People across Newport and South Wales are really embracing their Chartist heritage and recognizing how important this city is in the story of how the vote was won for ordinary working people.”

He also noted that the new Newport Rising ‘Hub’ opened in the city centre this summer, helping build even more interest in the Chartist story and giving the festival a strong foundation for future growth. The Newport Rising Festival is a powerul reminder of the sacrifices made for democracy - still relevant today as people continue to work to protect democratic rights. Full event details can be found on the Newport Rising website

Opinion

 I'm an Indian American, but I'm not a Democrat. Here's why so many of us are.

Surya Gowda, USA TODAY
Sat, November 2, 2024

It’s no secret that this election cycle saw a disproportionate number of Indian Americans rise to political prominence.

First and foremost, there’s Vice President Kamala Harris. The Democratic presidential nominee, as it is well known, was born to a Tamil Indian mother and a Black Jamaican father.

On the Republican side, two individuals of Indian origin, former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley and entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy, ran in the presidential primaries. And lawyer Usha Vance stands to become the second lady if her husband, Sen. JD Vance of Ohio, and former President Donald Trump win Tuesday's election.

As a woman of Indian heritage myself, this got me thinking about the political priorities of my community as a whole.

Indian Americans clearly lean Democrat

President Joe Biden delivers remarks at a White House reception celebrating the Diwali festival of lights on Oct. 28, 2024. The holiday is celebrated by Hindus, Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists.

On the one hand, we know that Indian Americans are currently a solidly Democratic constituency. According to the Pew Research Center, 68% of Indian American registered voters identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party. They also tend to support liberal positions on contemporary political issues.

For example, the vast majority of Indian Americans polled in 2020 opposed travel bans on citizens from Muslim-majority nations and police using force against peaceful Black Lives Matter protesters.

On the other hand, the Indian diaspora in America lives by many of the ideals upheld by conservatives. The ethnic group has the highest rate of family stability in the nation, and its culture greatly stresses personal responsibility. Indian Americans also constitute an affluent minority group that might be inclined to support conservative fiscal policies, such as tax cuts.

To me, this seeming inconsistency begged the question: Why might a group that appears to be conservative by nature consistently support liberal politicians and policies?

I, of course, had my guesses. Most obviously, I figured that Indian Americans are put off by many Republicans' opposition to immigration, as well as conservative intolerance of minorities.
I wondered why so many of us vote liberal. So I asked.

But I was still left wondering how Indian Americans themselves might make sense of the apparent disconnect between their lifestyles and political affiliations. Did they agree that there was a disconnect at all? Did they make a conscious choice not to preach what they practice?

To find out, I spoke to two close family friends who immigrated to the United States from India in 1979 and have lived in this country ‒ and witnessed all of the political changes it’s undergone ‒ ever since. Their responses taught me a great deal not only about the political allegiances of members of my community but also the reasons why all Americans, ethnic minorities or not, vote the way they do.

The future Vice President Kamala Harris, right, celebrates graduation with former teacher Frances Wilson, left, and her mother, Shyamala Gopalan, center, in this undated file photo.

At the start of our conversation, I asked pediatric oncologist Narayana Gowda, 73, and his wife, Maitri Gowda, 72, of Florida how they identify politically and whether their party affiliation has changed over the years. We have the same last name because it's common in the region of India where our families are from. Among South Asians, it's also common to call older family friends "uncle" and "aunty."

“Since I became a citizen, I’ve always voted for Democrats,” Uncle said. “This year, however, I had doubts whether I should vote Democrat, vote Republican, or not vote at all because there were certain things I liked about both candidates. But, in the end, I voted for Kamala Harris.”

He joked, "Aunty told me I had to vote for Harris.”

Aunty said that when she considers Trump, she gets scared. She cited the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021, and Trump’s comments targeting religious and ethnic minorities as reasons for her distaste for the Republican presidential nominee.

I asked her whether she supported Democratic candidates even before Trump’s rise, and she answered, “Yes, I’ve always been a Democrat.”

“We were foreigners when we came here. When I used to watch the television and the Republicans would talk, I used to think, ‘Oh my god, they may change everything.’ ”

Uncle said, “As minorities, we felt more comfortable with the Democratic leadership and their acceptance of people like us.”

I then asked the couple about their perception of the political behavior of Indian Americans generally.

“Among Indians ‒ this is my perception ‒ there are two groups,” he told me. “One group is made up of well-to-do members of the community who are drawn to Republicans because they support lower tax rates. The other group is made up of people who may or may not be well-to-do but who look at the whole picture, including the social issues ‒ they tend to go for Democrats.”

When I inquired about the conservatism of the Indian American community, he stated: “Social conservatism is part of the Indian psyche. We are social conservatives, in how we raise our families, our spending, not being wasteful in our daily life. We are also fiscally conservative, not just for our family but for the nation.”

Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris speaks to reporters on Nov. 1, 2024, in Madison, Wis.

So why the consistent support of Democrats?

Uncle paused. “Because we are human. Inconsistencies are natural,” he answered.

Aunty added, “It’s because we are minorities. Indians identify as minorities first and social and fiscal conservatives later.”
I learned today's political climate has an impact on voting

The couple’s answers didn’t surprise me, but their candor did.

I hadn’t expected that they would not only agree with me that Indian Americans are conservative in how they conduct their day-to-day lives but would also concur that their values were incongruent with their own political affiliations.

Our conversation taught me that social identity, rather than moral views or beliefs regarding policy, is often the driving force behind one’s political party affiliation and support of one candidate over another.

More important, their perspectives showed me that although it may seem odd for minorities ‒ or anyone else, for that matter ‒ to back political parties and candidates they may not be in perfect alignment with, they certainly aren’t being duped into voting against their best interests.

They’re simply making a judgment call that in today’s political climate, their identities are being threatened more than their personal values or pocketbooks are.

Surya Gowda is a fact-checking fellow for USA TODAY Opinion.

This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Opinion: Indian Americans lean left. Will they vote Harris? I asked

The mashup holiday 'Diwaloween' celebrates light as the year turns dark

(RNS) — This Thursday (Oct. 31), two seemingly opposing holidays, Diwali and Halloween, will be celebrated as one by many South Asians for the first time since 2016.

“Spooky Chai” artwork created by Manasi Arya, featuring a skeleton hand and a green hand with henna toasting with glasses of chai tea. (Image courtesy of Manasi Arya)
Richa Karmarkar
October 29, 2024

(RNS) — What happens when the religious festival celebrating the victory of good over evil coincides with the spookiest night of the year? Diwaloween. Or maybe Hallowali.

Mashups of Diwali and Halloween occur every few years as Diwali, a day on the lunar calendar that shifts from year to year on the Western calendar, falls on or around Halloween. This year the two coincide for the first time since 2016.

The made-up holiday takes the form of trick-or-treating at the temple, Bollywood-themed costume parties, sparklers lighting the night for both the evil-destroying goddess Lakshmi and little goblins. Diwaloween, say many South Asian Americans, is one of the best examples of the diaspora’s unique dual-belonging and could only happen in America.

“I think this is a sign of one of the many ways that Hindu and other South Asians who celebrate Diwali and festivals this time of year are making America their own in some way and participating in these rituals,” said Shana Sippy, associate professor of religion and chair of Asian studies at Centre College.

RELATED: For New York’s Indo-Caribbean Hindus, Diwali is a fusion of East and West

Diwali, one of the largest and most recognizable celebrations for South Asian of dharmic faiths, is celebrated by Hindus, Jains, Buddhists and Sikhs around the world. Those who observe the day traditionally wear their best new clothes, exchange sweets with neighbors, light oil lamps called diyas, draw colorful rangoli patterns with sand and send off fireworks.


Devotees light earthen lamps on the banks of the River Sarayu as part of Diwali celebrations in Ayodhya, India, on Nov. 6, 2018. (AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh)

Increasingly a secular holiday even in the India subcontinent, the holiday can trace its roots to several strands of Hindu mythological stories of Lord Ram, Lord Krishna and the goddess Kali. Diwali is considered an especially auspicious time to start something new.

Halloween, with its ghosts, ghouls and skeletons, often seemed in conflict with the season of light, renewal and hope to many immigrants who came to the United States. Manasi Arya, a 27-year-old social media content creator and fashion designer in New York, said her parents initially “couldn’t understand the point” of Halloween and often asked, “Why don’t you just dress up as an Indian princess?”

“All my friends at school, my neighbors, they were always wearing these really cool costumes that were just like a different character, but I was literally wearing a lengha,” said Arya, referring to a typical Indian dress.

Arya’s family eventually warmed up to the American ritual, even helping her paint Desi-style pumpkins for competitions, with henna art or a heavily made-up woman’s face.

The inspiration led Arya to launch a Diwali-meets-Halloween line of clothing and accessories that included Desi vampires, patterned ghosts and witches with saris and bindis. On Diwaloween, said Arya, “It just so happens that two of our favorite holidays are happening in one day.”


“Desi Witches” artwork created by Manasi Arya. (Image courtesy of Manasi Arya)

The combined holiday also addresses the reality that the resources for traditional Diwali celebrations aren’t always available in the U.S. “We don’t get to do the very typical, traditional things for Diwali, the way that you can do it in India, right? So I think it’s cool to bring that American element into how we’ve been able to celebrate our Diwali here.”

Diwaloween even has its requisite holiday movie, thanks to Shilpa Mankikar, whose multigenerational comedy “Diwal’oween,” is about a diaspora family’s hijinks leading up to the holiday. The film, currently being screened at cultural organizations across the U.S., is patterned after Mankikar’s own upbringing as a first-generation Indian in New Jersey, the state with the most South Asians in the country.

The film’s laughs come from the contradiction of a festival of lights clashing with a festival of darkness, Mankikar told RNS. “They are in opposition, and that’s like the comedy clash of it all.”

Mankikar, 47, grew up in a time when representation of Indian Americans in the media was restricted to misinterpretations and offensive stereotypes. But today non-South Asian Americans’ awareness and even celebration of Diwali has shot to an all-time high. The holiday has been recognized as a work holiday by several states and school districts, including New York City public schools, which will recognize it with a day off for the first time this year


“Holidays are a good opportunity to learn about each other and also, with celebrating Indian culture, there’s so much color and dancing and food that people now are familiar with,” said Mankikar. “It’s such a rich culture, so it’s great too that it’s now in the mainstream. We’re kind of coming to it on our own terms as an American generation.”


Youth enjoy a craft table during a Diwaloween screening in Shelby Township, Mich. (Photo courtesy of Shilpa Mankikar)

Sippy pointed out that, as a result of its popularity, Diwali has taken on an air of all-American consumerism, pointing to a Diwali Barbie released earlier this year, or the packs of Diwali mithai (sweets), sparklers and other branded Diwali goods for gift-giving. Diwali’s adoption by the retail world is analogous to the corporatization of Hannukah, or “Chrismakkah.”

The professor said the urge to combine the two holidays points to a human need for connection and community in an age of atomization in American society. “When (else) do we let our kids knock on strangers’ doors? We don’t often know even our neighbors’ names,” Sippy said. “Here you dress up and you buy things to give away to complete strangers,” she said.

Though opposites in spirit, Sippy said the two celebrations create warmth amid darkness — “Halloween being the dressing up, this opening of doors, the sharing of food, and the lighting of light as we start to get darker earlier.”

Prasanna Jog, national coordinator for the charity SewaDiwali, said Diwali food and parties have gotten better over the two decades since he arrived in the U.S. But what has gotten left behind is a tradition of thinking of the less fortunate on Diwali, he said. Jog co-founded SewaDiwali in 2018 as a reflection of the Hindu tenet of “seeing that everyone is happy,” and that inner growth happens when one “brings light to others.”

Opinion
Pennsylvania's recognition of Diwali as a state holiday is a big deal and long overdue
(RNS) — Beyond the symbolism of these bills and proclamations, there is the long overdue feeling of being seen.

(Photo by Udayaditya Barua/Unsplash/Creative Commons)
Murali Balaji
October 30, 2024

(RNS) — A native Pennsylvanian, I remember what it was like for my family to celebrate Diwali (or Deepavali, as it is also known for people of South Indian descent) at a time when Hinduism and other dharmic faiths were considered foreign and exotic religions.

In the 1980s, my family would perform a small puja at home on Diwali. We never mentioned that we were celebrating a religious holiday, despite Diwali’s significance to not just a billion Hindus, but to Jains, Sikhs and some Buddhists as well. We celebrated in the shadows, afraid of not being considered “American” because of Diwali’s foreignness, which only added to the stigma of growing up Hindu back then.

That’s why, when Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro signed Senate Bill 402, recognizing Diwali as a state holiday, last week, it was a long overdue acknowledgment of not only the presence of Hindus and followers of other dharmic faiths in Pennsylvania, but the contributions they have made, to the state and America as a whole. State Sen. Nikil Saval and state Rep. Arvind Venkat, who sponsored the bill in their respective chambers at the Statehouse, were there to see Shapiro sign it into law, along with Montgomery County Commissioner Neil Makhjia.

Pennsylvania’s recognition of Diwali follows in the footsteps of other states, such as New Jersey, New York, California and Texas, which have made similar efforts to recognize followers of dharmic faiths.

RELATED: How Kamala Harris and JD Vance appeal to Hindu voters

While Pennsylvania’s government won’t close on Diwali’s first and most important day, which this year falls on Thursday, its inclusion as a state holiday means that Hindu parents no longer have to defend taking their kids out of school in areas where the holiday isn’t already observed. A growing number of school districts in Pennsylvania (including my own alma mater, North Penn) already close for Diwali, signaling the important shift in recognizing Hindus as fellow Americans.

Diwali is commonly known as the festival of lights, though the holiday has multiple meanings and celebrations. The most widely commemorated by Hindus and non-Hindus is the return of Lord Rama from exile in the Hindu epic the Ramayana. The Sikhs’ celebration, known as Bandi Chhor Divas, marks the 17th-century release of Sikh Guru Hargobind and 52 Hindu kings who had been imprisoned by Mughal Emperor Jahangir for refusing to convert to Islam.

Beyond the symbolism of these bills and proclamations, there is the long overdue feeling of being seen. For years, I was bullied for being a Hindu, and a number of my peers (fellow Gen Xers) shied away from the religion so as to not be seen as foreign. My wife and I have vowed to raise our son Hindu in a manner in which he can proudly and comfortably feel connected to both our faith and our Americanness.
RELATED: The mashup holiday ‘Diwaloween’ celebrates light as the year turns dark

Our son’s teachers have asked my wife to make a presentation this week on Diwali, which was a welcome surprise. On Thursday, we’ll do a small puja, light the diyas (candles) celebrating Lord Ram’s return and then go trick-or-treating. Blending those celebrations together speaks to how far we’ve come from the days I had to hide who I was.
(Murali Balaji is a journalist and a lecturer at the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of RNS.)

“As we gain economic prosperity, it’s even more imperative that we think of others,” said Jog, whose group of more than 450 contributing organizations has raised more than 2.2 million pounds of nonperishables for food pantries. “Even though we may not be born here like our children were, we consider the United States our ‘karma-bhoomi’ (land of action). Wherever you are, you need to contribute for the welfare or the betterment of the society, and it is through the power of selfless seva (service).”

And this year, volunteers send a special request for the little ones.

“We are just using that as an opportunity for the kids to have that courage to go door-to-door,” he said. “And in addition to asking for candy, they can also ask for some cans of food!”

RELATED: `Where the goodies are great’: Sweets lovers welcome Diwali

New Delhi chokes in smog after firework ban flouted
AFP Published November 1, 2024

A security personnel rides past the India gate amid smoggy conditions after Diwali, the Hindu festival of lights, in New Delhi on Nov 1, 2024. — Arun Sankar/AFP

India’s capital New Delhi was wreathed in poisonous smog Friday, with air pollution worsening after a fireworks ban was widely flouted for raucous celebrations for the Hindu festival of lights, Diwali.

New Delhi’s traffic-clogged streets are home to more than 30 million people, and the city is regularly ranked as one of the most polluted urban areas on the planet.

The city is blanketed in cancer-causing acrid smog each year, primarily blamed on stubble burning by farmers in neighbouring regions to clear their fields for ploughing, as well as factories and traffic fumes.

But air worsened Friday after a thunderous night of firecrackers lit as part of Diwali celebrations, despite city authorities last month banning their sale and use.

‘Stilted response’

City police had seized nearly two tonnes of fireworks before Diwali, but the crackers remained readily available for sale in neighbouring states.

Many residents celebrated at home, holding a family meal and lighting small candles in praise of the Hindu goddess Lakshmi and symbolising the victory of light over darkness.

Others launched firework rockets and booming crackers, rocking the densely packed city throughout the night.

Revellers light fireworks during the celebrations to mark Diwali, the Hindu festival of lights, in New Delhi on Oct 31, 2024. — Sajjad Hussain/AFP

Police are often reluctant to act against violators, given the strong religious sentiments attached to the crackers by Hindu devotees.

Critics say arguments between rival politicians heading neighbouring states — as well as between central and state-level authorities — have compounded the problem.

India’s Supreme Court last month ruled that clean air was a fundamental human right, ordering both the central government and state-level authorities to take action.

“Delhi’s toxic air is killing us softly with its smog,” the Times of India wrote in an editorial last week, as the winter pollution returned.

“It is nothing new, but what doesn’t cease to amaze, year after year, is the state’s stilted response.”

‘Lack of resolve’

Levels of fine particulate matter — dangerous microparticles known as PM2.5 pollutants that enter the bloodstream through the lungs — surged to more than 23 times the World Health Organisation recommended daily maximum.

Soon after dawn, pollutant levels topped 345 micrograms per cubic metre, according to monitoring firm IQAir, which listed air in the sprawling megacity as “hazardous”.

It rated New Delhi as worst in the world, just above smoke-choked Lahore, 400 kilometres (250 miles) to the northwest.

A cyclist wearing a mask gestures near the India gate amid smoggy conditions after Diwali, the Hindu festival of lights, in New Delhi on Nov 1, 2024. — Arun Sankar/AFP

The New Delhi government has previously sought to cut pollution by restricting vehicle traffic, including a scheme that only allowed cars with odd or even number licence plates to travel on alternate days.

Authorities have also imposed seasonal bans on construction work and on diesel-powered vehicles from entering the city.

“The gravity of the problem is such that incremental changes are insufficient,” The Indian Express wrote, criticising “an unfortunate lack of resolve from both the centre and state governments. “

Shared crisis

DAWN
Editorial 

Published November 1, 2024 


WITH Lahore experiencing unprecedented levels of smog, the Punjab government has announced a series of “green lockdowns” in the city’s identified smog hotspots. These measures include limiting construction, banning open-air barbecues, restricting high-emission vehicles, and mandating early closures for marriage halls. While such actions reflect commendable intent, air quality experts argue they fall short, especially given Lahore’s recent AQI readings, which peaked at 708. The WHO recommended maximum for healthy air is 50. The situation poses grave respiratory and cardiovascular risks to vulnerable populations, besides causing reduced productivity. The chief minister’s appeal for cross-border cooperation with Indian Punjab offers a pragmatic approach. Pollutant-carrying winds know no borders and collaboration is essential to address this shared crisis. Both sides must implement stricter emission controls and engage in joint monitoring efforts to better manage smog.

Crop stubble burning exacerbates this challenge. Despite fines and arrests of farmers on both sides of the border, limited field-clearing alternatives force many to continue this practice. Efforts by India to subsidise residue management machinery like super-seeders are a step forward, yet the outreach and affordability of these options are inadequate. Real, sustainable support for farmers is necessary, encompassing access to affordable equipment, training, and incentives. Moreover, the government should focus on building a robust network of air quality monitoring stations, especially given the inconsistencies in current AQI reporting. Expanding Lahore’s green cover through more urban forests would also play a significant role in combating air pollution long-term. Additionally, accelerating the transition to clean energy, subsidising EVs, and enhancing public transport could make substantial differences. At the same time, an extensive public awareness campaign on reducing individual contributions to smog — such as minimising the use of private vehicles and avoiding open-air fires — can bolster efforts in tackling the threat. Only unified action can lift the smog choking our future.

Published in Dawn, November 1st, 2024