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Tuesday, November 05, 2024

The Jerusalem Temple And Its Older Brother: The Ka’ba – OpEd




By 

Narrated Abu Dhar: I said, “O Allah’s Messenger, which mosque was first built on the surface of the earth?” He said, “Al- Masjid-ul-,Haram (in Mecca).”


I said, “Which was built next?” He replied “The mosque of Al-Aqsa ( in Jerusalem) .” I said, “What was the period of construction between the two?” He said, “Forty years.” (Sahih al-Bukhari 3366 In-book reference : Book 60, Hadith 45 USC-MSA web (English) reference : Vol. 4, Book 55, Hadith 585)

The Jerusalem Temple (Beit HaMikdosh) and the Ka’ba, the House of God (Baitullah) in Mecca are the two most well-known sites for monotheistic pilgrimage in the world.

The Islamic Hajj to the Ka’ba in Makkah, and the Jewish Hajj to the Temple in Jerusalem, have been alternate swings of a single sacred pendulum connecting earthly humans to one monotheistic Divine source in the heavens.

The Ka’ba was the original site of the Islamic Hajj. Destroyed in the days of Noah, it was later rebuilt by Abraham and his son Ishmael. After several centuries it was desecrated by later generations of idol worshipers.

During the centuries while the Ka’ba was desecrated, Prophet Solomon built a Temple in Jerusalem for Jewish Haj on the site where Abraham bound his son Isaac as an offering to God.


Four centuries later the Temple of Solomon was destroyed in 587 BCE by the Babylonians. Then the Temple was rebuilt with the support of Cyrus the Great, King of Persia, and lasted for almost six centuries. As Philo of Alexandria (c. 20 BCE – c. 50 CE) states; Jewish pilgrims came to Jerusalem  from the ends of the earth, and from all the compass points.

But with the destruction of the Second Temple by the Romans in 70 CE, the pilgrimage Hajj aspect of the week-long harvest festival of Hag Sukkot, began a gradual decline in the spiritual consciousness of the Jewish People.

The first time Hag/Hajj is mentioned in the Torah is in that famous scene when Prophets: “Moses and Aaron told Pharaoh; ‘Thus says the LORD God of Israel, Let my people go into the wilderness, that they may hold a feast (Hag) for me.'” [Exodus 5:1]or better: “And afterward Moses and Aaron went in and told Pharaoh; ‘Thus says the LORD God of Israel, Let my people go, that they may hold a Hajj/pilgrimage feast for me in the wilderness.'”

But that one-time Hajj never occurred because Pharaoh refused to free the Jewish People thus incurring Divine wrath.

The normative annual two Jewish Hajj week-long pilgrimages was the liberation celebration of  Haj Passover; and especially the gratitude celebration of the harvest festival of Haj Sukkot. The Torah declares: “Celebrate Hajj Sukkot for seven days after you have harvested the produce of your threshing floor and your winepress. Be joyful at your festival—you, your sons and daughters, your male and female servants, the Levites, the foreigners, the fatherless and the widows who live in your towns…Three times a year all your men must appear before the Lord your God at the place He will choose: at the Hajj of Matzah (Passover), the Hajj of Weeks, and the Hajj of Sukkot. (Deuteronomy 16:13-16)

Hajj Sukkot was so important during the centuries when Solomon’s Temple stood that the holy  week of Sukkot was often called simply “the Hajj” because of the very large numbers of Jews who came up to the Temple in Jerusalem. Hajj Passover is also celebrated as a weeklong pilgrimage.

The third Hajj of Weeks is similar to Islamic Umrah, the non-mandatory lesser pilgrimage made by Muslims to Mecca, which may be performed at any time of the year. Although they share common rites, Umrah can be performed in less than a few hours; while Hajj is more time-consuming and involves many more rituals.

The third Jewish Hajj of Weeks, like Umrah, is much simpler than Hajj Passover and can be performed in less than a few hours; on any one day during the seven weeks following Hajj Passover.

The Sacred Mosque (Masjid al-Haram) is the largest mosque in the world and it surrounds one of Islam’s holiest places, the Ka-ba. Unlike other mosques which are gender segregated, men and women can worship at the Al-Masjid Al-Haram together.

The Holy Temple (Beit ha-Mikdash) of Jerusalem had two successive Temples on the Temple Mount where there now stands the Dome of the Rock. The Jerusalem Temple complex was separated into different areas where male priests, men, women and non-Jews could all come to worship the one God.

Why is the Ka’ba the older brother of the Jerusalem Temple? Prophet Abraham is connected to both sacred sites. Prophets Abraham and Ishmael rebuilt the destroyed Ka’ba; and 40 years later, Prophets Abraham and Isaac were tested on the hill where the Jerusalem Temple would someday be built by Prophet Solomon. 

Since Islam is the last of the Abrahamic religions it is the most universal of them. Since Judaism is the first, and for over twelve centuries the only ongoing monotheistic religion, it is the least  universal and the most pluralistic and tribal of the three Abrahamic religions. 

For thousands of years before Prophet Abraham, Allah sent thousands of prophets to thousands of tribes and nations on the earth, and not one of them were able to establish an ongoing imageless monotheistic community. So Allah decided to do things in a different way.

Allah decided to make a covenant with a small tribe, and send six hundred of his prophets to this small tribe, and worked continually for more than a dozen centuries with the people of this tribe until they were able to establish an ongoing community that would always have a core of righteous and loyal believers.

Prophet Abraham, the Hebrew (Genesis 14:13) was the first, and only prophet, to successfully establish, through the descendants of his own two sons, three ongoing monotheistic religions, that have lasted into the 21st century: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam; that now make up about half of the world’s population. 

Judaism discourages people who are interested in converting to Judaism because Judaism is the only true religion. Indeed, most non-Jews who become Jewish do it to unify a marriage or because they have a Jewish ancestor even if they do not yet know it. 

Judaism is not a missionary faith and so doesn’t actively try to convert non-Jewish people (in many countries anti-Jewish laws prohibited converting to Judaism for centuries). However, the modern Jewish community increasingly welcomes would-be converts. A person who converts to Judaism becomes a Jew and is just as Jewish as someone born into Judaism. 

As Prophet Micah (4:5) states: “For all the (other) peoples walk each in the name of its god; and we (Jews) will walk in the name of the LORD our God forever and ever.”

Five hundred years before the birth of Prophet Muhammad Rabbi Yishmael, one of Judaism’s most important rabbis was recorded as saying: “In the future, the sons of Ishmael (the Arabs) will do fifteen things in the Land of Israel … They will fence in the breaches of the walls of the Temple, and construct a building (the Dome of  the Rock) on the site of the (ruined by the Romans) sanctuary”. 

Prophet Zechariah even includes those who were previously Israel’s enemies: “Then the survivors from all the nations that have attacked Jerusalem, will go up year after year to worship the King, the Lord Almighty, and to celebrate Hajj Sukkot.” (Zechariah 14:16)

There is vacant land on the Temple Mount, and a three dimensional virtual reality broadcast station could be erected adjacent to the Dome of the Rock fulfilling the vision of  Prophet Micah (4:1-3) “In the end of days the mountain of the Lord’s Temple will be established as the highest mountain; it will be exalted above the hills, and (monotheistic) peoples will stream to it. Many (not all) nations will come and say, ‘Come, let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the Temple of the God of Jacob. who will teach us his ways, so that we may walk in his paths. Torah will be broadcast out from Zion, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem.” provided that Muslim leaders would cooperate.  

Just as the Ka’ba has always welcomed all Muslims who answer the call: “Call upon the people for Hajj. They will come to you on their bare feet, or riding any weak camel, and they come to you from every far desert. (Qur’an 22:27).

When all those, both near and far, who revere this place as a standard, share it in love with everyone else who reveres it, then I will do as Prophet Abraham requested, and “Make this a land of Peace, and provide its people with the produce of the land”. (Qur’an 2:126). Then will all the children of Prophet Abraham live in Holiness, Peace and Prosperity.

The Qur’an refers to Prophet Abraham as a community or a nation: “Abraham was a nation-community [Ummah]; dutiful to God, a monotheist [hanif], not one of the polytheists.” (16:120) 

If Prophet Abraham is an Ummah then fighting between the descendants of Prophets Ishmael and Isaac is a civil war and should always be avoided.

If all Arabs and Jews can live up to the ideal that ‘the descendants of Abraham’s sons should never make war against each other’ is the will of God; we will help fulfill the 2700 year old vision of Prophet Isaiah: “In that day there will be a highway from Egypt to Assyria. The Assyrians will go to Egypt, and the Egyptians to Assyria. The Egyptians and Assyrians will worship together.  

“On that day Israel  will join a three-party alliance with Egypt and Assyria, a blessing upon the heart. The LORD of Hosts will bless them saying, “Blessed be Egypt My people, Assyria My handiwork, and Israel My inheritance.”…(Isaiah 19:23-5)


Rabbi Allen S. Maller
Allen Maller retired in 2006 after 39 years as Rabbi of Temple Akiba in Culver City, Calif. He is the author of an introduction to Jewish mysticism. God. Sex and Kabbalah and editor of the Tikun series of High Holy Day prayerbooks.

Sunday, October 13, 2024

 

Zionism Pursues Its Attempted Hold-up on Jews the World over

The Conseil représentatif des institutions juives de France (CRIF), French Zionist Consistory, and their members and allies called for a demonstration on Sunday 6 October in the following terms: “Next Sunday 6 October, with a group of Zionist institutions, community organizations and citizen groups, we are organizing a large scale demonstration at Paris; we will assert our solidarity with the people and the state of Israel in the existential war that they have waged for a year, we will honor the memory of the victims of the pogrom of 7 October and we will denounce antisemitism”.

This call sets up once again the confusion between Jew, Zionist, and Israeli. Happily, there are among the citizen groups of this country organizations which have nothing to do with this confusion. The confusion between the state of Israel – Zionist and supremacist – and its Jewish population is grossly misleading in that a significant part of this population, if it has only partially broken with Zionism, denounces the Netanyahu government and its judeo-fascist allies. [This is] a government that has deliberately sacrificed the hostages to engage in a genocidal operation in the Gaza strip and escalate ethnic cleansing in the West Bank.

Never has the Jewish population in Palestine been as threatened for its long-term existence as by this politics. But how does one dare to speak of this potential existential threat when the existential threat for the Palestinian people on Palestinian soil is here and now?

To respect the Jewish values of equality and dignity of all mankind, one life must value another life. To honor the victims of 7 October without having a minimum of empathy for the victims of Gaza is frighteningly violent and constitutes acquiescence to the genocide in course.

The utilization of the term ‘pogrom’ is inappropriate to describe the murders of civilians committed not against Jews as such but against colonizers and occupiers. The term resonates as a reminder of actions led before and during the destruction of the Jews of Europe, encouraged by Tsarism and the dictatorships of Central Europe. [This is] hardly comparable to the actions, if murderous, of a population enclosed for more than 15 years in a blockade by land, sea and air. Many of us experience the usage of this term as an insult to the memory of our families.

This demonstration claims to denounce antisemitism. We are unhappily obliged to note that the unqualified defense of a state that claims to act in the name of all the Jews of the world and practices ethnic cleansing, apartheid, and now genocide, can only provoke renewed antisemitism, putting in danger Jews everywhere around the world, summoned to be accomplices at the risk of being designated as traitors.

Combatting antisemitism is an urgent task, but in standing with all victims of racism, with all the racialized. This is what we are currently engaged in.

*****

Launch of the ‘European Jews for Palestine’ network, at the European Parliament 3 October 2024

The new European Jewish network, European Jews for Palestine (EJP) has been launched in the European Parliament at Brussels this Thursday 3 October 2024.

[Video of the meeting, 1 hr 22 mins, with English subtitles]

The event is a product of work by members of the new organization, as well as European Deputies, directors of European anti-racist organisations and Palestinian representatives.

This meeting coincides with the Jewish New Year (Rosh Hashanah).

“We mark this important moment in the Jewish calendar by a message of solidarity with the Palestinian people and a call to put an end to the genocide in Gaza and to Israel’s war crimes”, declared Gabi Kaplan, co-founder of the network and spokesperson for EJP.

EJP is a collective of more than 20 Jewish groups from fourteen European countries. These organizations, sharing the same opinions, met for the first time in March 2023 in Paris and officially established their European organization in September 2024. The event in the European Parliament on 3 October marks the first public appearance of the network.

The EJP network rejects “the ideology of Jewish supremacy of the Zionist state” and denounces “the cynical conflation of anti-Zionism and antisemitism”. The network advocates the “decoupling of Judaism from the colonialist doctrine of Zionism” and commits itself to promote “equal rights for all in historic Palestine, from the river to the sea”.

*****

These statements have been published on the website of the Union Juive Française pour la paix, 25 September 2024 and 4 October 2024, and have been translated by Evan Jones.FacebookTwitterReddit

The Union Juive Française pour la Paix was established in Paris in April 1994 during the commemoration of Passover. In 2002, the UJFP becomes a foundation member of European Jews for a Just Peace, successor to the International Jewish Peace union, created in 1982. From the UJFP’s charter: “The colonial character of Zionism has developed with the acceleration of the ‘judaisation’ of the totality of historic Palestine and of ethnic cleansing, [embodied in] the passage of the ‘Basic Law’ in July 2018]. The fate reserved to Gaza, open air prison, the war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by Israel can only revolt all those who defend human rights across the world.” Read other articles by French Jewish Union for Peace, or visit French Jewish Union for Peace's website.

Tuesday, August 20, 2024

The Corporate Power Brokers Behind AIPAC’s War on the Squad

An In These Times investigation reveals the individuals behind AIPAC’s election war chest: nearly 60% are CEOs and other top executives at the country’s largest corporations.




Branko Marcetic
June 3, 2024
Published in
June 2024

IN THESE TIMES

LONG READ 


On the eve of a high-profile Democratic primary in April, incumbent Rep. Summer Lee (D-Pa.) wasn’t giving a speech or knocking on doors.

She was at a Passover Seder.

The representative and members of her campaign team joined supporters and their families at a home in Pittsburgh’s historically Jewish Squirrel Hill neighborhood, the site of a deadly 2018 attack where 11 Jewish worshipers at the Tree of Life Congregation were murdered by a white supremacist.

At the Seder, as the U.S.-backed Israeli assault on Gaza raged in the background, Lee and her fellow peace activists reflected on the trying months since October 7, 2023. Organizers who criticized Israel’s brutal response to Hamas’ attack had been smeared as anti-Semitic and apologists for atrocities. Exhausted but optimistic, they spoke about creating a larger movement that would span race, class and age.

“It felt so palpable,” recalls Lauren Maunus, who was at the Seder. Maunus is the political director of IfNotNow, an American Jewish group opposed to Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. ​“What we’re trying to build,” Maunus says, ​“we are building in real time.”

Lee tells In These Times that the Seder felt like ​“a reclaiming of our movement.”

“There had been such an attempt to drive us, our communities, away from each other,” Lee says, ​“using our pain, our traumas, our oppression.”

The following night, Lee stepped up to a lectern to address cheering supporters as the first-term congresswoman beat her primary opponent by more than 20 points, with the race called less than 90 minutes after polls closed.

“It’s a good night,” Lee told the crowd, adding: ​“Last time, two years ago, if you were here and you remember, it was a longer night.”

Lee’s victory two years prior was a nailbiter. She saw a 25-point lead evaporate as the United Democracy Project — a Super PAC created during the 2021-2022 election cycle by the powerful American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) — poured $2.4 million into a deluge of attack ads in the final month. Lee squeaked out a win by just shy of 1,000 votes.

But the story of the two-year turnaround in Lee’s electoral fortunes is about more than one congresswoman’s career or one political contest. It is a tale about the intersection of the pro-Israel lobby and corporate, right-wing politics.

An In These Times analysis of the hundreds of people and organizations financing AIPAC’s push to elect conservative, pro-Israel Democrats shows the lobby’s electoral efforts are largely in line with the interests of Wall Street and other corporate actors — the same interests that have, for years, fought to maintain a status quo of free market fundamentalism.

Peace activists rally outside the New York offices of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee on February 22 to decry the lobby’s influence on U.S. politics.Selcuk Acar/Anadolu via Getty Images

It’s also a story about the progressive resistance to this onslaught of money poisoning American democracy, a pushback that may finally be weakening AIPAC’s influence.

By training its sights on left-wing members of Congress, AIPAC is setting up a battle not just over U.S. policy surrounding Israel and Palestine, but for the soul of the Democratic Party — and a progressive future.


A PARTY PROBLEM


Hardline supporters of the Israeli government were confident that the political fallout from October 7 would finally spell doom for the Squad, the group of diverse, Bernie Sanders-inspired left-wing members of Congress that includes Lee and fellow progressive Reps. Jamaal Bowman (D-N.Y.), Cori Bush (D-Mo.), Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass.), Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.), Greg Casar (D-Texas) and Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.). Members of the Squad had come under fire after calling for a cease-fire in Gaza, suggesting U.S. military funding to Israel should be conditional, and voting against a House resolution that backed Israel and blamed the rising Palestinian death toll solely on Hamas.

“This is a scarlet letter that far-left candidates will have to wear,” Democratic strategist Jake Dilemani told Jewish Insider at the time.

Mark Mellman, another Democratic strategist and one of the founders of Democratic Majority for Israel — a Super PAC that, like AIPAC’s United Democracy Project, was created to boost pro-Israel primary challengers against left-wing congressmembers — believed ​“the savagery of Hamas has moved the center of gravity in a pro-Israel direction.”

After October 7, United Democracy Project (UDP) began running digital ads against Lee and Bowman, maligning them for their refusal to back the singularly pro-Israel House resolution.

Eliding the fact that Lee and other Squad members had vocally condemned the Hamas attack, one such ad read: ​“Fourteen hundred Israelis slaughtered by Hamas. Women raped. Babies beheaded. Over 200 hostages. But Summer Lee was one of just 10 votes in Congress against condemning Hamas’ terrorism.”

Before long, Slate reported that AIPAC was expected to spend the gargantuan sum of $100 million during the 2023-24 cycle to unseat high-profile Israel critics in Congress, including Lee and other members of the Squad.

AIPAC wading into elections was nothing new. The lobby has been a powerful and influential force in U.S. politics for many years — and, according to James Zogby, co-founder and president of the Arab American Institute, ​“AIPAC coordinated the PACs that existed prior to dark money.” In such cases, Zogby explains, ​“These 15 PACs will give to this guy, and these 20 to that guy, and by the way, each one of these PACs has someone on their board who’s on AIPAC’s board of advisors.”

But the sheer scale of AIPAC’s spending — enabled by Supreme Court decisions that have unleashed the distorting influence of big money in elections — and the tactics being used are more recent developments. These pro-Israel groups now directly intervene in Democratic primary races, flooding the airwaves with negative ads maligning progressives in the eyes of loyal Democratic voters.

Former Ohio state senator and Sanders campaign surrogate Nina Turner was among the first targets of this strategy during her 2021 run for Congress. Much like Lee, Turner was the overwhelming favorite for an open blue congressional seat in northeast Ohio but saw a massive early lead vanish under a nearly $2 million avalanche of negative advertising by Democratic Majority for Israel that painted her as a disloyal extremist.

The ads funded by the pro-Israel lobby ​“kind of say the same thing: Here’s these radicals … who are scary, who are not aligned with President Biden,” explains Usamah Andrabi, communications director for Justice Democrats, a left-wing electoral organization.

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“They told me they didn’t recognize me anymore, that Palestinians have no rights [and] that if I didn’t ‘disavow’ the Squad, they were going to come at me with everything they had. And that is, in fact, what they did.”


Turner recalls a conversation with a former ally who does business in Cleveland: ​“They told me they didn’t recognize me anymore, that Palestinians have no rights [and] that if I didn’t ​‘disavow’ the Squad, they were going to come at me with everything they had. And that is, in fact, what they did.”

Since Turner lost that election, a spate of progressives have been ousted from their seats, including establishment-friendly politicians like former Democratic Reps. Donna Edwards in Maryland and Andy Levin in Michigan, whose sole offense appeared to be criticizing illegal Israeli settlements in the West Bank and supporting a two-state solution (both of which are stated positions of President Joe Biden and many mainstream Democrats).

Levin, who comes from one of the country’s most prominent political and Jewish families, lost his seat in 2022 after redistricting pitted him against another incumbent for the new, open seat. AIPAC put more than $4 million toward defeating him.

“We were buried by [that] avalanche,” Levin recalls.

Those backing Israel’s assault on Gaza now hope to deliver another bloody nose to the Left, in particular by defeating Bowman and Bush, the politically vulnerable duo that made up the Squad’s 2021 class and are also outspoken critics of the Israeli government. Bowman has referred to Israel as an ​“apartheid” state, while Bush has condemned what she calls ​“Israel’s ethnic cleansing campaign” and ​“atrocities against Palestinians.”

The most recent public polls (conducted by groups hostile to Squad members in March and February, respectively) show Bowman trailing his primary challenger George Latimer by 17 points, while Bush was trailing opponent Wesley Bell by 22 points. AIPAC’s PAC (a separate entity from UDP, its Super PAC) has already funneled $1.3 million to Latimer, in its largest total donation to any candidate this election cycle. The PAC also gave $555,000 to Bell.

In mid-May, UDP made its first expenditure on the Bowman-Latimer race in New York, spending $1.9 million to place ads charging that Bowman ​“has his own agenda” and ​“refuses to compromise, even with President Biden.” By the end of the month, that spending figure rose to nearly $8 million, the most the Super PAC has ever spent in a single race. At the same time, UDP poured roughly $240,000 into the Bush-Bell race in Missouri, a number that’s expected to grow significantly in the coming weeks.

Democratic operatives familiar with both races told The Intercept in May that AIPAC is forecast to spend more than $20 million against Bowman and Bush in each primary, including through negative ads funded by UDP. Neither AIPAC nor UDP responded to In These Times’ requests for comment.


Since fall 2022, some of those in the progressive wing of the Democratic Party have twice tried to ban Super PAC funding from primaries through a resolution to the Democratic National Committee. But the resolution was never even raised for debate, despite having 31 co-sponsors, including four state party chairs and two vice chairs. ​“When it comes down to it, they want the option to interfere in the primary elections if they feel that’s in the interest of the [party],” says former Nevada State Democratic Party Chair Judith Whitmer, who co-authored the resolution.

The impact of the party’s refusal to rein in outside spending has become apparent. As she competed for reelection this year, Lee apparently became a target of billionaire Jeff Yass, who put $800,000 into a group called Moderate PAC, which helped finance ads accusing Lee of ​“opposing President Biden” at a time when abortion rights and democracy are under threat from former President Donald Trump and Republicans in Congress.

The irony runs deep: Yass was not only reportedly invested in one of Trump’s companies, but he’s also a prolific funder of right-wing causes and the largest single campaign donor overall this cycle, with 99% of the more than $70 million he’s spent going to Republicans.


Protesters march near AIPAC headquarters in Washington D.C. in support of a free Palestine on March 13.Celal Gunes/Anadolu via Getty Images
“This may have been pioneered by AIPAC, but Big Pharma isn’t stupid, the tobacco industry isn’t stupid, the fossil fuel industry isn’t stupid. Why won’t they just say: ‘Great idea, AIPAC. Thank you very much. We will pick the nominee of both parties and that’ll be great for us to advance our interests.’”


“As a progressive and a Democrat, I don’t want to have Republicans coming in and picking nominees,” Levin says. ​“This may have been pioneered by AIPAC, but Big Pharma isn’t stupid, the tobacco industry isn’t stupid, the fossil fuel industry isn’t stupid. Why won’t they just say: ​‘Great idea, AIPAC. Thank you very much. We will pick the nominee of both parties and that’ll be great for us to advance our interests.’”

Or, as Bush recently explained to Politico, ​“AIPAC and their Republican mega donors are targeting Black and brown Democratic incumbents with the same right-wing playbook across the country.”

The data analyzed by In These Times shows these worries are not misplaced.


FIRE VS. THE SQUAD


An In These Times analysis found that the 528 individuals and corporations who gave to UDP between January 2023 and February 2024 are largely top-level executives from the finance and real estate industries, along with a smattering of billionaires and other members of the 1%. Nearly 60% of UDP donors are high-level executives, including CEOs and other corporate officers.

This dynamic is essentially flipped when it comes to those funding Squad members like Lee, Bowman and Bush, whose 2023-24 donor pool is made up of just 4% CEOs and other top executives, while 60% are non-executives.

The list of donors to UDP includes dozens of current or former AIPAC officials, indicating their passion to maintain unconditional U.S. support for Israel. But a deeper look into the backgrounds of those funding the Super PAC suggests that foreign policy isn’t their sole motivation.

“It’s not just their personal pro-Israel interests that they’re advancing,” says Charlie Blaettler, senior campaign strategist at the progressive Working Families Party, which has supported several electoral campaigns of Squad members. ​“A lot of folks are also advancing their own professional and business interests with these donations.”

Many of the donors to UDP are true blue Democrats — donors like the Hillary Clinton-superfan Haim Saban (whose company once produced the Power Rangers franchise) and former Blackstone Senior Managing Director Steve Zelin (who backed the 2020 presidential campaigns of Kamala Harris, Pete Buttigieg and Joe Biden).

But UDP’s single biggest donor is Jan Koum, the multibillionaire former CEO of WhatsApp and prolific Republican donor. He has also been a major funder of groups like Friends of Ir David and the Central Fund of Israel, which fund and support illegal Israeli settlements. Koum’s propensity for sharing pro-Trump and anti-immigration stories from outlets like Breitbart and Fox News made news in 2018.


Design by Rachel K Dooley
Nearly 60% of UDP donors are high-level executives, including CEOs and other corporate officers.


UDP’s heavy reliance on right-wing (even hard-right) oligarchs comes into stark relief when looking at its most elite donors. As of February, 43 individuals and corporations had given $200,000 or more each to UDP this cycle, accounting for $25.5 million, or 55% of total contributions. Of those, 26% are either primarily Republican donors or Trump donors (or both). Trump donors include the Kraft Group, helmed by billionaire Robert Kraft (the New England Patriots owner whose friendship with Trump goes back decades), as well as billionaire Bernie Marcus (the co-founder and former CEO of The Home Depot, who has promised to keep financing Trump’s presidential bid even if the Republican nominee ends up behind bars).

AIPAC itself has become increasingly aligned with far-right politicians. The lobby has notoriously endorsed hundreds of anti-abortion candidates and election deniers since 2021, including recent Republican gubernatorial nominee Mark Robinson in North Carolina, who has a long history of Holocaust denial and anti-Semitic comments.

“Big money interests are always on the hunt for elected officials that will do their bidding,” Turner explains. ​“Behind the curtain though, these groups could care less about the Democratic Party itself or the people who live in my district who need clean water, housing and jobs.”

Nearly half of UDP’s donors work in what’s collectively known as the FIRE sector — finance, insurance and real estate. WinnCompanies, for example, founded by Arthur Winn, is a member of the National Multifamily Housing Council, a powerful landlord and rental housing trade association. It was part of an industry coalition that lobbied Biden in June 2021 to end the pandemic-era eviction moratorium, a moratorium vocally backed by members of the Squad and successfully extended (albeit temporarily) thanks in large part to the efforts of Bush, who spent four days sleeping on the steps of Capitol Hill to pressure the White House to prolong the policy.

Squad members have also been highly critical of the private equity industry — a subset of the finance sector heavily represented among UDP donors — for, among other things, driving up housing costs.

Private equity was, along with a broad crosssection of Wall Street and corporate America, also a fierce opponent of Build Back Better, the $2.2 trillion social spending bill proposed by Biden and championed by Squad members and other progressives. At least a dozen UDP donors, including billionaire Paul Singer, are top executives at firms that are members or directors of the trade group American Investment Council, which fought Build Back Better to its death over the legislation’s tax increases on corporations and executives.

The failure of Build Back Better also came in large part because of the opposition of Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (then D-Ariz.), who ​“would do nothing at all on carried interest, so we’re just stuck on that,” according to one Democratic staffer complaining to Mother Jones. Sinema, long a magnet for finance sector cash, was also on the receiving end of the generosity of numerous UDP donors as she gummed up the works for what was supposed to be Biden’s signature piece of domestic legislation. One such donation, of $5,800, was sent to Sinema in September 2021 — the exact time she was actively working to block Build Back Better — from billionaire Trump donor Marc Rowan, whose firm Apollo Global Management is represented on the board of the American Investment Council.


Design by Rachel K Dooley


WIZARD OF OZ POWER


AIPAC’s recent big money onslaught isn’t just about defeating a handful of left-wing lawmakers; it appears to be in service of cultivating an aura of invincibility and enhancing AIPAC’s fearsome reputation as the one lobby you don’t dare cross on Capitol Hill.

“I’ve worked on campaigns where the candidate will say, ​‘I’d like to stay with you guys, but they’re threatening to spend this much money against me and I can’t do it, so I’m going to retract the statement that I made,’” Zogby says.

Geoff Simpson, campaigns director for Justice Democrats, says potential attacks and spending from AIPAC are ​“always one of the first things on candidates’ minds.”

“There’s been at least a dozen conversations with candidates or prospective candidates where AIPAC is one of the first things brought up,” Simpson adds.

Andrabi notes that, recently, the message from some members of Congress is that ​“what’s going on in Palestine is awful … I would call for a cease-fire, but I just can’t risk an AIPAC primary.”

It’s a reputation AIPAC works hard to broadcast, posting a nearly 100% success rate. On X (formerly Twitter) this April, AIPAC announced that all of its endorsements in Pennsylvania came out on top.

But AIPAC also makes strategic choices to maintain that reputation — which suggests the lobby isn’t quite so unbeatable.

As Andrabi explains: ​“They’re desperate to spend money in races, even if it doesn’t really matter or it’s not that effectual, and then claim victory immediately.”

Jewish Insider noted early in the campaign cycle that a ​“sizeable majority” of AIPAC’s list of House endorsees were running for seats that the Cook Political Report rated as far from competitive. In Pennsylvania, all but one of the 13 candidates AIPAC endorsed this cycle ran unopposed in their primaries, and Cook rated seven as uncompetitive in the general election, with only two rated as toss-ups.

Most tellingly, AIPAC only ensured its flawless record in Pennsylvania by eventually deciding not to contest the Lee race, despite having attempted to find a challenger to bankroll.

Lee’s opponent received neither the lobby’s endorsement nor the benefit of UDP’s outside spending. It was a curious move for an entity marshaling astronomical amounts to spend Israel critics out of existence, especially since Lee has accused Israel of carrying out ​“war crimes” and has backed cutting off military aid to the country.

“We know of four or five people AIPAC asked to run against Summer [Lee] in Pittsburgh who told them no, because they didn’t think that Summer was beatable,” Simpson says. The sum AIPAC was discussing putting toward the race, Simpson adds, was between $10 and $20 million.

“To be clear, AIPAC lost because they couldn’t win,” Lee says.

design by rachel k dooley


“To be clear, AIPAC lost because they couldn’t win,” Lee says.

A further examination of the electoral landscape reveals this race was just one of several high-profile failures for AIPAC this cycle so far.

In March, AIPAC fell flat on its face in an early test of its power to shape Democratic primaries after the establishment-friendly Dave Min prevailed in the Democratic primary for Rep. Katie Porter’s seat in Orange County, Calif. UDP ran $4.6 million worth of attack ads against Min, whose pro-Israel stance is tempered with only mild criticism. He won by six points anyway.

In Michigan, two people came forward in November 2023 alleging they had been offered $20 million to run against Squad member Rashida Tlaib. Both refused, even though Tlaib’s controversies since October 7 — including censure by the House for refusing to denounce the phrase ​“From the river to the sea” — should have made her an easy target, at least by AIPAC’s logic.

“I didn’t intend for a private phone call to turn public. But now that it has, here’s the truth. One of AIPAC’s biggest donors offered $20m if I dropped out of the U.S. Senate race to run against @RashidaTlaib. I said no. I won’t be bossed, bullied, or bought,” Hill Harper tweeted on November 22, 2023.

A spokesperson for AIPAC told Politico that they were not involved in the exchange with Harper. Five days later, Nasser Beydoun tweeted that he also ​“was offered $20 million to withdraw from the senatorial race and to run against my friend @rashidatlaib.”

The lobby appears to, at least so far, be staying away from the race.

Still, AIPAC has had a major impact when it chooses to spend. To the extent progressives have neutralized its influence, it’s been the result of deliberate, strategic efforts. Lee’s win, for instance, wasn’t just a matter of the politics around Israel changing at home; she was propelled into office as part of a progressive electoral wave that has reshaped Pittsburgh politics.

“It’s a situation where … if you’re going to run against Summer [Lee], you’re crossing Summer, but you’re also crossing Mayor Ed Gainey, the County Executive Sara Innamorato, and SEIU Healthcare, which has proven one of the biggest power players locally in Pittsburgh and across the state,” Simpson says.

And, he adds, Lee and her team have focused on continuing to provide effective constituent services while delivering money to her district. They boast, for example, of helping deliver $1 billion of federal money to western Pennsylvania for projects ranging from infrastructure repairs and affordable housing to clean energy manufacturing and lead removal.

“We help the constituents with their passports and their Social Security and Medicare,” says Wasi Mohamed, Lee’s chief of staff. ​“There’s a lot of this work that people don’t see.”

As a result, Lee blunted the emergence of a viable challenger while winning the endorsement of not just progressives but AIPAC-backed centrists — including Pennsylvania Sens. Bob Casey and John Fetterman, who has emerged as an unapologetic supporter of Israel’s devastating assault on Palestinians.

“They polled extensively in this district,” Lee says of AIPAC, ​“and last I heard, polls are not free, nor are they cheap.”

“It’s sort of like The Wizard of Oz,” Zogby says. “Pull back the curtain and what you see is a pretty sordid mess: a little guy at a computer grinding out hostile ads. They know that Israel is not a winning issue."


By contrast, Bowman and Bush entered the political scene by emulating insurgents like Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez and unseating longstanding congressional incumbents, leapfrogging the process of moving up through local and state levels. That left them without the level of local party support Lee earned. And, unlike Lee, the two most vulnerable Squad members have also been tagged with scandals that pre-dated October 7. Bowman has been harangued in the press over his congressional censure after setting off a fire alarm in the middle of a House session in September 2023 (allegedly to delay proceedings, an accusation he has denied), while Bush has been fending off attacks over the alleged misuse of campaign funds for security services (accusations she calls ​“simply false”).

According to Zogby, the threat of an AIPAC-funded challenge is intended to coax members of Congress away from the type of brazen progressive positions advocated by Bowman and Bush.

“It’s sort of like The Wizard of Oz,” Zogby says. ​“Pull back the curtain and what you see is a pretty sordid mess: a little guy at a computer grinding out hostile ads. They know that Israel is not a winning issue. … They want to hide their own fear and project the omnipotence and power — ​‘We can’t be bucked, we can’t be beat, so you ought to come on board.’ Unfortunately, all too many members do that.”

In early April, Bowman echoed this sentiment in a #ProtectTheSquad livestream event organized in part by Justice Democrats, saying that AIPAC and Democratic Majority for Israel cast a ​“paper-tiger Wizard of Oz power.” Determined, Bowman added: ​“We are gonna take down AIPAC this election cycle.”


Rep. Jamaal Bowman (D-N.Y.), who has called for a cease-fire in Gaza, speaks at a news conference with Rabbis for Ceasefire and other members of the Squad. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee is making efforts to unseat the incumbent.MANDEL NGAN/AFP via Getty Images


REJECT AIPAC


Far from wilting in the face of these attacks, progressives are trying something new. In March, a group of more than 20 progressive organizations — including IfNotNow, Jewish Voice for Peace Action, the Working Families Party and Justice Democrats — announced the formation of Reject AIPAC. The organization pledged to put forward a ​“seven-figure electoral defense campaign” to defend AIPAC’s targets in Congress and launch its own lobbying campaign to counterbalance AIPAC’s influence on Capitol Hill, pressuring Democrats to reject an AIPAC endorsement.

The coalition started coming together after AIPAC’s involvement in the 2022 election cycle. Over the following year, a core group of organizers researched, polled and discussed what the effort could look like, while bringing in more coalition members. The effort found new urgency in the aftermath of October 7 and AIPAC’s renewed focus on progressives.

“It’s taken months and months to get together,” says Andrabi. ​“What accelerated it most definitely was the Israeli military’s horrifying assault on the Palestinian people.”

Meanwhile, the Israel lobby’s post-October 7 escalation against the Left, coupled with the Biden administration’s stubborn support for Israel’s assault on Gaza, has had a galvanizing effect on grassroots support for progressives, particularly from Muslim and Arab Americans intent on proving that being pro-Palestinian isn’t a political liability. Muslim donors angry about the Democratic response to Gaza ​“have stepped up in a major, major way for our candidates,” Simpson says.

“There’s always been a Palestinian solidarity movement, but not one that is also looking on the electoral track,” says activist and author Linda Sarsour, who helped organize the Reject AIPAC coalition. ​“The Biden administration’s unequivocal support of Israel has forced Muslim Americans to think to themselves, ​‘We have money, we have voters in swing states — why do we not have any influence?’”

Sure enough, many in the Squad saw their quarterly fund-raising totals more than double in the period after the violence broke out in Gaza. Ilhan Omar, a favorite target of the Israel-at-all-costs camp, saw a nearly fourfold rise in her fundraising haul in the final quarter of 2023, while going into the primary, Lee also raised many times more than the amount she had before October. Tlaib’s nearly $3.7 million total that was raised between October 1, 2023, and December 31, 2023, made up 80% of what she raised for the entire cycle, despite the manufactured controversy swirling around her.

“Our No. 1 volunteers were people who said, ‘I’m knocking on a thousand doors because you stood up for justice when it was hard,’” Mohamed says. “That, to me, was the story of this whole election.”


And it wasn’t just fundraising; ground game support also surged. ​“Our No. 1 volunteers were people who said, ​‘I’m knocking on a thousand doors because you stood up for justice when it was hard,’” Mohamed says. ​“That, to me, was the story of this whole election.”

All Squad members, as well as Squad-affiliated progressive Maxwell Frost (D-Fla.), have vocally supported a ceasefire in Gaza since October. Another progressive freshman associated with the group, Rep. Becca Balint (D-Vt.), joined the call a month later. All were more recently part of the historic 37 Democrats to vote against sending $17 billion in weapons to Israel, and they also voted against the key rule-change cooked up by GOP leadership to get the bill passed through the House. The participation of Frost and Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas) is especially notable: Both drew criticism two years ago for centrist positions on Israel that they apparently took to head off an AIPAC-funded challenge, and had declined to join Squad members in voting against the House’s pro-Israel resolution last October. (Reached for comment, Casar said, ​“So much has changed since 2022, but I’ve always tried to work toward the safety and freedom of Palestinians and Israelis alike with a focus on human rights.”)

“It’s the movements that they’re a part of,” says Sarsour. ​“These people are responding to the moment that we live in. They’re watching organizing happening all across the country, they’re watching mass mobilization.”

Indeed, critique of Israel and opposition to unconditional U.S. military support is quickly becoming more common within the Democratic Party, as much of the U.S. public has shifted its views to align more closely with the Squad.

Polls show majorities of Americans now support putting various conditions on U.S. military aid to Israel — only five years after Ocasio-Cortez was denounced for simply suggesting that cutting such aid ​“can be discussed.”



THE LONG GAME


Just as the targeting of progressives by UDP donors is about more than Israel, the progressive fightback is, too. ​“I was working for the Sunrise Movement during Andy Levin’s election and I saw these dynamics very clearly threatening the prospects of climate policy,” says Maunus. All the candidates Sunrise supported were under threat by AIPAC, he recalls, ​“because they’re also the candidates that understand the realities in Palestine [and] are criticizing Israel.” Maunus would become central to forming the Reject AIPAC coalition.

Lee notes that ​“AIPAC and its donors are blatant in their actual agenda, [which] is less Israel and Palestine, and more how to keep the Democratic Party from being a party that reflects the interests of marginalized people, of working-class people, of labor, of our environment and of those who are desperate for Medicare for All.”

This resistance to AIPAC’s onslaught and this fight, progressives warn, will last more than a single election cycle, and it will likely see defeats along the way. But its impact is already clear in AIPAC’s inability to unseat Lee and recruit a viable candidate to challenge Tlaib, among other ways.

Simpson says that sometime between six months and a year ago ​“people were writing that the whole Squad was in danger and were going to get wiped out, and now it’s really narrowed to Jamaal [Bowman] and Cori [Bush].” Reflecting on their power and strategy, Turner says the movement has ​“got to play the long game.” She emphasizes: ​“AIPAC has been doing this for decades.”



One part of that long game may look like an aspect of Lee’s campaign, when volunteers were knocking on doors this spring, days before Lee broke matzah at the Seder in Squirrel Hill. Door after door, Lee’s volunteers didn’t just speak to voters about her reelection but engaged in the kind of difficult conversations around the assault on Gaza that have been the source of such bitter division in U.S. society since October 7.

Those conversations did not include just Jewish voters, but Muslim and Arab American communities, along with progressives who feel abandoned by the Democratic Party but remain determined to transform it — in part by planting the seeds of a new coalition capable of beating back the big money interests that further corrode democracy each and every election cycle.

“We have to go and talk to some people who maybe are not inclined to naturally come to us, or have fallen off because of the use of certain issues as wedges against progressives and people of color,” Lee says. ​“Campaigns are not just a vehicle to win elections. They’re also vehicles to drive and create and sustain community.”


Research and fact-checking provided by Riley Roliff, Imani Sumbi, Andrew Ancheta, Eloise Goldsmith, Joshua Mei, Thomas Birmingham and Skyler Aikerson.

Thursday, June 06, 2024

 

God in Things and People: Commodity Fetishism and the Eucharist





The Eucharist is many things, not least of which is a profound reflection on and practice of the relationship of humans and God to the material world. Catholics in recent decades have not been particularly good at spelling out those connections. There tends to be a divide in parishes between the devotees of Eucharistic adoration on the one hand, and the social justice committee on the other.

For a certain kind of Catholic, the point of the Eucharist is transcendence of the material world, an evacuation of the substance, the breadness of bread and the wineness of wine, and its replacement with Christ. The Eucharist is a miraculous portal for the individual soul to achieve spiritual oneness with God despite the person’s material circumstances. For another kind of Catholic, this sounds like escapism; Eucharistic piety, if it is to be relevant, must be translated into a symbol for more pressing ethical concerns. The first type of Catholic suspects the second of secularizing the Eucharist, reducing it to mere worldly concerns. The second type of Catholic suspects the first of collusion with injustice, fiddling while the world burns.

What I hope to do in what follows is to present a view of the Eucharist that is simultaneously transcendent and deeply implicated in the material world, that both worships the real presence of Christ in the elements and is directly relevant to the day-to-day realities of our economic system. I will do so by addressing the fetishism of commodities, that is, the investing of material things with transcendent powers.

Commodity fetishism is a critique of the deification of material things in our current economic system; it is famously associated with Karl Marx, but I will argue that it is a theme also found, at least implicitly, in Catholic Social Teaching. But the investment of divinity in the material is also precisely what is at stake in the Eucharist. So I want to explore the possibility that the Eucharist provides a better practice of God in things that can help heal the distortions produced by commodity fetishism.

I will begin by exploring the theme of commodity fetishism, both in Marx and in Catholic Social Teaching. I will then turn to sacramental theology and suggest that a worthy practice of the Eucharist can help restore the fractured relationships between and among people, the material world, and God.

I. The Fetishism of Commodities

We misunderstand Marx’s famous idea of commodity fetishism if we think of it as a manifestation of materialism, a consumer society’s obsession with things and the favoring of the material over the spiritual. According to Marx, commodity fetishism is the opposite of materialism. In a capitalist economy, he writes, things have double lives; a table can be used to write on or it can be exchanged in a market for money. As a commodity in the market, what matters is not what it can be used for, but its exchange value, how much money it can fetch. Its materiality is transcended: “as soon as it emerges as a commodity, it changes into a thing which transcends sensuousness.”[1]

To grasp what Marx is saying here, think about when farmers dump milk or the government stores cheese in warehouses in order to support the price of dairy. What matters is not the material nourishment that these products could give to hungry people; what matters is their exchange value. A commodity, then, is dematerialized by the market; it is “a very strange thing, abounding in metaphysical subtleties and theological niceties.”[2]

Besides a product’s use value, the other thing hidden by the market is the labor that went into its production. The social relationships among human beings that go into the production of things—who is laboring for whom, under what conditions, and for what pay—are all hidden. All we see are the products that enter into relationships of exchange with one another and with consumers.

It is nothing but the definite social relation between men themselves which assumes here, for them, the fantastic form of a relation between things. In order, therefore, to find an analogy we must take flight into the misty realm of religion. There the products of the human brain appear as autonomous figures endowed with a life of their own, which enter into relations both with each other and with the human race. So it is in the world of commodities with the products of men’s hands. I call this the fetishism which attaches itself to the products of labor as soon as they are produced as commodities.[3]

By “fetishism” Marx does not simply mean the way people obsess about material things. He is using a term first pejoratively applied by Portuguese colonizers to describe the way small wooden figures or amulets were invested with divine powers by certain African peoples, as if the rosaries and scapulars carried by the Portuguese had nothing in common with such items. Marx uses the term to describe the way that capitalism invests powers in material items that appear to give them an agency beyond human control. The actual humans that make the items, at the same time, are subjected to market forces. “Commodities, in short, appear as the purchasers of persons. It is not the worker who buys the means of production and subsistence, but the means of production that buy the worker to incorporate him into the means of production.”[4] Marx calls this “the conversion of things into persons and the conversion of persons into things.”[5] It is what Alexandra Dobra calls the symmetrical deification of commodities and reification of human beings.[6] This exchange is central to Marx’s analysis of alienation.

Marx wrote before the full emergence of a consumer society, and well before the appearance of online shopping, but what he is writing about here can be illustrated by the dominance of Amazon. When one shops on Amazon, all one sees are pictures of products, with prices and reviews. Entirely absent are the human beings that make the products and any information about where they work, how the materials that went into the product are sourced, how much workers are paid, how they are treated, the environmental consequences of the process of production and distribution, and so on. Human beings have been eliminated from our view. All we see are products. With one click, they can be summoned to appear on our doorstep—abracadabra!—without having any contact, even virtually, with another human person. The Amazon packages mysteriously arrive at our doorsteps wearing a smile; on the Amazon commercials, they sing and dance. Things, as Marx says, have been converted into persons.

This process takes flight in the late nineteenth century. Until the Industrial Revolution, people made most of the things they owned or knew the person who made them. Even after the shift to a cash economy, stores sold generic goods, oats from a barrel, chairs and shirts without names. Only in the 1880s did branded and packaged items start to replace locally produced bulk items. The Quaker Oats man appears in 1888, and from then on products take on personality and life: Tony the Tiger, Kylie Jenner, the iconic Oscar Mayer ad (“My baloney has a first name”). There is an extensive scholarly literature exploring brand personality, animism, anthropomorphism, and fetishism in consumer products. But why is this the case? Why does my baloney have a first name? Anthropologists and economic historians think that once products were disembedded from social relationships—once we no longer knew the producer or the shopkeeper—advertising encouraged us to develop relationships with brands.[7] The human need for relationships would be transferred to things in order to better sell products. We are meant to relate to the commodities; this has the added advantage of dampening our curiosity about the people who make and deliver commodities to us.

If we peek behind the curtain of the consumer economy, however, we will see that the people are still there, despite all the efforts to make them disappear. Globalization has moved much manufacturing overseas, far from our view. Transnational corporations seek places where they can pay the least and be free from labor and environmental regulations. As of 2021, the minimum wage for garment workers in Sri Lanka was $54 per month, about an eighth of the estimated living wage in that country. Outsourcing means that even the corporations that brand and sell the products often do not have direct oversight or knowledge of the manufacturing process. This is a feature and not a bug in the system; many corporations have deliberately distanced themselves from responsibility for working conditions and environmental impacts. Rivers in Bangladesh and China have turned black, red, and blue from the garment industry’s waste, one environmental cost of our colorful wardrobes.[8] The environmental cost of growing and harvesting and mining the materials used in manufacturing are often even worse, but they too remain largely invisible to the consumer in the global North.

We need not go that far from home to understand the hidden nature of labor in our consumer economy. Here, even the minimal human contact involved in buying items at a store has been greatly diminished by the surge in online shopping. Thousands of stores and other small businesses have gone out of business or been forced to sell through Amazon Marketplace, thus surrendering a significant portion of their profits to a company that is not only a disproportionately large actor in the market, but actually owns the market. In an Amazon warehouse, unlike in a store, there is no downtime, no waiting for customers to come, no chitchat with co-workers or customers.

Amazon “fulfillment center” workers are monitored by handheld scanners: nineteen seconds to pick the next item four aisles over. Bathroom breaks and other drags on productivity are monitored and punished. Injury rates and turnover at Amazon warehouses are twice the industry average. A third of Amazon workers qualify for SNAP food assistance. In 2020—a year when Jeff Bezos’ net worth increased by $67 billion dollars, or $183 million dollars per day—Amazon reported its workers’ median annual salary was $28,848, meaning half its workers earned less. According to an extensive series of reports in the New York Times in 2021, human resources at Amazon are highly automated, with humans absent from most decisions to hire, manage, discipline, and fire workers.[9] People are both supervised by and treated like robots. According to James Bloodworth, who worked at an Amazon fulfillment center, “It was all obsessed with productivity. People were told off for taking five minutes to go to the bathroom. They started treating human beings as robots, essentially. If it proves cheaper to replace humans with machines, I assume they will do that.”[10]

All of this, I hope, will put flesh on the twin notion of the conversion of things into people and people into things. This is not only Marx’s concern but I think also captures a central dynamic in Catholic Social Teaching. Marx himself uses biblical language, identifying capital both with the Beast of the book of Revelation, and with Moloch, the Canaanite god associated in both the Old and New Testaments with child sacrifice. The idea in Marx that inanimate objects come alive by taking life from us is found first in the Bible’s critique of idolatry. In Isaiah 6, those who craft idols out of wood and stone become as deaf and dumb and mute as their creations, though they imagine that their creations take on life.

In Isaiah 44, a man uses half a block of wood to cook his dinner and the other half to make an idol, to which he bows down and pleads, “Save me, for you are my god!” Though he imagines that the idol lives, in fact it drains life from him. The narrator comments, “All who make idols are nothing, and the things they delight in do not profit.” Likewise, Psalm 135 says “The idols of the nations are silver and gold, the work of human hands. They have mouths, but they do not speak, they have eyes, but they do not see. . . . Those who make them and all who trust them shall become like them.” The attribution of life to inanimate objects steals life from the humans who make them or trust in them.

Pope Benedict XVI refers to this exchange in his commentary on Psalm 135, adding, “This description of idolatry as false religion clearly conveys man's eternal temptation to seek salvation in the ‘work of his hands,’ placing hope in riches, power, in success and material things.”[11] In Centesimus Annus, Pope John Paul II warns of the “‘idolatry’ of the market, an idolatry which ignores the existence of goods which by their nature are not and cannot be mere commodities.”[12] No pope has been more insistent than Pope Francis on critiquing the investment of divinity into material things. His first encyclical Lumen Fidei makes clear that abandoning belief in God does not mean abandoning belief, but rather the proliferation of gods, “an aimless passing from one lord to another . . . Those who choose not to put their trust in God must hear the din of countless idols crying out: ‘Put your trust in me!’”[13] Francis frequently uses language of idolatry when he talks about the current economic system, decrying the “idols of profit and consumption”[14] and “the road of covetousness, which ends in idolatry.”[15] We are subject to an “idol called money,” or to “this god-money.”[16] Our economic system, in Francis’s thought, is not secular; in Evangelii Gaudium, Francis refers to a “deified market”[17] and “the sacralized workings of the prevailing economic system.”[18]

We have created new idols. The worship of the ancient golden calf (cf. Ex 32:1–35) has returned in a new and ruthless guise in the idolatry of money and the dictatorship of an impersonal economy lacking a truly human purpose. The worldwide crisis affecting finance and the economy lays bare their imbalances and, above all, their lack of real concern for human beings; man is reduced to one of his needs alone: consumption.[19]

The animation of material things and their elevation to the status of divinities is accompanied necessarily by the degradation of the human person to the status of a thing. The death of human beings is what gives life to these new gods. Francis denounces the “economic model which is idolatrous, which needs to sacrifice human lives on the altar of money and profit.”[20]

This language of idolatry and deification of material things is powerful for several interrelated reasons. First, it makes clear that the problem is not materialism as such, not the rejection of the spiritual for the material. A consumer culture instead transfers a kind of spirituality to the material; there is a migration of the holy in which people seek transcendence in material things. Second, the language of deification is also useful because it makes clear that the problem is not simply people having bad values or being selfish; the problem is rather more systemic. The entire system has been arranged so that relations of production are hidden, and consumption is centered. We spend our days immersed in marketing, building relationships with brands and products because labor has been disappeared (to use an expression coined in Latin America to describe human rights abuses under military regimes). We are subjected to this system as to a god to whose will we must submit.

In a world in which there are huge and growing inequalities between the owners of capital and the rest of humanity, however, the sense in which people are subject to this new god admits of wide variations. For consumers with money to spend, there is a sense of alienation. In Centesimus Annus, while rejecting Marxism, John Paul II acknowledged that Marx’s theme of alienation is indeed a reality in Western countries. “This happens in consumerism, when people are ensnared in a web of false and superficial gratifications rather than being helped to experience their personhood in an authentic and concrete way.”[21] Personhood is a central theme for John Paul II; a person has dignity not because they have autonomy (as in Kant) nor because they have money (which is the situation today de facto), but because they are capable of loving and being loved, by God and by other persons.

Before he became pope, Karol Wojtyla defined the norm of personalism in this way: “the person is a good towards which the only proper and adequate attitude is love.”[22] A person who relates to things rather than to people has lost some of their humanity. Pope Francis referred to this depersonalization in a speech to economists and financiers, in which he compared being a cog in the economic system to being passed through an “organizational still” such as that for making grappa. Just as what results is no longer wine, the person “passes through this still and ends up . . . losing humanity and becoming an instrument of the system, the social system, economic system, a system where imbalance reigns . . . And when humanity is not at the center, another thing is at the center and [the human person] is at the service of this other thing.”[23]

However, Pope Francis’s main concern is not managers or consumers with money but the people who are excluded from sharing in economic abundance. The “throwaway culture” is a theme to which Francis often returns; it is a central metaphor that refers to trashing the earth’s resources but also and especially the discarding of people. The metaphor captures the treatment of persons as things, “to treat others as mere objects.” For Francis the throwaway of human beings can refer to the exploitation of labor for profit, but also refers to the premature death of millions of poor people,[24] to the status of migrants,[25] to forced labor,[26] to racism,[27] to abortion,[28] and a host of other economic and social problems. In Evangelii Gaudium, Francis writes, “Human beings are themselves considered consumer goods to be used and then discarded. We have created a ‘throw away’ culture which is now spreading.”[29] He continues on to say, “It is no longer simply about exploitation and oppression, but something new.”

Francis has expanded the category beyond Marx; the excluded are not only the exploited, but the outcast. In other words, the only thing worse for many people than having a job in a sweatshop is not having a job in a sweatshop. Robotics and artificial intelligence are making increasing numbers of people redundant.[30] When the ideal is more consumption and less work, the reality is a small inner circle of consumers and their commodities, and a vast expanse of discarded humanity whose labor is not even necessary anymore.

II. The Eucharist

So far we have examined the interrelated deification of things and reification of people in the contemporary economy. Now I want to suggest that the Eucharist offers resources for countering both these dynamics. It should be said that Catholic Social Teaching has not been very good at making this connection explicit. Outside of Solicitudo Rei Socialis[31] and Laudato Si’, there is not a single reference to the Eucharist in any encyclical customarily considered a social encyclical.

A. Healing the Deification of Things

One possible response to the deification of things would be to separate God from things, the spiritual from the material, and opt for the former. If this is the goal, the Eucharist is counter-productive, because it makes a radical identification of materiality with God, the claim that this particular bread and wine actually become Christ, “body, blood, soul, and divinity.”[32] If fetishization is the investment of divinity into material form, the Eucharist would seem to qualify, which would explain the insistence in some Christian traditions that the Eucharist is only a symbol. Charles Taylor and others have traced the advent of secularization to certain attacks of the Reformers on the materialization of God as a kind of idolatry.[33] Catholics have insisted, on the other hand, that the Eucharist is not the degradation of God but the elevation of the material from mere matter to a sacramental portal to the divine. At the same time, a sacramental view prohibits treating things as divine, because a true sacrament is not an end in itself, but points beyond itself to God.

The Eucharist is a participation in the Incarnation and is therefore certainly an elevation of matter. As John Paul II writes, “The Word who became flesh imbues matter with a saving potential which is fully manifest in the sacraments.”[34] The elevation of matter is not for its own sake, however, but rather for the restoration of right relationships of people to God, to other people, and to the created order. John Paul II continues, “To those who seek a truly meaningful relationship with themselves and with the cosmos, so often disfigured by selfishness and greed, the liturgy reveals the way to the harmony of the new [person], and invites [them] to respect the Eucharistic potential of the created world. That world is destined to be assumed in the Eucharist of the Lord, in his Passover, present in the sacrifice of the altar.”[35] This phrase “the Eucharistic potential of the created world” indicates that not all material things are rightly ordered, but they have the potential of being brought into relationships that so order them.

Commodity fetishism, as we have seen, extracts commodities from their context in God’s created order and in the social relationships of production. The Eucharist, in contrast, is meant to offer both “the fruit of the vine and the work of human hands” as a sacrifice of praise to God. So, as Joseph Ratzinger has written, “The elements of the earth are transubstantiated, pulled, so to speak from their creaturely anchorage, grasped at the deepest ground of their being, and changed into the Body and Blood of the Lord. The New Heaven and the New Earth are anticipated.”[36] But it is not only the elements of the earth, what we call “nature,” but human work and human society that is elevated in the Eucharist. As Benedict XVI also writes,

To develop a profound eucharistic spirituality that is also capable of significantly affecting the fabric of society, the Christian people, in giving thanks to God through the Eucharist, should be conscious that they do so in the name of all creation, aspiring to the sanctification of the world and working intensely to that end. The Eucharist itself powerfully illuminates human history and the whole cosmos. In this sacramental perspective we learn, day by day, that every ecclesial event is a kind of sign by which God makes himself known and challenges us. The eucharistic form of life can thus help foster a real change in the way we approach history and the world.[37]

The popes have been critical of both the idolatry of material things—their investment with divinity—and the reduction of matter to “something indifferent, raw material to be utilized simply as we see fit.”[38] Pope Francis’ Laudato Si’ seeks the antidote to both in a kind of prayerful contemplation in which, as the title of the encyclical indicates, God is praised in and through God’s creation. Material creation is neither an end in itself, nor dead matter to be used to feed the self’s desires; we are rather to see the beauty of the divine pulsing in the creation God has made.

As Francis writes in Laudato Si’, “The universe unfolds in God, who fills it completely. Hence, there is a mystical meaning to be found in a leaf, in a mountain trail, in a dewdrop, in a poor person’s face. The ideal is not only to pass from the exterior to the interior to discover the action of God in the soul, but also to discover God in all things.”[39] Note the refusal here to separate nature from humanity, the leaf from the poor person. Francis further emphasizes that “it is in the Eucharist that all that has been created finds its greatest exaltation.”[40] The Eucharist is an anticipation of the sanctification of all matter, a time when all of creation, both animate and inanimate things, are brought into harmony with one another and with God. Francis continues, “In the Eucharist, fullness is already achieved; it is the living center of the universe, the overflowing core of love and of inexhaustible life.”[41]

The danger of this sacramental view of the world is that it can remain a mere aesthetics—look at all the pretty flowers!—a luxury that many people do not enjoy and a distraction from the ugliness of poverty, exploitation, and exclusion. This is why Francis refuses to separate human ecology from natural ecology.[42] In Laudato Si’, Francis uses the term “integral ecology” to show that care for the earth cannot be separated from care for the human person. The throwaway culture that is trashing the earth is the same culture that is discarding human persons, and the only way to restore the earth is also to heal the distorted human desires that lead to exploitation and exclusion. We must not pit a human-centered approach against an earth-centered approach; the only healing approach is a God-centered approach, one in which humans, animals, plants, and all material things find their meaning in the loving God who creates and sustains them in harmony.

Francis connects the Eucharist to this integral ecology explicitly in his discussion of the Sabbath, “a day which heals our relationships with God, with ourselves, with others and with the world.”[43] Sunday, the day of the Resurrection and the first fruits of a new creation, is a day of rest and celebration, one that steps back from the 24/7 cycle of work and consumption. Here we learn receptivity and gratuity. Sabbath is not just a waste of time or cessation of work, but that which gives work purpose. The Sabbath “protects human action from becoming empty activism; it also prevents that unfettered greed and sense of isolation which make us seek personal gain to the detriment of all else.”[44] Rest from work and consumption reinserts work and things into the context of relationships among people, God, and creation. Those who are hidden by commodity fetishism come to light. “Rest opens our eyes to the larger picture and gives us renewed sensitivity to the rights of others. And so the day of rest, centered on the Eucharist, sheds its light on the whole week, and motivates us to greater concern for nature and the poor.”[45]

B. Healing the Reification of Persons

If the Eucharist gives us resources for finding God in things while resisting making a god of things, it can also be a practice of resisting the conversion of persons into things. For Jesus, table fellowship was radically inclusive of outcasts, leading the Pharisees to complain that Jesus ate and drank with tax collectors and sinners (Luke 5:30). In John’s version of the Last Supper, Jesus washes the disciples’ feet and commands them to do the same to others, a sign of profound love, respect, and humble service toward persons in their individuality.

For Paul, the Eucharist offers resources for resisting the reification of persons by incorporating them into the body of Christ. In I Corinthians 8-10, the antidote to table fellowship with idols is table fellowship with one another in the body of Christ. In the Eucharist, the body of Christ is both what we eat and who we become. The act of consumption is curiously inverted. Augustine puts God’s word to us in this way: “I am the food of the fully grown; grow and you will feed on me. And you will not change me into you like the food your flesh eats, but you will be changed into me.”[46] The object of consumption here is a not a narcissistic mirror of our own desires; rather than isolating us into a relationship with things, we are pulled into a larger body, one in which, as Paul says, “The eye cannot say to the hand, ‘I have no need of you,’ nor again the head to the feet, ‘I have no need of you.’” There can be no throwaway people, because we are members of the same body. Indeed we are to consider the weakest members as indispensable, Paul says, and we are to give the greatest honor to the most inferior members (1 Cor 12:21-24).

For Paul, living Eucharistically means sharing food with the hungry. In 1 Corinthians 11 he chastises the community for coming together to eat the Lord’s supper, but neglecting to share their food. At the accompanying meal, some go hungry. The Eucharist is meant to generate an economy of gift, where we gratefully receive what we have from God and continue the circulation of gifts. Bringing up “the gifts” at the offertory is not simply our gift to God but our participation in the circulation of gifts that God inaugurates. Ignoring the hungry according to Paul is not just a lack of charity toward others but a failure to “discern the body” (11:29), a failure to see that we all participate in the same circulation of gifts in the body. Indeed, we share the same nervous system. Says Paul, “If one member suffers, all suffer together with it; if one member is honored, all rejoice together with it” (1 Cor 12:26). Acts 2 describes this unity in economic terms: the early Christians not only broke bread together but shared all their possessions in common, distributing goods to all in need.

Those hidden by our system of production and consumption are not only to be included in this sacramental economy; they are themselves sacraments of God’s presence. The fetishism of commodities is countered by the sacramentalization of the exploited and hidden people who produce commodities for our consumption. The marginalized as sacrament of Christ is revealed in Jesus’s telling of the last judgment in Matthew 25:31–46. There the Son of Man identifies himself not with those who do good but with the “least of these brothers and sisters of mine,” those who were hungry, thirsty, strangers, naked, sick, or imprisoned. God comes to us in material form in people, especially the most vulnerable, who are living icons of Jesus Christ.

Both those who did not care for them and those who did were unaware that they were in fact the Lord. Jesus’s story of the last judgment is a challenge to see the people who have been marginalized and hidden. There is no indication that either the least or those who cared for them are limited to members of the church; “all the nations” are summoned to judgment before the Son of Man (Matt. 25:32). There is, nevertheless, a strong congruence between the sacrament of the Eucharist and the story Jesus tells here; those who would be assimilated to Christ’s body in the Eucharist must see the weakest as the most honored members of Christ’s body, and therefore as part of their very own body.

To recognize the presence of Christ in persons, especially the most vulnerable, is not to lose sight of the presence of Christ in the Eucharistic elements. Christ becomes vulnerable in both the bodies of the poor and in the humble form of bread and wine. In our polarized Church, Eucharistic adoration is often divorced from concern for the throwaway people. It need not be so. Joseph Ratzinger wrote a short piece on the reservation of the Blessed Sacrament in which he acknowledges that the rise of Eucharistic adoration in the Middle Ages was accompanied by a loss in awareness of the communion the Eucharist is meant to effect among people. He writes, “The Eucharist is not aimed primarily at the individual. Eucharistic personalism is a drive toward union, the overcoming of the barriers between God and humanity, between ‘I’ and ‘thou’ in the new ‘we’ of the communion of saints.”[47]

But we should not contrast a supposedly “thing-like” presence of the reserved Eucharist with the action of eating and communion. The Eucharist is not a thing but the personal presence of Christ, a “person-to-person exchange.” “‘Eating’ it means worshipping it. Eating it means letting it come into me, so that my ‘I’ is transformed and opens up into the great ‘we,’ so that we become ‘one’ in him (cf. Gal 3:16).”[48] There should be no contrast between adoration and communion. Ratzinger points out, as well, that the reserved sacrament brings Christ’s presence equally to the humblest church and the greatest cathedral. Ratzinger thus implicitly recognizes the way the Eucharist bridges the spatial divide between the poor and the rich that our economy polices. Christ is present in the garbage dump parish of Payatas in Manila just as he is present in St. Stephen’s Basilica in Budapest.

Conclusion

Environmental destruction is often blamed on anthropocentrism, but in some ways our economy is commodity-centered, not human-centered. Commodities are personalized, while humans are depersonalized. The Eucharist is meant to be a practice of healing these broken relationships. The Eucharist is meant to de-center and un-deify commodities, restoring both material creation and human persons to sacraments of God’s presence.

The Eucharist does not do so automatically, of course. Without our cooperation, it does not bear fruit. Christians remain some of the worst idolaters. And yet the reality celebrated in the Eucharist that a renewed creation does not depend entirely on us, that God is at work in creation, can liberate us from despair. When we think that we are powerless, that “the economy” is an impersonal reality beyond anyone’s control, we can take hope in the myriad experiments in personalized economies all over the world; Pope Francis extols those “cooperatives of small producers [that] adopt less polluting means of production, and opt for a non-consumerist model of life, recreation, and community.”[49] The point of this type of economy is not a backward-looking nostalgia, but rather a forward-looking convergence of humans and all creation in the love of God, which is what the Eucharist anticipates. As Pope Francis writes, “all creatures are moving forward with us and through us towards a common point of arrival, which is God, in that transcendent fullness where the risen Christ embraces and illumines all things.”[50]

EDITORIAL NOTE: This essay was first delivered as the final lecture of the "The Only Solution is Love: The Eucharist and Catholic Social Teaching" series hosted by Michael Baxter for the McGrath Institute for Church Life


[1] Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 1, trans. Ben Fowkes (London: Vintage, 1977), 163.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid., 165.

[4] Ibid., 1003-4.

[5] Ibid., 209: “die Personifizierung der Sachen und Versachlichung der Personen.”

[6] Alexandra Dobra, “What does Marx Mean by the ‘Fetishism of Commodities,’” E-Logos 7 (2010): 4.

[7] For example, “Familiar personalities such as Dr. Brown, Uncle Ben, Aunt Jemima, and Old Grand-Dad came to replace the shopkeeper, who was traditionally responsible for measuring bulk foods for the customers and acting as an advocate for products. . . . A nationwide vocabulary of brand names replaced the small local shopkeeper as the interface between customer and product.” Ellen Lupton and J. Abbott Miller, Design Writing Research: Writing on Graphic Design (New York: Kiosk, 1996), 177.

[8] Helen Regan, “Asian Rivers are Turning Black. And our Colorful Closets are to Blame,” CNN, September 28, 2020.

[9] Jodi Kantor, Karen Weise, and Grace Ashford, “The Amazon That Customers Don’t See,” New York Times, June 15, 2021.

[10] James Bloodworth, quoted in Aimee Picchi, “Inside an Amazon Warehouse: ‘Treating Human Beings as Robots,’” CBS News, April 19, 2018.

[11] Pope Benedict XVI, “General Audience,” October 5, 2005.

[12] Pope John Paul II, Centesimus Annus§40.

[13] Pope Francis, Lumen Fidei, §13.

[14] Pope Francis, “General Audience,” St. Peter’s Square, June 5, 2013.

[15] Pope Francis, “Money Helps, Covetousness Kills,” Morning Meditation in the Chapel of the Domus Sanctae Marthae, October 21, 2013.

[16] “Address of Holy Father Francis,” Pastoral Visit to Cagliari, Meeting with Workers, September 22, 2013.

[17] Pope Francis, Evangelii Gaudium§56.

[18] Ibid., §54.

[19] Ibid., §55.

[20] Pope Francis, “Meeting with Representatives of Civil Society,” Asunción, Paraguay, July 11, 2015, no. 3.

[21] Centesimus Annus, §41. John Paul II goes on to talk about alienation of labor: “Alienation is found also in work, when it is organized so as to ensure maximum returns and profits with no concern whether the worker, through his own labour, grows or diminishes as a person, either through increased sharing in a genuinely supportive community or through increased isolation in a maze of relationships marked by destructive competitiveness and estrangement, in which he is considered only a means and not an end.”

[22] Karol Wojtyla, Love and Responsibility, trans. H.T. Willetts (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1993), 41.

[24] Pope Francis, Laudato Si’, §48.

[25] “A change of attitude towards migrants and refugees is needed on the part of everyone, moving away from attitudes of defensiveness and fear, indifference and marginalization—all typical of a throwaway culture—towards attitudes based on a culture of encounter, the only culture capable of building a better, more just and fraternal world”; “Message of His Holiness Pope Francis for the World Day of Migrants and Refugees 2014.”

[26] “Peace is also violated by trafficking in human beings, the new slavery of our age, which turns persons into merchandise for trade and deprives its victims of all dignity”; “Address of Pope Francis to the Council of Europe,” November 25, 2014.

[27] Pope Francis, Fratelli Tutti, §20.

[28] Pope Francis, Fratelli Tutti, §18.

[29] Pope Francis, Evangelii Gaudium, §53.

[30] “This way of discarding others can take a variety of forms, such as an obsession with reducing labour costs with no concern for its grave consequences, since the unemployment that it directly generates leads to the expansion of poverty”; Pope Francis, Fratelli Tutti, §20.

[32] Council of Trent, Thirteenth Session, Canon 1: “If any one denieth, that, in the sacrament of the most holy Eucharist, are contained truly, really, and substantially, the body and blood together with the soul and divinity of our Lord Jesus Christ, and consequently the whole Christ; but saith that He is only therein as in a sign, or in figure, or virtue; let him be anathema.”

[33] Charles Taylor, A Secular Age (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 70-74.

[34] Pope John Paul II, Orientale Lumen, §11.

[35] Ibid. In Centesimus Annus 37, John Paul II writes on a sacramental view of material reality as antidote to consumerism: “In all this, one notes first the poverty or narrowness of man's outlook, motivated as he is by a desire to possess things rather than to relate them to the truth, and lacking that disinterested, unselfish and aesthetic attitude that is born of wonder in the presence of being and of the beauty which enables one to see in visible things the message of the invisible God who created them.”

[36] Joseph Ratzinger, “The Spirit of the Liturgy” in Theology of the Liturgy, vol. 11 of Joseph Ratzinger Collected Works, ed. Michael J. Miller (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2014), 107.

[37] Pope Benedict XVI, Sacramentum Caritatis§92. Pope Benedict invoked the Eucharist as the remedy for idolatry in a homily in Paris on September 13, 2008.

[38] Pope Benedict XVI, Sacramentum Caritatis, §92.

[39] Pope Francis, Laudato Si’, §233.

[40] Ibid., §236.

[41] Ibid.

[42] Lucas Briola argues that, at least in its reception by more conservative sectors of the Church, John Paul II and Benedict XVI did not fully overcome the split between natural ecology and human ecology. The latter term was often used by commentators to downplay responsibility for addressing the unfolding environmental crisis. Lucas Briola, The Eucharistic Vision of Laudato Si’ (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2023), 21-61.

[43] Pope Francis, Laudato Si’, §237.

[44] Ibid.

[45] Ibid.

[46] Augustine, Confessions, VII.16, 124.

[47] Ratzinger, “Reservation of the Blessed Sacrament” in Theology of the Liturgy, 53.

[48] Ibid.

[49] Pope Francis, Laudato Si’, §112.

[50] Ibid., §83.

Featured Image: Joseph Decker, Ripening Pears, 1885; Source: Wikimedia Commons, PD-Old-70.