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Showing posts sorted by date for query LOST CIVILIZATIONS. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Saturday, June 27, 2026

 Opinion

In JD Vance's faith memoir, the most telling words are ‘My Way’

(RNS) — Vance seems to feel personally responsible for preventing anything from challenging his civilization or changing the church.
Vice President JD Vance speaks to reporters in the James S. Brady Press Briefing Room at the White House, Thursday, June 18, 2026, in Washington. (AP Photo/Manuel Balce Ceneta)

(RNS) — The Catholic vice president of the United States did not come from a well-born or wealthy beginning — yet, through hard work and determination, he rose to high office. His Catholic faith both guides his public life at the highest levels of government and also maintains his connection to the people he knew growing up.

I am talking about Joe Biden. And the comparison with JD Vance is instructive.

Consider for a moment how Biden has talked about his Catholic faith. “My religion is just an enormous sense of solace. And some of it relates to ritual, some of it relates to comfort and what you’ve done your whole life.” For Biden, faith is rooted in family, memory and long practice — and shaped by profound loss. Empathy, Biden once told Stephen Colbert on The Late Show, is what we gain from loss. Biden wears his faith easily in an unfussy way, like his own skin.

JD Vance has a different way. The words “relevant” and “relevance” recur with disconcerting frequency in Vance’s new memoir, “Communion: Finding My Way Back to Faith,” much as though he is searching in religious faith for the solution to some practical problem.

Parenthood, Vance tells us, made him want “to build a culture of virtue, within my own family, within my community, and within our entire society.” He laments how world leaders had “taken God out of their postwar oaths and alliances, and they wondered why so much else had been lost as well.” He confesses that “My big fear isn’t death but that we inherited a great civilization and are slowly letting it fall into disrepair.”

Communion: Finding My Way Back to Faith by JD Vance. (Courtesy image)

For Vance, Catholic faith provides the solidity he sees slipping away everywhere around him.

Long stretches of “Communion” do not touch on religion almost at all except so far as the case for religion generally is reinforced by the challenges faced by workers, by families, by children, by parents or anyone else who is suffering under the economic system that has rewarded Vance so well for critiquing it. And to Vance’s credit, the passages where he describes the Catholic Church’s teachings about labor, economic justice and human dignity are quite good. Even his exploration of the migration issue’s complexity is evenhanded and thoughtful. I recognize a Catholicism I know in those pages. But there remains a fundamental problem.

Near the book’s end Vance recounts coming upon a crumbling old church building and wondering, “How long would its current congregation last?” His diagnosis is an impending “civilizational death,” and here is where Vance’s way reveals itself. Though Vance does not name it, Samuel Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” thesis haunts his book. In particular, Vance seems to agree with Huntington that civilizations are fixed things with “objective elements” that do not change, and so conflict is built into history. 



It does not enter Vance’s mind that what looks like “civilizational death” might just be civilizational change, or that the Catholic Church has weathered countless changes across 20 centuries. Instead, Vance seems to feel personally responsible for preventing anything from challenging his civilization or changing the church. Things must remain as they are.

I could be tempted to read Vance’s desire for a solid, unchanging world as a response to the traumas he has described from his younger life. While those traumas certainly are part of the story, I think Vance’s strange account of Catholic faith is more closely related to where he finds himself today.

Vance is preoccupied by the distance he traveled from Appalachia to Silicon Valley. Questions of status and cultural distance pervade his thinking. Mere pages after praising the authenticity of his Ohio family and friends, he shares the unnecessary detail that he got news of the Pennsylvania grand jury report “while we played with our toddler on a Lake Annecy beach,” underscoring how Meemaw’s grandson knows the Haute-Savoie.

Vance both craves elite status and is repelled by it. His life today is built on defending the working-class people he grew up with from an elite class he has jumped in with both feet to join. He writes about being uncomfortable talking to a therapist because he didn’t like talking “to a stranger” about “how crazy my homelife was.” Later he wrote a book to tell every stranger who would read about it. He knows his children will join “our country’s ruling class” because of the privilege they were born into. Yet he complains that those “elite institutions” he is leading them toward are “intellectually and spiritually broken.” 

It is obvious Vance is conflicted, and he seems to be using faith to reconcile the tension. Vance, whose intelligence got him an education that lifted him from rural poverty, takes the same stubbornly intellectual path in his return to faith. He read and discussed his way into the Catholic Church, name-checking Augustine, Aquinas, Chesterton and Lewis along the way. Vance praises the “hierarchy and sense of authority” he found in the intellectual richness of Catholicism.



I would like to think Vance can find some lasting comfort in all of this. I wish him well. But Vance’s Catholicism seems a little too instrumentally useful to nurture the deep “solace” Joe Biden once talked about with such peaceful conviction. The restlessness is not gone from Vance’s story. The telling of it finds him trying a little too hard to exert too much control over everything around him.

C.S. Lewis wrote in “Mere Christianity”: “Nothing that you have not given away will really be yours.” That means giving up not only money and possessions, but the whole illusion of control that tells us we can save civilization or keep the church right where we want it. This is the “little way” of humility — of a faith that believes civilization’s questions were settled on a hill outside Jerusalem 2,000 years ago. The gates of hell shall not prevail (Matthew 16:18).

The emphasis of “Communion” is a little too much on “My Way.” I think that is not the way that leads toward solace.

(Steven P. Millies is the author of “Joseph Bernardin: Seeking Common Ground” and “A Consistent Ethic of Life: Navigating Catholic Engagement With U.S. Politics.” The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)

Wednesday, June 24, 2026

How the Media Aligned Themselves with


Israeli Propaganda



June 22, 2026

Dima Khatib, photograph by Nelson Pereira.

Journalistic coverage of the Israeli military campaign in Gaza after October 7, 2023, continues to draw sharp criticism. Syrian-Palestinian journalist Dima Khatib minces no words: “The media actively relayed Israeli propaganda.”

“Silence is already complicity. But it was worse. It was active engagement with Israeli propaganda,” said the Managing Director of Digital Projects at Al Jazeera, whose journalistic career spans more than three decades.

“And it was an active engagement against journalists themselves,” Dima added. “Not once, not twice, it was repeated. The justification Israel gave for the killings of journalists—obviously false and unacceptable, that is, every time they were terrorists, they were guilty, they deserved it, etc.—it was celebrated, it was lauded.”

Dima, who has reported from over 30 countries across 5 continents, interviewing presidents and people from all walks of life, points to a clear bias in the media in favor of Israel’s official narrative. “The media weren’t even doing their basic job of verifying this information, simply relaying lies against Gazan journalists. And this was proof of racism against journalists who don’t have the skin color required for journalists, at least in the mainstream media, to do their job. We’re not asking for more; we’re asking them to verify the information and publish it.”

Noting that when a journalist is killed elsewhere, it causes an uproar, she denounces the media’s indifference to the murder of Palestinian journalists. “It’s an unspeakable scandal. 262 journalists (*) have been killed in Gaza—a record, a real massacre. Just look at the major media outlets here in Europe, in the United States, and even in the Global South, and see how many times this information has been relayed, published, and reported correctly and ethically.”

Journalism That is No Longer Journalism

According to Dima Khatib, the “poor” media coverage of the killings of journalists in Gaza demonstrated beyond a shadow of a doubt that Palestinians are not considered equal human beings. She admits that this experience was a huge disappointment and a source of great sadness for her.

The same pattern of disinformation has been applied to media coverage of the genocide in general, she adds. “The media continue to repeat Israel’s lies as if nothing had happened, after they have been debunked time and time again. They parrot the lies spewed by Israeli officials, repeating them like stock phrases in their articles.”

A method that transforms journalism into propaganda, Dima emphasizes. “Every time we say a certain word, we add a little phrase to define our position regarding that word, that person, that organization, that place. It’s unethical, it’s not journalism. It’s propaganda.”

“Just look at how media outlets like the New York Times headline and handle the news,” she explains. “They write that 400 Palestinians have died, but they don’t say how or who murdered them. We wonder if they died of heatstroke or indigestion. But as soon as it involves Israelis, the moment an Israeli dies, we’re immediately told that he was killed by a Palestinian. They publish a photo of him playing guitar. Even though he’s a soldier. A humanization that no Palestinian is entitled to, not even a child. This language has become standardized in newsrooms, and many journalists simply repeat it, thus avoiding upsetting their editors.”

Expressing her disappointment with the attitude of many colleagues in the profession, she adds that there are also those who have opposed and denounced editorial policies that lead to the dehumanization of Palestinians. “It’s a deliberate dehumanization of Palestinians, and it’s why I no longer have respect for the media, I no longer have respect for these fellow journalists. At the same time, I’ve seen courageous ones who said no. There are many newsrooms that have experienced this kind of pressure regarding coverage of Palestine, journalists who have lost their jobs, their livelihood, for themselves and their families, just for saying a word. I have great admiration for the journalists who haven’t given in to propaganda and the easy way out.”

Refusing to betray journalism, some journalists decided to embark on independent projects and launched their own media outlets. According to Dima Khatib, this independent journalism movement has everything it takes to replace “what journalism claims to be but no longer is, because selective journalism isn’t real journalism.” She adds that if we can’t do it for Palestine, we won’t be able to do it against fascism. “It’s a universal struggle for all of us.”

Regarding state media, the coverage of the 2003 war against Iraq revealed an alarming complicity with propaganda, notes Dima, who worked in Doha for Al Jazeera during the invasion of Iraq. “The lies were repeated, repeated, repeated, without any verification, from weapons of mass destruction to an association of Iraq with 9/11 that had no basis in reality. This is very problematic because it’s a public service. A journalist’s work is always a public service, with an ethical duty that is essential for democracy. But this is even more true when it’s funded with our taxes.”

Decolonizing Journalism

Dima Khatib joined Al Jazeera in 1997 as a young journalist in Qatar and later became the channel’s first female executive. She subsequently established Al Jazeera bureaus in China and Venezuela. Appointed director of AJ+ in August 2015, she held this position for ten years, overseeing AJ+’s English, Arabic, Spanish, and French channels.

Having encountered such diverse realities, she says she has come to understand that, within newsrooms, a constant process of decolonization is a priority. “I talk a lot about decolonizing journalism, newsrooms, and the journalists themselves. Even journalists from the Global South, who have been colonized, need to undertake this process. For example, in the minds of many Arab journalists, Latin America was discovered by Europeans. Yet, that’s exactly what the Israelis say about Palestine, which was supposedly a land without a people for a people without a land, as if it were empty. They arrive and there are no natives.”

At the root of these ingrained narratives are school curricula that have omitted historical facts. To such an extent that adults who were victims of colonialism are unable to recognize the harm they suffered when confronted with its remnants. “When you erase the existence of a civilization, several civilizations, ancient ones, and great, important ones, and the massacres that took place, so that this discovery—which is colonization—could happen, you are erasing history, you are erasing entire peoples. It’s the same thing that’s being done to us in Palestine, with this same propaganda,” Dima points out.

“By repeating colonial narratives, we perpetuate the dehumanization of the other,” she adds. “Because these narratives were created with the aim of dehumanizing.”

Besides efforts to decolonize and rehumanize history, it’s equally important to know which language to use, Dima emphasizes. And above all, to get rid of labels. “Who is a terrorist? Who isn’t? Who is good? Who is bad? It’s already predetermined by international agencies that have already defined who is bad, who is good.”

She insists that, faced with this imposition of a single truth, we must, first and foremost, listen to the people who come from there. “If you’re going to cover Bosnia and you don’t have a single Bosnian in your newsroom, well, you’re not going to know how to tell the Bosnian story. So, diversity in newsrooms is very important. In our AJ+ newsroom, we had Palestinians—not just any Palestinians, a Palestinian man or woman from Jerusalem, someone from the West Bank, someone from Gaza, someone from the refugee camps in Syria, Palestine, Jordan, a Palestinian Spaniard, a Palestinian American, a Palestinian Colombian—because without that diversity, we’re not going to be able to tell the stories.”

She adds that the much-vaunted objectivity of the media simply means seeing things from the perspective of someone sitting in Paris, London, or Washington. “That’s what objectivity is. It’s about making everything look the same and eliminating any distinction between one story and another. They’re all told under the same umbrella. Objectivity, in fact, is journalism that doesn’t disrupt the status quo of established norms. Always from a Western perspective. And the West has every right to its perspective, but not to erase other perspectives.”

Gaza Journalists

Since Israel did not allow foreign journalists into Gaza during the genocide—and even before, because there had been a blockade for 19 years—Gaza journalists took it upon themselves to tell the story directly. “There wasn’t the parachuted-in journalist, as is always the case, a journalist who arrives with a whole team, who also has access to a bathroom, a comfortable bed, food, etc., and who arrives with their vision of how the story should be told,” Dima emphasizes. “The task was left to the Palestinian journalists in Gaza. While they lacked food, warm beds, shelter, and protection—they had nothing—they were bombed like everyone else, they were hungry like everyone else, they were cold like everyone else, and they didn’t have access to a bathroom like everyone else.” And we saw that live on social media, and it rehumanized the Palestinian story.”

Young people around the world who followed the reports of these young Palestinian journalists on social media saw them in their tears, in their suffering. And that, Dima points out, contributed to the solidarity movement for Palestinians worldwide, but especially among young people, the university generation, Generation Z, who spearheaded the entire solidarity movement in American universities. “I happened to be in the United States when they set up the first camp. I was in Michigan, I arrived, and they asked me, ‘What media outlets are you from?’ Because here, the New York Times, Reuters, and all that, it’s forbidden. They don’t get through. I told them, ‘I’m from Al Jazeera,’ and they replied, ‘Oh, wow, of course, come on over.’ And I took a look around, and they had Al Jazeera English live on an iPad in the camp. And that really touched me. They weren’t Palestinians; they were people from all over the United States—immigrants, white, Black, and maybe a third were Jewish.”

* The number is higher at the time of publication. On June 21st, cameraman Ahmed Wishah was killed in an Israeli air attack on central Gaza’s Bureij refugee camp, less than three months after his brother Mohammed Samir, also an Al Jazeera journalist, was killed in a separate strike. Ahmed is the 12th Al Jazeera journalist killed by Israel in Gaza.