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Tuesday, August 04, 2026

South Africa

The 1976 Uprising and its enduring significance

Saturday 1 August 2026, by Salim Vally




The 
1976 uprising, often know as the Soweto uprising, was a significant moment in the anti-apartheid struggle within South Africa and in the extension of the solidarity movement worldwide. The wide-ranging solidarity movement actions included campaign for the boycott of importation of goods from and sporting contacts from South Africa. This lasted until 1993 when the first non-racial elections were programmed, taking place in April 1994. The ANC won 62% of the vote for the National Assembly. Its first act was to elect Nelson Mandela as president.


The South African socialist magazine Amandal! carried a special feature on 1976 in its June issue under the title "They rose so we dare rise again! 50 years of the ’76 uprising”. We republish the opening article.[IVP]

OVER TIME, JUNE 16 1976 HAS come to be celebrated primarily as a moment of resistance against the forced imposition of Afrikaans in schools in Soweto. That injustice was undoubtedly one catalyst for the uprising. Yet to reduce this watershed moment to a single cause is to miss its deeper meaning, its true contributions to the liberation struggle, and its lasting relevance for our own time. [1]

No event of historical importance can be understood apart from its wider context. In this brief reflection, I merely point to several key and yet neglected dimensions of the uprising: its internationalism; its engagement with the national question; its reinforcement of worker struggles; its embrace of collective leadership and rejection of personality cults; its nonsectarian character; and its emphasis on praxis.

A globally conscious youth

The Black Consciousness organisations and the youth of 1976 were deeply influenced by other liberation struggles. They drew inspiration from the independence struggles in Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola and Mozambique, as well as from popular resistance against US imperialism in South America and Asia. Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth and Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed were widely circulated and read in the townships. Students were also keenly aware of the struggles of African Americans and other oppressed peoples around the world.

This internationalist consciousness found explicit expression in protests against the visit of US Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, in 1976. On September 18, 1976, the New York Times reported that students in Soweto had demonstrated against Kissinger’s three-day visit, during which he held talks with Prime Minister John Vorster. The newspaper noted that many young protesters were killed: “The shooting began after students carrying placards denouncing Mr. Kissinger gathered in schoolyards in the black township, singing black protest songs.” One placard called Kissinger “a murderer”; another read: “Kissinger, get out of Azania—don’t bring your disguised American oppression into Azania”.

Unity beyond apartheid’s racial categories

The apartheid regime sought to divide the oppressed majority through the Bantustan policy, the Group Areas Act, and even the spatial segregation of townships such as Soweto into so-called ‘Zulu’ and ‘Sotho’ sections. Yet the students of 1976 mounted a determined challenge to these divisions. The slogan “One Azania, One Nation”—baptised in blood—resonated as a revolutionary cry. Consider the names of the young people and the places where they fell: not only Soweto, but also Manenberg, Elsies River, Montagu, Mamelodi, Alexandra, Gugulethu, Mossel Bay and Athlone. Unlike the crass racial and tribalistic identity politics of today, the youth of 1976 refused to see themselves through apartheid’s imposed categories. They were not ‘minorities’, nor ‘Zulu’, ‘Coloured’, ‘Indian’ or ‘Xhosa’. They were simply the oppressed united in struggle.

Moreover, though many township residents had arrived from neighbouring countries and lived ‘illegally’ in South Africa, they were accepted and respected by their communities. For instance, Sibongile Mkhabela (née Mthembu), one of eleven young people accused of leading the uprising, was the daughter of a Mozambican father who was a pillar of strength in the community; as were many others from Lesotho, Swaziland, Malawi and elsewhere.

Strengthening worker struggles

The 1976 uprising followed closely on the heels of massive urban worker strikes that had begun in Durban in 1973, and spread across the country; similar strikes even took place in Namibia before that. By 1979, the apartheid regime was forced to amend labour legislation to grant Black workers the legal right to form and register trade unions. Crucially, many of the key shop stewards who built that union movement had been active participants in the 1976 uprising.

The students who confronted the apartheid state, together with the workers of 1973, ushered in an unprecedented wave of struggle against racial capitalism. They demonstrated that the system was not impregnable and could be challenged. They showed that resistance could be conducted in a non-sectarian way. They proved that even schoolgoing youth could join the fight, and that the struggle was never confined to Soweto alone, despite what some accounts of June 16 suggest.

The events of 1976 laid the foundations for a far broader challenge to the racial capitalist state; it reached even greater heights in the 1980s as workers and community organisations joined forces.

Collective leadership and the defeat of fear

The students of 1976 broke the climate of fear that had subdued older generations after the violent persecutions of the 1960s. They succeeded in bringing organisations together, especially through collaboration with their families and the worker organisations to which those families belonged. They cultivated a new corps of radical organic intellectuals rooted in grassroots organisations, and they placed a premium on collective learning and shared leadership.

We remember those who made the ultimate sacrifice. The most fitting memorial is neither statues nor empty rhetoric, but the urgent work of building a better country than the one we inhabit today. For many young people, 32 years into democracy has become a nightmare.

Post-apartheid capitalism has failed to deliver on its promises—and, by its very nature, it cannot. Too often, young people are blamed for being undisciplined, lazy or lacking in the ‘right skills’ or entrepreneurial spirit. We seldom blame the system itself: the structural unemployment that forecloses any prospect of gainful employment for so many; the billboards, television screens and print media that bombard the youth with the seductive elixir of consumer goods; a social order in which human relations mean nothing unless they are commodified. All in a climate where corruption has embraced those once lionised by the makers of official history, and where struggle ‘icons’ have become affluent overnight.

A polycrisis born of racial capitalism

Who can deny that the country is in the grip of a polycrisis engendered by racial capitalism? The evidence is everywhere: levels of inequality, unemployment, poverty, food insecurity, ecological degradation, poor quality education, inadequate healthcare, soaring energy, transport and food costs, and the crushing burden of debt that most people must endure daily, through no fault of their own. Even the middle classes are not spared. Who can argue that narrow elitist and corporate interests and their corruption do not rule the day? Who can ignore the utter desperation that fuels the psychosocial trauma, genderbased violence and other forms of social dysfunction we witness daily?

Lessons for today: xenophobia and internationalism

The lessons of June 1976 are also vital for the struggle against contemporary xenophobia. Opportunistic politicians exploit the current crises to blame, scapegoat and attack ‘foreigners’, rather than confronting the real causes of inequality, poverty and unemployment.

The uprising reminds us of the importance of internationalism and the linking of struggles. The same crude oil extracted from the Niger Delta, the minerals of the Congo and the coal of South Africa fuel the machinery of Israeli occupation and genocide. This connects the dispossession of Palestinian lives and land directly to the exploitation of African resources by big corporations, African elites and warlords.

The logic and violence of racial capitalism, colonialism and extraction are not confined to any single place or time. They operate across borders, binding Africa, Palestine and other sites of struggle into a shared history of resistance.

Palestine stands today as a global front against colonialism, imperialism, fossil-fuel capitalism and white supremacy. It is incumbent upon all of us—solidarity activists, climate justice advocates, anti-racist and anti-imperialist organisations, and faith-based groups—to actively support the Palestinian liberation struggle and their right to resist. The genocide in Gaza is a harbinger of worse to come if we do not organise and fight back vigorously, including through the boycott, divestment and sanctions campaign against apartheid Israel. The empire and its global ruling classes are willing to sacrifice millions of Black and Brown bodies, and working-class people everywhere, so that they can continue accumulating capital, amassing wealth and maintaining their domination.

Colombian President Gustavo Petro recently observed:

Genocide and barbaric acts unleashed against the Palestinian people is what awaits those in the Global South. What we see in Gaza is the rehearsal of the future.

The youth of 1976 understood that freedom is indivisible. They risked everything, not for statues or hollow commemorations, but for a world in which human beings are no longer reduced to commodities, ethnic labels or disposable labour. Their legacy demands nothing less from us today: to see our struggles as linked, to reject the divisions that power imposes, and to build a genuine liberation for all.

That is the true significance of 1976—and the unfinished business before us now.

Steve Biko understood this when he argued:

The great powers of the world may have done wonders in giving the world an industrial and military look but the great gift still has to come from Africa — giving the world a more human face.

4 June 2026

Source: Amandla.

Footnotes

[1] Photo: March and March protest in Joburg, April 30 2026. The lessons of June 1976 are also vital for the struggle against contemporary xenophobia. Opportunistic politicians exploit the current crises to blame, scapegoat and attack ‘foreigners’, rather than confronting the real causes of inequality, poverty and unemployment. VS (© Ihsaan Haffejee/GroundUp).

Friday, July 31, 2026

The Death Count Trap: Why Tallying Victims Won’t Stop Israel’s Genocide

by | Jul 31, 2026Antiwar.com

The words ‘killed’, ‘injured’, ‘maimed’, and the like often lose a great part of their meaning when they are repeated so relentlessly.

Take, for example, a headline like: “13 Palestinians Killed in Gaza, Others Wounded.” Though many of us can still feel a deep sense of sadness over such a tragedy, the news itself becomes less shocking over time.

According to figures produced by the Palestinian Ministry of Health in Gaza, Israel has killed and wounded a total of over 250,000 Palestinians since the start of the genocide in 2023.

The tally is updated daily because the killing never stops.

On July 23, six Palestinians were killed in Gaza. A day earlier, 13 were killed, and the day before that, nine others were killed, and so on.

It is this “and so on” that makes us lose our sense, over time, of what these tragedies actually entail. These are innocent people who are burned alive in their tents, bombed in their cars, or killed while attempting to enjoy a brief moment of respite from the scorching heat on the beach.

Among the nine killed on July 21, an entire family, including four young children, was wiped out in a single strike. As reports of Israel’s daily harvest of Palestinian lives in Gaza multiply, journalists too often neglect to humanize those killed.

A photo circulating on social media showed three of those children: a boy wearing a T-shirt that read ‘Santa Monica Beach’; his bespectacled sister in a pink shirt, proudly holding a certificate of achievement from her school; and their youngest sister, posing gently.

These three represent every single Palestinian child killed since the start of this genocide. According to UN and international estimates, over 21,000 children have been killed in Gaza, with tens of thousands more maimed or buried under the rubble.

Though the daily routine of killing makes the tragedy feel less shocking for those merely hearing the numbers, it becomes infinitely more tragic for those who must bear it directly. In Gaza, not a single family has been spared the loss of loved ones, making the grief compound day after day.

There are no words to describe the collective pain of Gaza.

What makes the tragedy even more unbearable is that the entire world knows what has transpired and continues to transpire in Gaza, yet fails to do anything about it. We keep track of the numbers, we point to Israel’s barbarity, we decry the failure of international institutions, and we shake our heads in despair.

Yet the outcome remains unchanged: the death toll rises, and new statistics are generated daily to remind us of the magnitude of the crisis.

A July 23 joint report by the FAO, UNICEF, and the World Food Programme found that 1.4 million Palestinians in Gaza face acute food insecurity.

The report also warned that more than 74,000 children under five are expected to require urgent treatment for acute malnutrition over the coming year.

This report was released on the same day that Gaza health authorities updated the official death toll to over 73,311 Palestinians. That number is already higher now, as more have been killed since.

On that same day, Thameen Al-Kheetan of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) stated that “no place in Gaza can be considered safe.”

That statement is true, of course, but it is also the most well-known fact in the world right now. No one is contesting it. And yet, no one acts: Israel keeps bombing, the US Congress continues assigning it more weapons, and the rest of the world tracks the death tally.

Meanwhile, Israel – which has seized control of even more territory in Gaza since the so-called ceasefire – is now constructing massive earth barriers stretching an estimated 23 kilometers across the Strip.

Though it was never fair to begin with, even the original Trump Gaza plan never mentioned the building of interior borders, the theft of additional land, or the concentration of displaced Palestinians into tiny enclaves within an already small piece of land.

Israel’s long-term plan is not only to maintain permanent military control over Gaza, as top Israeli officials have declared, but also to prolong its torment indefinitely.

Even as I write this article, news reports indicate that four more Palestinians have just been killed. It is unlikely the number will remain that low; the Israeli army rarely kills in small numbers.

But even these small numbers represent human beings whose grief cannot be measured in statistics, summed up in official statements, or reduced to clichéd headlines.

Nor do survivors cling to the empty promise of international law prevailing over US-backed impunity. History has made Palestinians cynical. For generations, through every massacre and land theft since the 1948 Nakba, waiting for justice has yielded nothing but hollow promises and rising body counts.

The only difference between the past and the present is that today, we all know, see, and hear exactly what is happening in Gaza and across Palestine.

The very least we can do is refuse to turn our backs or reduce the genocide before our eyes to numbers.

If we allow that to happen, we become culpable, too: Israel does the killing, using American arms, while we sit by, counting the dead and shaking our heads at the sad state of the world.

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His forthcoming book,Before the Flood,’ will be published by Seven Stories Press. His other books include ‘Our Vision for Liberation’, ‘My Father was a Freedom Fighter’ and ‘The Last Earth’. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

Friday, July 17, 2026

 

Unlocking the synergistic promoter role of phosphorus in evolving NiFe phosphides for enhanced water oxidation




Shanghai Jiao Tong University Journal Center

Unlocking the Synergistic Promoter Role of Phosphorus in Evolving NiFe Phosphides for Enhanced Water Oxidation 

image: 

  • Phosphorus drives NiFeP’s reconstruction into active NiFe (oxy)hydroxide, suppresses Fe dissolution, and modulates Ni’s electronic structure via residual PO43−.
  • PO43− and Fe synergistically act as a redox buffer, preventing Ni over-oxidation, narrowing the bandgap, and stabilizing key oxygen evolution reaction intermediates to lower the energy barrier.
  • The restructured catalyst achieves a low overpotential of 225 mV at 10 mA cm−2 and maintains stable operation in alkaline media for over 100 h at current densities up to 500 mA cm−2.
view more 

Credit: Ningning Shi, Mingcheng Gao, M. Maneesha, C. S. Praveen*, Panpan Liu, Shengnan Yue, Wangjing Xie, Dechao Chen, Yu Tang, Yuanqing Wang*, Hua Fan, Xing Huang*.





As the global economy's thirst for energy depletes traditional fossil fuels and intensifies environmental crises, the transition to clean, dispatchable hydrogen via electrochemical water splitting has become an urgent imperative. Yet the anodic oxygen evolution reaction (OER)—a sluggish, four-electron process—remains the primary bottleneck throttling overall efficiency. While noble-metal oxides such as RuO2 and IrO2 deliver acceptable activity, their scarcity and exorbitant cost render large-scale deployment economically untenable. Earth-abundant NiFe-based catalysts have long been pursued as alternatives, but the atomistic mechanisms by which anionic species like phosphorus direct structural evolution and catalytic enhancement have remained elusive. Now, researchers from Fuzhou University, Shanghai University, and Cochin University of Science and Technology, led by Professor Xing Huang, Professor Yuanqing Wang, and Professor C.S. Praveen, have presented a breakthrough study that fundamentally redefines the role of phosphorus in NiFe phosphide electrocatalysts.

Why This Catalyst Matters

Conventional wisdom has largely treated phosphorus in metal phosphides as a sacrificial template—leachable during anodic polarization to leave behind active metal (oxy)hydroxides—or as a passive electronic modifier. This work breaks that paradigm by demonstrating that phosphorus is far more than a disposable scaffolding. Through systematic identical-location transmission electron microscopy (IL-TEM), spectroscopy, and electrochemical analysis, the team reveals that phosphorus actively orchestrates a triple function: it accelerates the reconstruction of NiFeP into defect-rich NiFe (oxy)hydroxide nanosheets, suppresses the dissolution of Fe ions that plagues conventional NiFe precursors, and—most critically—leaves behind residual phosphate oxyanions (PO43-) that synergize with Fe to serve as an intrinsic redox buffer. This dual-anion synergy modulates the electronic structure of Ni, preventing over-oxidization while simultaneously stabilizing key reaction intermediates—a mechanism previously undocumented in the literature.

Innovative Design and Mechanism

The catalyst is synthesized through a multi-step engineering strategy: nickel precursor prisms are first fabricated via PVP-assisted reflux, then chemically transformed into hollow NiFe cyanide frameworks through coordination with [Fe(CN)6]3-, and finally phosphidated at 350 °C under argon to yield hollow NiFeP prisms composed of crystalline NixFe2-xP domains enveloped by amorphous phases containing Ni, Fe, O, P, and K. Under anodic OER conditions, IL-TEM captures the dynamic reconstruction in real time: the hollow prisms progressively evolve into ultrathin nanosheets over 120 minutes, with phosphorus largely dissolving while the Ni/Fe ratio remains preserved.

Density functional theory calculations unveil the synergistic promoter role of residual PO43-. In the reconstructed NiFe (oxy)hydroxide lattice, Fe initially lowers the average oxidation state of Ni, while intercalated PO43- acts as an effective redox buffer—maintaining a higher proton concentration across the operational potential window and preventing Ni from becoming over-oxidized. Bader charge analysis confirms that PO43- withdraws electron density from the Ni–O lattice, buffering Ni oxidation states while stabilizing oxygenated adsorbates. Hybrid functional calculations further reveal that PO43- and Fe cooperatively narrow the bandgap from ~0.85 eV to ~0.15 eV, dramatically enhancing electronic conductivity and charge delocalization. Free-energy profiles demonstrate that this synergy compresses the energy span among *OH, *O, and *OOH intermediates, reducing the theoretical overpotential by 0.38 V relative to pristine NiOOH.

Outstanding Performance

The reconstructed NiFeP catalyst (NiFeP-A) delivers exceptional OER activity in alkaline media, achieving a low overpotential of merely 225 mV at 10 mA cm-2—outperforming pre-NiFe (344 mV), NiFeO (300 mV), Ni2P (296 mV), and even commercial RuO2 (276 mV). The Tafel slope of 31 mV dec-1 indicates superior reaction kinetics, while the charge-transfer resistance of 1.36 Ω confirms remarkably fast electron transfer. The catalyst exhibits the highest intrinsic activity among all samples, with a specific activity of 23.63 mA cm-2, a mass activity of 314.2 A g-1, and a turnover frequency of 0.14 s-1 at 1.53 V vs. RHE. Durability tests demonstrate robust stability over 100 h at current densities of 10, 100, and even 500 mA cm-2 without significant degradation. When paired with commercial Pt/C in a two-electrode configuration for overall water splitting, the system requires only 1.51 V to reach 10 mA cm-2—superior to the commercial Pt/C || RuO2 benchmark (1.56 V)—and maintains stable operation for over 100 h.

Applications and Future Outlook

This work transcends the conventional pre-catalyst narrative and establishes phosphorus as an active, synergistic component in electrocatalytic water oxidation. By unlocking the triple role of phosphorus—structural director, dissolution suppressor, and electronic modulator—the study provides a rational blueprint for designing anion-engineered, earth-abundant electrocatalysts. The insights into redox-buffering mechanisms and dynamic structure–performance relationships pave promising avenues for next-generation alkaline electrolyzers, offering a viable pathway toward cost-effective, high-efficiency green hydrogen production at industrial scales.

Stay tuned for more groundbreaking research from this collaborative team at Fuzhou University, Shanghai University, and Cochin University of Science and Technology!

Tuesday, July 14, 2026

World’s most influential companies make nature promises, but most lack accountability

New research by the University of Oxford and the Stockholm Resilience Centre at Stockholm University has revealed that most biodiversity commitments made by large influential companies are not precise enough to enable society to evaluate whether they are making progress towards their commitments. The results have been published in One Earth.

The problem with the accountability gap

Researchers identified 180 large transnational ‘keystone’ corporations across multiple sectors with significant environmental impacts and disproportionate influence over the biosphere. Although 79% had made some form of biodiversity pledge, only 13% reported sufficiently detailed, transparent, and specific (robust) commitments1 to allow others to assess if targets have been met – a fundamental prerequisite of accountability.

Over the past 50 years, keystone corporations have gained significant influence over the world's resource reserves, production and trade. Biodiversity is rising on the corporate agenda – most of the companies in the study sample made pledges – but currently these commitments are not sufficient to be fully accountable.

Senior author Dr Sophus zu Ermgassen (Department of Biology, University of Oxford) says: “Companies must be both ambitious and practical: meaningful commitments go further than just pledging to actions required by law, but also must consider clear implementation plans. Improving commitments is just the first step.”

Dr Thomas White (Department of Biology, University of Oxford), co-author of the study says: “Whilst it is promising to see biodiversity pledges being made by many companies, for most of these companies, we currently can't tell exactly what the promises mean and whether actions are contributing towards global goals. With clear and ambitious goals and actions, keystone corporations could have the leverage to act as biosphere stewards and drive transformative change.”

How to spot an inadequate pledge

The research also helps to highlight how to spot a real commitment from a hollow one. Amongst commitments deemed as not robust, several issues repeatedly occurred: vagueness and lack of specificity; seemingly contradictory or incorrectly defined terminologies; and selective use of evidence to justify inaction or limited ambition.

For example, an agrochemical company cited an analysis that they themselves had jointly commissioned to make the dubious claim that pesticides are not a main driver of insect decline.

Dr Jean-Baptiste Jouffray (Stockholm Resilience Centre, Stockholm University), co-author of the study says: “A serious biodiversity commitment should make clear what is being targeted, where, by when, and how progress will be assessed. Without that, it is little more than a statement of good intentions. Regulators, investors, scientists and civil society need information they can use to identify risks, assess ambition and track progress over time.”

Sector differences

Commitment robustness varied substantially across sectors. 18 of the 23 companies with at least one target meeting all criteria belonged to the agriculture and farming sector. Within the cocoa sector, all five assessed companies (representing 56% of global processing and grinding) made commitments, with four making robust commitments meeting all criteria, and the fifth making commitments meeting most criteria. A similar trend was seen in the soybean sector, where five of six companies (controlling 42% of global sourcing) made robust commitments.

In contrast, biodiversity commitments were sparse in sectors such as animal pharmaceuticals and oil and gas. Among animal pharmaceutical firms (ten companies representing 81% of the global market), half had no biodiversity commitments.

89% of corporations in the sample published some kind of publicly available report, but none produced a stand-alone biodiversity report. Of 13 companies for which no reports were found, six were national oil companies.

Barriers and improvements to pledges

The researchers highlight several potential barriers to effective pledges: lack of alignment with commercial interests; exposure to reputational risk if they fall short of targets (so-called ‘greenhushing’); limitations in available knowledge and guidance on commitment setting; and data limitations on the biodiversity impacts of their supply chains.

The researchers suggest several ways of prompting improved commitments:

  • Mandatory reporting requirements: address disparities in reporting.
  • Business-science collaboration: facilitate knowledge exchange and provide data and guidance to support target setting.
  • Sector-wide sustainability initiatives: enable pooling of knowledge and resources.
  • Increased participation in voluntary initiatives: guidance to identify and address impacts, dependencies, risk, and opportunities, as well as setting clear targets
  • Pressure from stock exchanges, financiers, and stakeholders: e.g. integrate biodiversity disclosure and target setting requirements into listing requirements.

The research marks a new milestone in efforts to identify the companies with the largest influence over the biosphere and clarify their responsibility in helping to halt and reverse biodiversity loss. By showing where current commitments fall short, the study provides a method and a foundation for stronger accountability.

Notes to editors

The paper ‘Evaluating the Biodiversity Commitments of Earth's Keystone Corporations has been published in One Earth: https://www.cell.com/one-earth/fulltext/S2590-3322(26)00148-X

Interviews with Dr Sophus zu Ermgassen, Dr Thomas White, and Dr Talitha Bromwich are available on request: sophus.zuermgassen@biology.ox.ac.uk, thomas.white@biology.ox.ac.uk, talitha.bromwich@smithschool.ox.ac.uk.

Several parts of the University of Oxford were involved in this research including: the Department of Biology’s Nature Positive Hub, the Leverhulme Centre for Nature Recovery, and Oxford EARTH.

The Stockholm Resilience Centre is part of Stockholm University.

Additional details

  1. Criteria used to assess commitments include whether the commitment specifies: the aspect of biodiversity to which the commitment relates; the scope of the commitment; the environmental pressure targeted; the timeframe; a baseline; how the commitment is measured; a quantitative target, and progress towards this target.

About the University of Oxford

Oxford University has been placed number 1 in the Times Higher Education World University Rankings for the tenth year running, and ​number 3 in the QS World Rankings 2024. At the heart of this success are the twin-pillars of our ground-breaking research and innovation and our distinctive educational offer.

Oxford is world-famous for research and teaching excellence and home to some of the most talented people from across the globe. Our work helps the lives of millions, solving real-world problems through a huge network of partnerships and collaborations. The breadth and interdisciplinary nature of our research alongside our personalised approach to teaching sparks imaginative and inventive insights and solutions.

Through its research commercialisation arm, Oxford University Innovation, Oxford is the highest university patent filer in the UK and is ranked first in the UK for university spinouts, having created more than 300 new companies since 1988. Over a third of these companies have been created in the past five years. The university is a catalyst for prosperity in Oxfordshire and the United Kingdom, contributing around £16.9 billion to the UK economy in 2021/22, and supports more than 90,400 full time jobs.

The Department of Biology is a University of Oxford department within the Maths, Physical, and Life Sciences Division. It utilises academic strength in a broad range of bioscience disciplines to tackle global challenges such as food security, biodiversity loss, climate change and global pandemics. It also helps to train and equip the biologists of the future through holistic undergraduate and graduate courses. For more information visit www.biology.ox.ac.uk.