It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Monday, August 26, 2024
The ‘We Are Hope, We Are Peace’ campaign carried out in Northern and Eastern Syria aims to explain the content of the Family Law as well as end violence against women and raise awareness among men.
NÛJIYAN ADAR
QAMISHLO
Monday, 26 August 2024
The ‘We Are Hope, We Are Peace’ campaign launched on 1 July by the Sara Organization for the Fight Against Violence against Women, which operates in Northern and Eastern Syria, continues at full speed. This campaign, which will be completed by the end of August, aims to introduce the Family Law.
The Family Law, by securing civil rights and banning polygamy and child marriages, introduces strict sanctions regarding domestic violence and takes measures to protect women and children. It also aims to ensure that family relations are conducted fairly by making regulations on issues such as divorce and marriage.
The Family Law consists of a total of 41 articles under 6 headings: marriage, divorce, the effects of divorce, the livelihood of relatives, crimes related to kinship and families.
Delal Osman, a member of the Sara Organization for the Fight Against Violence against Women, spoke to ANF about the aim and progress of the campaign.
Focusing on raising awareness of men
Delal Osman said: "We started such a campaign to respond to the increase in violence against women. We realized that the campaign would be important because the male-dominated mentality deals with women in line with reactionary traditions and customs, oppresses women and takes away their rights. In line with this initiative, we are focusing on raising the awareness of men rather than women. We are holding discussions with men and deeply addressing the foundation of a democratic family."
Osman added: "Violence against women has not ended. We are aware of the intense tendencies towards women, and in line with the weight of this, we want to prevent the killings and violence against women that take place under the name of ‘honor’. In fact, women also needed to be made aware of the legal dimension. They needed to know that there were laws that defended women’s rights and that it was time to express the reflections of violence against their bodies and minds."
Encouraging a democratic family model
Delal Osman said that the campaign was carried out in line with the introduction of the Family Law and that visits were made to villages, towns and districts in the region. "These visits take place in the form of home visits, meetings, seminars and panels. We also distribute brochures and provide information about every article of the Family Law. The aim of the initiative is to explain the rights provided by the law to women who are not aware of the Family Law and to encourage a democratic family model. The interest of society in the initiative is positive, and the discussions are intense. Many people have heard of the Family Law but were not familiar with its content. We also observed problems related to traditional family structures and violence."
Tuesday, August 06, 2024
Poet and journalist in Egypt faces intense cyberbullying: “The collective male mindset targeted my body”
It has become so normalized that if you disagree with a man, you criticize his ideas; but if you disagree with a woman, you attack her body and her morality. In the darkness of this form of conservativism, no one refutes it. As an intelligent woman in Egypt with my own ideas, the bullying takes myriad forms.
- 13 mins ago
- August 6, 2024
This Op-Ed is one in a series aimed at shedding light on critical global issues that demand urgent attention and address a spectrum of challenges affecting us all, emphasizing the need for collective action and support. By fostering awareness and encouraging collaboration, the writer hopes to inspire positive change and contribute to a more compassionate and equitable world as we cover the multitude of issues that impact our global community.
Orato journalist Mahasen Hawary met with Fatima Naoot, an Egyptian poet, engineer, and human rights activist. The two engaged in conversation about women in conservative Arab societies and the challenges they face as thinkers and opinion-makers. The journalist asked her about her response to campaigns that attempt to morally and ethically assassinate her character rather than engage in substantive debate. Ms. Naoot shared these thoughts.
Being born in a conservative society in Egypt, I saw women treated like disabled creatures who need a crutch in the form of a man. My own problems began many years ago, but they are not my problems alone. Women who think and ask questions in society, become like strange beings, as if we should not exist. We appear to move beyond the natural boundaries set for us. Expected to allow others to think and decide for us, we cannot truly lead.
I am a woman with independent ideas in Egypt, in a conservative society often viewing women as mindless. I experience a culture where women represent mere bodies designed to please men, carry children, give birth, and raise them – nothing more. Consequently, the collective male mindset targeted my body, harassing me relentlessly and going as far as fabricating indecent images of me.
Escalation of bullying degrades woman poet, activist in Egypt
In the reactionary mindset of Egypt’s conservative culture, the simplest way to attack a woman is to degrade her. Throughout my intellectual journey, I faced many forms of bullying, but the fabrication of vulgar photos felt deeply disturbing. When someone published these pictures and others began spreading them widely, I felt upset and distressed. Even in a more civilized society, an experience like this would bother a woman.
It has become so normalized that if you disagree with a man, you criticize his ideas; but if you disagree with a woman, you attack her body and her morality. In the darkness of this form of conservativism, no one refutes it. As an intelligent woman in Egypt with my own ideas, the bullying takes myriad forms.
In addition to fake nude photos, bullies mock my appearance. For example, they make fun of the shape of my nose. Sometimes I wonder, “If I like my nose, why does it bother you?” I cannot understand why attacking someone’s facial features feels appropriate.
My reaction to bullying changed over the years. In the beginning, I often cried. When I expressed an opinion or shared a poem, people launched full campaigns against me. Some professors at my college who since passed away made their mark on Egypt’s cultural life and in doing so, stirred up stagnant waters. I leaned on them for support.
At that time, as a young poet recently graduated from the Faculty of Engineering, I maintained an idealized image of the world. I drew from my Sufi father’s perspective and the education I received in a school run by nuns. I never imagined at that time how cruel people could be.
Despite attacks on her and her family, woman continues to call for justice
The world of poetry supposedly represents a realm of delicate feelings, emotions, and imagination. Yet, the gossip and hatred I encountered shocked me. The attacks on me publicly escalated to moral assassination. In response, I once wrote an article entitled “My Ordeal with Intellectuals,” as I grappled with feeling psychologically broken. I isolated myself for a while from the cultural community, having once idealized it.
As I grew accustomed the cyberbullying, these people took it a step further. They targeted my autistic son. Their evil and harsh words felt like daggers stabbing me. “If you were a good woman, God would not have given you an autistic son,” they said. “This is God’s punishment in life, in addition to the punishing you will get in the afterlife.” The pain of those words felt unsurmountable. It marked a new episode in my saga in their desperate attempts to demonize me.
Today, I have adjusted to the reality in Egypt. The praise no longer dazzles me, and I shrug the bullying off. Most of the hate campaigns stem from my calls for justice and citizenship. The women of Egypt exist in a society that leans towards racism and racial and gender discrimination. They differentiate between men and women, Muslims and Christians, and the rich and poor.
When someone like me advocates publicly for citizenship and justice, people become very agitated, especially if the voice comes from a woman. Most of my journalistic and poetic writings remain preoccupied with justice. Therefore, I constantly fight injustice.
Arrested and convicted, women fights on and sees some improvement in opportunity for women in Egypt
The culture of Egypt remains so male-dominated, women often take on male names. If a woman’s name, for example, is Khadija, she might refer to herself as Om Saeed or Om Mohamed, using her son’s, husband’s, or brother’s name. She cancels her own name to conform to society and gain its approval. In a way, she colludes in erasing her independent identity to align with social norms. I stand against those norms.
Some years ago, I advocated for a civil state in Egypt, free of religious discrimination. My vocal opposition to religious rule through writing and speech culminated in a controversy over the Muslim holiday tradition of sacrifice.
When I criticized animal slaughter taking place in public in front of children, a lawyer filed charges against me. I fought a fierce legal battle, experiencing firsthand the meaning of a “legal war.” In 2016, I received a prison sentence for alleged contempt of religion. It felt like a malicious case from the start,
Initially sentenced to three years, they reduced my conviction to a suspended six-month term. Remarkably, Egyptian legislation later criminalized public slaughter, shielding children from the sight. Despite personal attacks and moral assassination attempts, I do see improvements in women’s status in Egypt.
The political leadership now honors women with important ministerial roles and governorships—a first in our history. While I acknowledge these significant steps, I hope religious institutions will further respect women’s rights by preventing child marriages and addressing polygamy. More must be done.
Tuesday, July 16, 2024
Copper engraving of Anabaptist leader Jan van Leiden of Münster, Germany, beheading a nonbeliever at a banquet, 1534. (Ullstein bild via Getty Images)
07.12.2024
In 1525, the revolt historians refer to as the German Peasants’ War was defeated. Hundreds of thousands of peasants and other members of the “common people” had risen up against German princes and bishops. Inspired, in part, by the Reformation that had begun a few years earlier, these rebels moved far beyond this starting point, demanding the democratization of their communities, an end to oppression and unjust taxes, and a restoration of common lands and property.
Some figures, like Thomas Müntzer, went further than simply posing demands to reform society and the church by raising ideas about how society could be remade in a truly radical way. They preached an end to the corrupt and exploitative rule of the princes and nobles, arguing that people could live communally, sharing resources and wealth among the commons.
The peasant uprising threw the members of the German ruling class onto the back foot, but they quickly recovered. Fearing revolution from below, they drowned the rising in blood. Tens of thousands of peasants were massacred. In the aftermath, anyone who had taken part in the rebellion — or had even shown sympathy for it — was at risk of imprisonment, torture, and execution.
The scale of this repression ended the revolt. But it could not stop the underlying discontent. After all, the conditions that had provoked rebellion remained unchanged. Nor did the repression put an end to the radical ideas that had developed within Reformation thinking.
The Radical Reformation
While figures like Martin Luther had unleashed the Reformation against a corrupt Church, the outbreak of the rising forced Luther and his fellow thinkers to side with the established order. However, there were other dissenters who, having been initially inspired by Luther’s ideas, took a different stand. Those radicals who survived the Peasants’ War began to look for other avenues to express their discontent.Those radicals who survived the German Peasants’ War began to look for other avenues to express their discontent.
This was the context for the final act of the “Radical Reformation” in Europe: the rise and fall of the Anabaptist movement. Today, we mostly know the Anabaptists as small religious groups such as the Mennonites, the Amish, or the Hutterites. Their origins lie in the religious turmoil of the early Reformation era, and their ideas were shaped through a radical reading of the Bible.
In particular, two passages of the New Testament were important because they pointed to a different way of Christian living. The fifth book of the New Testament, the Acts of the Apostles, describes the founding of the Christian church and the lives of Jesus’s earliest followers. These Christians were supposed to have lived communally, selling their possessions and sharing the wealth with the poor and needy, and among the Christian community itself.
Poor and radical thinkers were further inspired by the words of Acts 4:32-35:
Now the whole group of those who believed were of one heart and soul, and no one claimed private ownership of any possessions, but everything they owned was held in common. . . . There was not a needy person among them, for as many as owned lands or houses sold them and brought the proceeds of what was sold. They laid it at the apostles’ feet, and it was distributed to each as any had need.
For those living under heavy taxation, forced to hand over money in rent, taxes, and tithes to their lord and the church, these were inspirational words that spoke of a different way of living. Indeed, during the Peasants’ War, the establishment of “Godly Law” was a key demand for the rebels. In the aftermath of the rebellion, small groups of Christians continued to hold these principles dear.
One of the groups that began to emerge in the years after 1525 were the Anabaptists. There was no single Anabaptist interpretation of the Bible. Historians of the movement have identified five or six different strands of Anabaptism at various places in Germany and Switzerland. They had shared commitments to ideas such as “community of goods” as well as a rejection of infant baptism.
The idea of rebaptism, or baptism as an adult, became crucial to the Anabaptists because they thought that individuals had to come to the Church through their own belief. You could not be forced to join the Church as a child, simply by being baptized. This was shocking to the Catholic Church, which had long held that rebaptism was blasphemous, and punishable by death. At the same time, however, the Protestant movement also rejected the Anabaptists whose radical beliefs, they felt, would lead to further rebellion and bloodshed.Heavy repression forced the Anabaptists to organize clandestinely, spreading their message by traveling preachers, often secretly and predominately among the poor and oppressed.
The ideas of the Anabaptists thus placed them in direct confrontation with the two major strands of Christianity in Germany. Heavy repression forced the Anabaptists to organize clandestinely, spreading their message by traveling preachers, often secretly and predominately among the poor and oppressed. As one historian of early Anabaptism, Werner O. Packull, has said: “The same social and economic impulses that inspired local peasant unrest fuelled the religious dissent of the early Anabaptists.”Melchior Hoffman
The fear of Anabaptist radicalism on the part of the authorities had a real basis. Many of the movement’s leaders had been key figures in the Peasants’ War. Persecution of the Anabaptists drove thousands into exile, where these refugees spread their message and their belief that they were the elect — the one true group of Christians. In particular, they secured a foothold in the northwest of Europe.
Anabaptism threw up many fascinating characters, whose radical Christian ideas became a source of inspiration to tens of thousands of people. One of the most significant was Melchior Hoffman, who became closely associated with a form of radical millenarianism in the city of Strasbourg during the early 1530s. It was in the northwest of Germany that Anabaptism began to take on its most radical character.
Authorities in this Imperial City seem to have been more lenient in their handling of the Anabaptists, allowing the first preachers who arrived to carry on with relatively little restriction. But it was Hoffman who was able to turn Anabaptism into a radical force.Anabaptism threw up many fascinating characters, whose radical Christian ideas became a source of inspiration to tens of thousands of people.
He was a traveling artisan, a skinner, who had taught himself the Bible. He arrived in Strasbourg in 1529 and joined the Anabaptists, quickly becoming regarded as a prophet. Hoffman then traveled into the Netherlands where he helped spread Anabaptism, but eventually returned to Strasbourg.
Hoffman broke with the prevailing Anabaptist doctrines of nonviolence. He began to preach that the elect should take up the “two-edged sword” and use it against unbelievers. Hoffman’s influence was significant, albeit localized to Strasbourg, the Netherlands, and (significantly) Münster.
He told his followers that Strasbourg would become the New Jerusalem and would soon see the coming of the Lord who would introduce the “reign of the saints.” In the face of this wildly popular millenarianism, the Strasbourg authorities arrested him.
When it became clear that the saints were not coming to Strasbourg, attention shifted among Hoffman’s followers to the town of Münster, which had also seen a growth in the radical Reformation movement. Strasbourg, they felt, had failed God. Perhaps Münster would be different.
City of God
In the 1530s, Münster was part of the Prince-Bishopric of Münster, one of three run by Bishop Franz von Waldeck. In 1533, however, the city won significant reforms and privileges that gave substantial power to its elected council. In 1534, Anabaptist followers of Hoffman were able to use this setup to get control of the town, whose population was swelled by the arrival of thousands of Anabaptists, preparing for the “rule of the saints” that they believed would begin in Münster.
When the Anabaptists arrived in Münster, they joined existing religious radicals who had been inspired by a local priest called Bernhard Rothmann. Rothmann had long been a troublesome advocate of radical reform. He was quickly joined by Anabaptists inspired by Hoffman. Two of the most important were Jan van Leiden and Jan Matthys, who were to become leading figures in the Münster rebellion.When the Anabaptists arrived in Münster, they joined existing religious radicals who had been inspired by a local priest called Bernhard Rothmann.
While Anabaptism in Münster was very much the religion of the poorest communities, it also had its wealthier supporters who felt that the Lutheran Reformation had not gone far enough. Among these was the powerful figure Bernhard Knipperdolling, the head of the town’s guilds. Knipperdolling had been powerful enough a few years before to lead a challenge to the bishop, and he was clearly not afraid of challenging authority over religious issues.
Anabaptists soon outnumbered non-Anabaptists in Münster. Under the influence of people like Jan van Leiden and Matthys, the movement rapidly moved away from pacifism and nonviolence. Having taken control of the council, Jan van Leiden and Matthys set about constructing a theocratic state.
Left to his own devices, Matthys would have executed all non-Anabaptists, Catholic and Protestant alike. But at the urging of less extreme figures, they were expelled instead. The expulsion was akin to a pogrom. Thousands of people — old and young, healthy and unwell — were expelled in a snowstorm. They left behind their wealth and possessions, while those that stayed were rebaptized in a three-day ceremony.
These events precipitated the authorities into action. The bishop raised an army and placed Münster under siege.
A Siege Economy
The rule of the Anabaptist leaders was highly repressive, but it rested on the support of the thousands of Anabaptists, whose participation in mass religious events and communal action helped legitimize and strengthen the leadership. As the siege developed, the town instituted a war economy. Everyone, male and female, young and old, was given a role in the town’s defense.The Anabaptists instituted a communal order that redistributed the possessions and food that had been left behind.
The Anabaptists instituted a communal order that redistributed the possessions and food that had been left behind and central stores were created where the poor and needy could apply for the things they needed, from bedding to clothing. Communal dining areas were created where people ate together while listening to readings from the Bible. It is worth quoting eyewitness Heinrich Gresbeck’s account:
So the prophets and preachers, along with the whole council, took counsel and wished to have all property in common. They first issued a proclamation that all those who had copper money should bring it up to the council hall. A different kind of money would be given to them in return. . . . Next, they came to an agreement and decreed that all property should be common, that everyone should bring up his money, silver and gold, just as each had done the last time.
After the prophets and preachers reached this agreement with the council, they had it announced in the preaching that all property should be common and that one person should have as much as the next. Whether they’d been rich or poor, they should all be equally rich, the one having as much as the next. So they said in the preaching, “Dear brothers and sisters, now that we’re a single folk, brothers and sisters, it’s absolutely God’s will that we should bring together our money, silver and gold. The one person is to have as much as the next. So everyone should bring his money up to the registry next to the council hall. The council will sit there and receive the money.”
The preacher [Rothmann] continued, “It’s not appropriate for a Christian to have any money. Be it silver or gold, it’s unclean for a Christian. Everything that the Christian brothers and sisters have belongs to one person as much as to the next. You shall lack nothing, be it food or clothing, house and hearth. What you need you shall get, God will not let you lack anything. One thing should be just as common as the next, it belongs to us all. It’s mine as much as yours, and yours as much as mine.”
This is how they convinced the people, so that they (some of them) brought their money, silver and gold, and all that they had. But in the city of Münster, the idea that the one person was to have as much as the next turned out unfairly.
There is no doubt that these policies were highly popular among the poor. One contemporary scholar from Antwerp wrote to the Dutch theologian and humanist Erasmus bemoaning this sentiment:
We in these parts are living in wretched anxiety because of the way the revolt of the Anabaptists has flared up. For it really did spring up like fire. There is, I think, scarcely a village or town where the torch is not glowing in secret. They preach community of goods, with the result that all those who have nothing come flocking.
Outside Münster, the repression that the Anabaptists had experienced in their earliest days was repeated on a massive scale, with authorities trying to prevent people getting to Münster to support the besieged town.
Reform and Repression
The commitment of the Münster Anabaptists to the “community of goods” should not blind us to the repressive measures of the theocratic state. Books other than the Bible were banned and burned in a fire that Gresbeck says lasted for eight days, along with charters and documents from the authorities. Churches and monasteries were desecrated and destroyed. Five or six schools were opened, but they only taught religious subjects.
The siege was long and violent. A turning point took place in April 1534 when Matthys had a vision that he would defeat the enemy with just twelve followers. He bravely rode out of Münster with his followers but was immediately killed. This left Jan van Leiden as the most powerful figure in the town. He set about concentrating even more wealth and power in his own hands, declaring himself king and deepening the theological state.The commitment of the Münster Anabaptists to the ‘community of goods’ should not blind us to the repressive measures of the theocratic state.
One endlessly discussed aspect of the siege of Münster is the question of polygamy. Originally, the Anabaptists had only allowed marriage between two Anabaptists. Marriage between an Anabaptist and a nonbeliever, as well as adultery, were punishable by death. Jan van Leiden, however, instituted “polygamy.”
In his account of these events, Gresbeck writes:
Jan van Leiden with his bishop, preachers, and the twelve elders proclaimed the matrimony, saying that it was God’s will that they should increase the world, that everyone should have three or four wives, as many of them as he wanted, but they were to live with the wives in a godly way, as you’ll eventually hear. This pleased the one and not the other. There were men and women opposed to this, so that they wouldn’t uphold the matrimony, and for this reason many a person would eventually have to die.
Jan van Leiden’s justification for instituting polygamy rested on the Old Testament wherein figures such as Noah had more than one wife, combined with the biblical incitement to “go forth and multiply.” He himself took fifteen or sixteen wives.
After the siege, enemies of the Anabaptists used the issue of polygamy to attack them, arguing that it demonstrated the lack of morals among the community. This was surely the grossest hypocrisy, coming from people who cheered on the suppression, torture, and mass slaughter of the Anabaptists. But we should not see Münster’s practice of polygamy as being about sexual liberation in any form.
Some historians have noted that there was a significant imbalance between the number of women and men in the city. While this is true, attempts to justify Jan van Leiden’s polygamy as being intended to assist the protection of women miss the mark. The arrangement in question was not really polygamy, a term which suggests that women could take multiple husbands, but rather polygyny, in which men alone enjoyed the privilege of multiple partners. This point is underlined by the declaration of the Münster Anabaptist authorities:
All womenfolk, virgins, maidens, and widows, all those who are marriageable, whether they be noble or non-noble, spiritual or secular, they should all take husbands, and the wives who have husbands outside the city who’ve fled from us should also take other husbands, since their husbands are godless and have fled from the Word of God and aren’t our brothers. Dear brothers and sisters, for so long did you live in heathendom in your marriage, and it was not a real marriage.
Women were forced into marriage under these circumstances. While it seems that some got married willingly, most did not. This caused great discontent, even leading to a small uprising that was quickly crushed.
Gresbeck suggests that at least one woman may have committed suicide rather than submit. Others who refused or opposed the practice of forced marriage were executed. The discontent seems to have been large enough that the leadership retreated. According to Gresbeck, they declared “marriage should be voluntary,” but the move came too late.
New Israel
As the siege drew on and life became increasingly desperate, power and wealth were centralized in the hands of Jan van Leiden, who declared himself “king over New Israel and the whole world,” second only to God in his power: “In the whole world, there would be no king or lord but Jan van Leiden, and in the whole world there would be no government but Jan van Leiden.”
Food was so scarce that inhabitants ate cats, dogs, and rats. At the same time, Jan van Leiden surrounded himself with vast wealth, living a life of luxury in requisitioned mansions with his multiple wives, a huge retinue, and special guards. The new “king” took on all the trappings of medieval monarchy, sitting in judgement on a special throne in the marketplace. More and more goods were confiscated to fund this lavish lifestyle while the population increasingly suffered.
Outside the town, opposition to the Anabaptists was growing. The bishop had raised enough money from other rulers to hire a bigger army. Preachers heading out from Münster were still able to inspire people to try and join, and there was at least one attempt by a thousand Anabaptists from the Netherlands to relieve Münster. However, this effort was violently crushed before they could arrive.As the siege drew on and life became increasingly desperate, power and wealth were centralized in the hands of Jan van Leiden.
In May, Jan van Leiden responded to the desperation by allowing many people to leave the town. Tragically, the younger men were promptly killed by the besiegers who refused to allow the others to go beyond the outskirts of the city. The women, elderly people, and children were left to suffer, trapped between the town walls and the besieging armies. For five weeks, hundreds of them starved and died, eating grass and unable to escape. Eventually, the bishop relented. Those considered Anabaptists were executed, while the remainder were banished.
Münster eventually fell after Gresbeck and another man escaped, providing the besiegers with enough information to allow them to get inside. The bishop’s forces then set about massacring those who remained. Hundreds were killed in the fighting or tortured and executed afterward. In January 1536, Jan van Leiden, Knipperdolling, and another leading Anabaptist, Bernhard Krechting, were tortured to death publicly in the center of Münster. Their bodies were caged and hung from the tower of St Lambert’s Church in cages whose replicas still remain there today.
The storming of Anabaptist Münster, and the mass murder and execution of those who remained inside, was the end of the mass, radical Reformation. Anabaptism never regained its strength. After 1535, there were no more attempts to construct a “community of goods” within existing society through movements from below.
Sighs of the Oppressed
By destroying the peasant revolution in 1525, the German authorities had left only one outlet for discontent: religion. Their bloody destruction of Münster Anabaptism was an attempt to shut that avenue down as well. The Reformation in Europe lost its mass nature and became in many places a top-down process driven by kings and nobles.
Some accounts of Münster — notably that of the leftist Belfort Bax, whose history of the events was published in 1903 — have tried to establish close parallels with later working-class revolutions. The historian Norman Cohn also drew a comparison between Jan van Leiden’s followers and twentieth-century revolutionary movements in his book The Pursuit of the Millennium, although his intention in doing so was to discredit modern-day communism.
The fact that the Anabaptist leaders tried to implement the “community of goods” as the authorities responded with siege and massacre suggests an obvious parallel with the Paris Commune of 1871. However, while we should be sympathetic to those in Münster who genuinely sought to create an equal society, we cannot give the events too much of a radical coloring by reading later episodes of revolutionary history into this period.The storming of Anabaptist Münster, and the mass murder and execution of those who remained inside, was the end of the mass, radical Reformation.
It is true that many Anabaptists, coming from the mass of the poor in northwest Germany and the Netherlands, had high expectations that a millennial moment was coming, and hoped to benefit from the redistribution of wealth from the rich to the poor. But the way in which this vision was temporarily realized was very different from the experience of later movements that redistributed wealth through mass movements from below. The Paris Commune was distinguished by the practice of mass, participatory democracy, yet no such democracy or accountability existed in Münster.
Having said that, the destruction of Anabaptist Münster should remind us, above all, that ruling classes have always feared rebellion from below. One of the great demands of the radical Reformation was that ordinary women and men should be allowed to practice their religion as they wanted to, not filtered through the words of a priest chosen by the local lord.
In reading the Bible, they found words that were “the sigh of the oppressed creature,” in the words of Karl Marx’s (often misunderstood) analysis of religion. Thousands of them gave their lives trying to build a world where ordinary people could live life free and comfortably. This was too much for their rulers, who crushed them without scruple.
CONTRIBUTOR
Martin Empson is the author of several books including “Kill all the Gentlemen”: Class Struggle and Change in the English Countryside. He is currently working on a book about the German Peasant War of 1525.
Monday, July 15, 2024
Agence France-Presse
July 15, 2024
The Brokpa people of Ladakh have no written language, practise a culture of polygamy, and have their own calendar (TAUSEEF MUSTAFA/AFP)
High in the icy Indian Himalayas, a long-isolated people recall origin myths of millennia-old migrations from afar -- an identity in disputed lands twisted today by politics.
The Brokpa people of Ladakh have no written language, practice a culture of polygamy, and have their own calendar.
The most cherished ballad of the Brokpa, some 6,000 of whom live in a rugged mountain valley of the Indus river, is the "song of history".
Tsering Gangphel, 85, said it details Brokpa legends that they came from ancient Rome.
Other Brokpa people recount myths of ancestral links to Alexander the Great's army, who invaded in the fourth century BC.
Scientists are sceptical, with one study of Brokpa DNA suggesting their roots lay in southern India.
But Gangphel -- who said he can sing a thousand songs in the Brokpa language detailing their culture -- is adamant about his people's past.
"We still celebrate our arrival here by dancing and singing in each village, once every three years," Gangphel told AFP, at his home overlooking the roaring river.
"We are Aryans," he added.
The deeply contested term refers to opaque pre-history -- which critics say is today more about gritty realpolitik than foundation fables.
- 'Validate their hold' -
In South Asia's ancient Sanskrit language, "aryan" means "noble" or "distinguished", not a separate ethnicity.
It was once a loose term suggesting that people from Europe to Asia had linked ancestors in Central Asia, reflected in common linguistic roots.
That is a far cry from the genocidal Nazi fantasies of a blond-haired and blue-eyed master race.
Some right-wing Hindus use the term to claim "Aryan" ancestors originated in India, linking it to a Hindu and national identity.
For the Brokpa, the term "Aryan" has been used as a tool to promote both tourism and India's geopolitical ambitions.
Ladakh, part of Kashmir, is divided between India and Pakistan by a highly militarised frontier.
Each country claims the region as their own.
In 1999, Brokpa yak herder Tashi Namgyal sighted "Pakistani intruders" in Indian-controlled territory and told Indian troops.
That triggered a 10-week conflict between the nuclear-armed rivals which cost 1,000 lives on both sides.
"I saved the nation's honor," 60-year-old Namgyal told AFP, proudly showing army letters praising his service.
After the fighting stopped, Indian authorities pushed tourism in Brokpa areas calling their lands the "Aryan Valley".
The tourism ministry promotes them as the "Last Aryan Villages of India".
Mona Bhan, a Brokpa expert at Syracuse University in New York, says the community uses "Aryan" to highlight its socio-cultural practices and history.
But Indian Hindu nationalists have used the term to "validate their hold on India's disputed territory", according to the anthropologist.
- 'It's a sin' -
The Brokpa calendar means a child's first birthday is marked when they turn 12.
Using that calculation, a laughing and grey-haired Gangphel remarked that he is "just seven years old".
Gangphel, a father of six who has two wives, said marrying outsiders was frowned upon.
"Being Brokpa means being unique in language, dress and dance," said 14-year-old schoolgirl Etzes Dolma.
But an influx of tourists and government development policies are bringing increasing modernity.
Earth and wood homes are being replaced with concrete and glass construction.
The Brokpa worship their traditional gods, but those now are often amalgamated into other beliefs.
Most Brokpas in India are Buddhists, while in Pakistan many have become Muslim.
Sangay Phunchok, 43, a lama, or Buddhist spiritual leader, said he shifted faith after hearing that "our ways will not grant us heaven".
A monastery is being built in the village, but the Brokpa also honor their ancestral gods at a shrine of piled ibex horns.
"We still pray to our own gods," Gangphel said. "But goat sacrifice has stopped, because our lama said it's a sin."
Tuesday, July 09, 2024
By AFP
July 7, 2024
Official results showed Yuriko Koike secured a third term as governor of Tokyo - Copyright AFP Yuichi YAMAZAKI
Kyoko HASEGAWA
Tokyo governor Yuriko Koike won a landslide victory to secure a third term, official election results showed Monday, in a rare triumph for a woman in Japan’s male-dominated politics.
The outcome from Sunday’s vote is also a relief to unpopular Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which backed Koike despite her not being a member.
Koike, 71, a former minister and television anchor who has governed one of the world’s biggest cities since 2016, garnered 42.8 percent of votes, results showed.
Her nearest rival was independent candidate Shinji Ishimaru, 41, the former mayor of Akitakata in western Japan, who secured 24.3 percent to pull off a surprise second place.
Koike’s main challenger had been thought to be another woman — former opposition lawmaker, model and TV anchor Renho, 56, who goes by one name — but she garnered just 18.8 percent.
Koike declared victory late Sunday, vowing to strengthen Tokyo’s welfare, economy and natural disaster management, while acknowledging challenges like inflation and Japan’s low birth rate.
“With Tokyoites’ strong support, I was assigned to lead this great city,” Koike told supporters in the megacity of 14 million people.
“I have to upgrade efforts of Tokyo’s reforms, and as I appealed in my election campaign, I will protect Tokyo residents’ lives and livelihoods,” she said.
– Subsidised epidurals –
Japan has never had a woman prime minister and a large majority of lawmakers are men, although Tokyo accounts for a 10th of the national population and a fifth of the economy.
The Tokyo vote comes after new government data showed the birth rate hit a record low of 1.20 last year, with Tokyo’s figure 0.99 — the first Japan region to fall below one.
Koike and her major rivals pledged to expand support for parenting, with the former promising government subsidies for epidurals.
“After having their first child, I hear people say they don’t want to experience that pain again,” Koike said during the election campaign.
“I want people to see childbirth and raising children as a happiness, not a risk,” she said.
A record 56 people were standing in the election, not all of them serious, with one dressing as “The Joker” and calling for polygamy to be legalised.
Others campaigned for more golf, poker — or just to advertise their premises in Tokyo’s red-light district.
The LDP has governed Japan almost uninterrupted since World War II but the party’s popularity rating has sunk to around 20 percent, partly due to a political funds scandal.
Kishida, 66, will face the LDP leadership election later this year before a national vote due by late 2025.
Sunday, July 07, 2024
By AFP
July 6, 2024
Polls suggest Tokyo governor Yuriko Koike (C at a campaign rally Saturday) will win a third term running the Japanese capital - Copyright AFP Yuichi YAMAZAKI
Kyoko HASEGAWA
Polls opened Sunday to elect a new Tokyo governor with incumbent Yuriko Koike challenged by opposition figure Renho, two prominent women in Japan’s male-dominated political sphere.
Japan has never had a woman prime minister and a large majority of lawmakers are men, but Tokyo, accounting for a tenth of the national population and a fifth of the economy, has been run since 2016 by former television anchor Koike, 71.
While few now tout the former defence and environment minister as a possible future prime minister, as many once did, polls suggest that the media-savvy conservative will win a third straight term in the metropolis of 14 million people.
This will be some relief ahead of national elections due by late 2025 to the ruling Liberal Democratic Party of deeply unpopular Prime Minister Fumio Kishida which backs Koike, even though she broke away from the LDP in 2017.
Kishida, whose public support rate has been dwindling to around 20 percent, partly due to a political funds scandal revealed late last year, will also face the LDP leadership election later this year.
The Tokyo vote comes after new government data showed the birth rate hit a record low of 1.20 last year, with Tokyo’s figure 0.99 — the first Japan region to fall below one.
– Pledges of family support –
Both Koike and her nearest rival Renho, who goes by one name, have pledged to expand support for parenting, with Koike promising subsidised epidurals.
“After having their first child, I hear people say they don’t want to experience that pain again,” Koike said, according to local media.
“I want people to see childbirth and raising children as a happiness, not a risk,” said the incumbent, who has campaigned with an AI-version of herself.
Renho, meanwhile, pledged to support young people “and expand their life choices.”
“I will implement genuine long-term fertility measures,” said Renho, who is backed by Japan’s main opposition parties.
“I will also realise transparent fiscal reforms, where everyone can check the situation.”
A dark horse in the race could be independent candidate Shinji Ishimaru, 41, a former mayor of Akitakata in western Japan, recent polls also suggested, with some swing voters preferring him over Koike and Renho.
“If you look away, interest-based politics and pork-barrel projects will rear their ugly heads,” he said in a speech Saturday, stressing his financial expertise as a former banker.
A record 56 people are standing in the election, not all of them serious, with one dressing as “The Joker” and calling for polygamy to be legalised. Others are campaigning for more golf, poker or just to advertise their premises in the red-light district.
Local media speculate that the turnout may be up given that early votes cast through July 5 reached 1.65 million, up 20 percent from 1.38 million in 2020.
Overall turnout was 55 percent in the last vote, down from nearly 60 percent when Koike was first elected in 2016.
By Mari Yamaguchi
July 7, 2024 —
Tokyo:
It’s impossible to ignore. With internet campaigning still relatively new, candidates traditionally use designated election billboards — more than 14,000 of them — to promote themselves. The makeshift billboards are set up only during the short campaign season and are valuable space for exposure in a city already crammed with advertising.
A person looks at an election poster board for Tokyo gubernatorial election.CREDIT:AP
But this year’s wackiness — notably from non-candidates renting the billboard space — is proving exceptional, and residents have flooded election offices with angry calls and messages.
“They are distasteful. As a Japanese citizen I feel embarrassed, as I see many foreign visitors pass by those billboards and they must wonder what’s going on,” said Mayumi Noda, an office worker. “As a voter, I think it’s outrageous and disrespectful to the other candidates who are seriously competing.”
A record 56 candidates, including incumbent Governor Yuriko Koike, who seeks her third four-year term, are running in the election. Many of the candidates are fringe figures or influencers seeking even more exposure. They include a man dressed as The Joker, who supports freedom of sexual expression, including allowing polygamy to help Japan’s falling birth rate.
Tokyo, a city of 13.5 million, has outsized political and cultural power in Japan. Its budget equals that of some nations, and its policies impact the national government.
The Joker, who is running as a candidate in this weekend’s governor election in Tokyo.
Hours after official campaigning began on June 20, residents faced a stunning array of posters. For some, it’s not even clear whether the person behind it is a candidate or simply seeks exposure.
One billboard featured racy posters for an adult entertainment shop. Another had an almost naked female model in a suggestive pose with a message that said “Stop restricting free speech.” Others showed photos of a pet dog or a female kickboxer. One candidate called AI Mayor used an image of a metallic humanoid.
Campaign video clips have also drawn criticism. One shows female candidate Airi Uchino saying, “I’m so cute; please watch my campaign broadcast,” and repeating her name in a high-pitched, anime-style voice while asking voters to be friends on social media. She then strips down to a beige-coloured tube top.
In another video, a male candidate who represents what he calls a “golf party” talks about his policies while occasionally practising his golf swing.
Under a 1950 public office election law, candidates in Japan are free to say anything as long as they do not support another candidate or carry obviously false or libellous content.
This year’s escalation is partly linked to an emerging conservative political party that has fielded 24 candidates for governor. Since each of the election billboards across Tokyo has 48 squares for candidates to paste their posters, the party is renting out half the slots to anyone who pays, including non-candidates.
That kind of unexpected approach isn’t regulated.
The rental cost starts at 25,000 yen (about $230) per location per day, said party leader Takashi Tachibana.
“We have to be wacky or we don’t get media attention,” Tachibana said in a YouTube comment posted on the party website.
“The point is to make immoral and outrageous actions ... to get attention,” said Ryosuke Nishida, a Nihon University professor and expert in politics and media. “The reason why some people find these performances amusing is because they think their objections are not taken into consideration by politicians and existing parties or reflected in their politics.”
At a park near Tokyo’s busy Shimbashi train station, passersby glanced at a campaign billboard with half of its slots filled with dog posters.
“I don’t decide who to vote for by looking at the faces on their posters,” said Kunihiko Imada, a plumber. “But I still think these billboards are being misused.”
AP, Bloomberg
Saturday, May 18, 2024
Nigerian mass wedding for orphaned girls provokes outcry
Ben Farmer
Fri, May 17, 2024
Mass weddings are not uncommon in Nigeria, where brides are dressed in red robes - KOLA SULAIMON/AFP
A mass wedding for 100 girls orphaned by attacks in Nigeria has prompted outcry amid criticism that some of the brides may be underage, or being forced to get married for money.
The ceremony supported by a local politician has been condemned by the national women’s affairs minister who has threatened an injunction to stop the nuptials.
Abdulmalik Sarkindaji, the speaker of the local assembly in north-west Niger state, said the wedding was to help constituents who had all lost relatives to attacks on villages by heavily armed gangs.
Mr Sarkindaji has since distanced himself from the wedding and has said the families must decide among themselves, but local clerics have said it should still go ahead next week.
Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye, the federal women’s affairs minister, called the ceremony totally unacceptable and demanded an investigation into the ages of the brides and whether they had consented to marriage.
She said: “I have written a petition to the police ... and I have filed a case for an injunction to stop him from whatever he is planning to do.”
‘Let children be children’
Abiodun Essiet, the president’s senior special assistant on community engagement, also objected.
She said: “I am not against conducting marriage for orphans above 18 years of age if they give their consent to the marriage.
“But I am against under-aged marriage. Let children be children.”
Mass weddings are not uncommon in Nigeria, especially in the mostly Muslim north, where they are seen as a way to help impoverished families manage their expenses.
But underage marriage also happens in rural areas where communities struggle with poverty, insecurity and little access to education.
No details were immediately available on the ages of the orphans.
All wedding expenses paid
In January this year, Muktar Aliyu Betara, another Nigerian politician from Borno state, sponsored a mass wedding for 180 girls from his constituency.
The 17 and 18-year-old girls had lost their parents to jihadist violence.
Mr Betara paid for all the wedding expenses as the families of the brides could not afford the costs.
Mass wedding for Nigeria orphans sparks outcry
Simi Jolaoso - BBC News, Lagos
Fri, May 17, 2024
Mass weddings are fairly common in northern Nigeria (file photo) [AFP]
The planned mass wedding of about 100 orphans has sparked widespread outrage across Nigeria.
The orphans, some of whom are feared to be underage girls, are set to be married off on 24 May in the north-western state of Niger.
They have all lost parents to attacks by armed bandits, who regularly target civilians across the state.
Nigeria's Women's Affairs Minister Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye said she has filed a court order to stop the ceremony.
According to reports, the mass wedding was supported by the Speaker of the Niger State Assembly, Abdulmalik Sarkin-Daji, who said local religious leaders had approached him for help funding it.
The Imams Forum of Niger have said that the marriage ceremony should go ahead, insisting that the girls are not below the 18 - the legal age of marriage.
However, critics have expressed concern that some girls may be younger than 18, or being forced to comply for financial gain.
Minister Kennedy-Ohanenye said the girls "deserve better" and that her department was looking into who the 100 girls are, their ages and whether they consented to the marriage.
Her department will offer the girls education and training, she said, adding that if the Niger State speaker attempts to block these efforts "there will be a serious legal battle between him and the Ministry of Women Affairs".
On Friday, senior presidential aide Abiodun Essiet reiterated Ms Kennedy-Ohanenye's plan of action.
Ms Essiet added: "My appeal to all stakeholders is to stop embarking on policies and programs that exploit economically handicapped vulnerable people, increase and recycle poverty, and deepen ignorance."
Human rights activists in Nigeria have launched a petition to stop the plan. As of Friday evening, it has 10,500 signatures.
According to international campaign group Girls Not Brides, 30% of girls and 1.6% of boys in Nigeria are married before the age of 18. Some 12% of girls are married before their 15th birthday.
Child marriages are most common in the northern part of the country, among poor, rural households. It is seen as a way to reduce their families’ financial burdens or to improve political and social alliances.
Northern Nigeria is mostly Muslim and religious and cultural norms, such as polygamy, favour the practice.
Friday, May 17, 2024
Archana Venkatesh,
Fri, May 17, 2024
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is popular but divisive. Ritesh Shukla/Getty Images
The world’s largest election is currently under way in India, with more than 960 million people registered to vote over a period of six weeks. Spearheading the campaign for his Bharatiya Janata Party, incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi is spending that time crisscrossing the country, delivering a message he hopes will result in a landslide victory for the Hindu nationalist party.
He is a popular figure but also a divisive one. Modi’s speeches are drawing heat for their anti-Muslim rhetoric. At a campaign rally on April 21, 2024, he referred to Muslims as “infiltrators.”
He later doubled down on these remarks, suggesting that if India’s largest opposition party, the Indian National Congress, came to power, the wealth of Hindus would be snatched and given to communities that “have too many children,” a seemingly lightly veiled reference to Indian Muslims.
Such language represents a fear that Modi and the BJP have stoked many times before: that Muslims will become a numerical threat to India’s Hindu-majority population.
Modi has since claimed that he did not explicitly target Muslims in his speech, but his words – widely recorded and disseminated – have certainly been taken that way.
To some onlookers, the rhetoric is an indication that not all is well in the BJP campaign as it seeks to secure a two-thirds supermajority in Parliament. By appealing to the party’s Hindu base, the argument goes, Modi is trying to counter voter apathy in the face of high youth unemployment and rising economic inequality.
As a historian of public health in India, I believe it is important to shed light on the specific origins of anti-Muslim rhetoric and how it fits long-standing fears of Muslim population growth and the erosion of the Hindu majority in India.
Fears of a Muslim takeover
Demographic fears in India are tied to political and administrative representation and have been since the days of British colonialism.
In 1919, the British granted Indians limited franchise; Indian legislators were allowed to create policy in certain fields, such as health care and education, but not on law and order.
After the 1931 census, Indian leaders – mostly Hindus, but also some Muslims – and British officials began to express concern about the seemingly rapid rate of population growth in India, which at the time was increasing by over 1% annually.
These leaders, in common with similar efforts around the globe, began to push new birth control methods toward Indian women.
But to successfully induce large numbers of women to embrace family planning practices, colonial officials and Indian administrators had to contend with the fact that Indians of all religions were suspicious of birth control propaganda.
These suspicions stemmed from cultural practices shared by both Hindu and Muslim communities that informed women’s status in society, including child marriage, the seclusion of women and polygamy.
Policies that tried to interfere with the traditional lives of Indian women, including birth control, were widely considered harmful instances of colonial control.
Role of British colonizers
While the British used these cultural practices and suspicions to suggest that all Indians were responsible for rapid population growth and associated poverty and hunger, Hindu nationalist groups created a different narrative. These fringe groups, which emerged as a political force in the 1930s, popularized the idea that practices encouraging population growth were particularly prevalent among the Muslim population.
At the same time, there were growing tensions between the Indian National Congress party and the Muslim League, which was founded in 1906 but began to demand a separate homeland for Indian Muslims in the late 1930s.
Divisions existed in Indian society prior to British rule. By classifying Indians into categories based on caste and religion, however, British colonial rulers made these identities and divisions more rigid, pitting various communities against one another.
Communal tensions allowed the British to uphold the idea that without the control and surveillance of colonial rule, Indians were incapable of self-government and liberal democracy.
Though the British left the new nation-states of India and Pakistan in 1947, increasing Hindu-Muslim tensions after partition continued to inform family planning propaganda in independent India.
Hindu nationalists had expected the creation of a single nation with Hindu majority rule. As such, they saw the creation of Pakistan – a homeland and nation-state for South Asian Muslims – as a massive failure of the Indian freedom movement and a loss for India.
Additionally, post-partition leadership and administrators in India were for the most part drawn from Hindu men and some women, since the majority of educated and elite Muslim classes ended up in Pakistan.
As a result, colonial-era perceptions of Muslims continued to inform the way Indian policymakers and administrators created and implemented health care and education policy. In particular, preexisting perceptions of Muslim hyperfertility in Indian policymakers’ minds became more deeply entrenched with partition.
Population control programs
As India launched its first major population control program in 1951, administrators at all levels of governance assumed that uptake of birth control would be lower in Muslim communities than Hindu communities.
In actuality, the factors that influenced the rate of uptake of IUDs, oral contraceptives and tubectomies in postindependence India were governed more by geography – whether women lived in rural or urban areas, and were from the country’s north or south – and class status.
Since 1951, population control has been one of the major goals of Indian policymaking as part of a program to reduce poverty and improve public health. But the continued assumption that Indian Muslims are unwilling to participate in population control practices has led to the public perception of Islam as “superstitious” or “backward.”
Research has shown that Indian Muslim communities across the nation have felt the effects of this stereotyping, especially in northern India. Muslims reported being disproportionately targeted by population control initiatives. These concerns among the Muslim community intensified with the aggressive forced sterilization program carried out by the Indian state under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in the 1970s.
Using religion for politics
Modi’s party, the BJP, was formed in 1980 but failed to win significant elections until the 1990s.
Several people on top of the 16th century Babri Mosque five hours before the structure was completely demolished in December 1992. Douglas E. Curran/AFP via Getty Images
The main focus of their organizing in the 1980s and 1990s was to demand the demolition of a mosque commissioned by Mughal emperor Babur in Ayodhya, traditionally regarded as the birthplace of Hindu deity Rama.
In tandem with this campaign, the BJP promoted fears of Muslim demographic dominance in India, tying demands for “taking back” the land on which the Babri Masjid was built with fears of a Muslim majority.
But such fears are unfounded. Despite the Muslim minority growing from 11% in the mid-1980s to 14% today, their representation in Parliament has actually declined, from 9% in the mid-1980s to 5% today.
Since the BJP came to power in India in 2014, party leaders have relied on the historic fears of imagined Muslim population growth to help them win successive elections at the state and national level and pass legislation such as the Citizenship Amendment Act, which discriminates against Muslims. BJP leaders have accused Muslim men of forcibly converting Hindu women to Islam through “love jihad,” a conspiracy theory that Muslim men deceptively seduce Hindu women to increase their demographic strength.
Modi’s latest statement referring to “those who have too many children” is the latest iteration of a long history of Hindu demographic fears – and has proven to be a lasting one.
This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Archana Venkatesh, Clemson University
Monday, May 06, 2024
WOMYNS HEALTH
‘I’m in menopause': Halle Berry joins senators to confront stigma in her fight for women's care funding
AP | ByAshima Grover
May 06, 2024
American actress Halle Berry joined forces with senators on Thursday to combat the stigma against women's health care, including menopause.
WASHINGTON (AP) — Halle Berry is joining a group of bipartisan senators to push for legislation that would put $275 million toward research and education around menopause, the significant hormone shift women go through in middle age.
The legislation calls for the federal government to spend more on clinical trials on menopause as well as the hormone therapy that is used to treat hot flashes and other symptoms.
Berry, 57, shouted about menopause outside the U.S. Capitol on Thursday. She said it’s a word her own doctor told her he was scared to say in front of her.
“I’m in menopause, OK?” Berry yelled, eliciting chuckles from the crowd. “The shame has to be taken out of menopause. We have to talk about this very normal part of our life that happens. Our doctors can’t even say the word to us, let alone walk us through the journey.”
Halle Berry gets candid about menopause symptoms
In recent months, the leading Hollywood actor has been candid about the painful symptoms she experienced while going through perimenopause, which occurs before menopause when a woman’s estrogen levels start dropping. Her doctor initially misdiagnosed her with herpes, a sexually transmitted disease that both Berry and her partner tested negative for.
Under a proposal by Democratic Sen. Patty Murray of Washington and Republican Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, $125 million would be set aside for clinical trials, public health and medical research on menopause. The remaining money would help support menopause detection and diagnosis, train doctors on treating menopause and raising public awareness around it.
“Menopause is not a bad word, it’s not something to be ashamed of, and it’s not something Congress or the federal government should ignore,” Murray said.
The bill is backed by 17 senators — three Republicans, 13 Democrats, one independent and all of them women. Several senators said Thursday they hope the bill will also encourage doctors, women and men to speak more openly about the health milestone all women experience.
Rising above the stigma against women's health care
Besides Berry, other celebrities have started sharing more about menopause on talk shows and in interviews, while some have even started hawking products related to it. And last year, President Joe Biden came out with a new initiative to improve the federal government’s research around women’s health, including menopause. Dr. Monica Bertagnolli, director of the National Institutes of Health, has said that too little is known about women’s health through all stages of life. Her agency is the federal government's leading medical research arm.
While the legislation has cleared what is typically one of Congress' biggest hurdles — getting bipartisan support — its prospects are uncertain. It's difficult getting bills through Congress at any time and the challenges are compounded now by the divisiveness on the Hill and the dwindling number of days on the legislative calendar before the November election.
The group of women will need to get buy-in from their male colleagues to make the money for menopause research a reality. Congress is overwhelmingly represented by men.
Murkowski said she was looking forward to getting support from her male counterparts. “If men went through menopause we would have adequately and appropriately funded the research (into) menopause decades and decades ago."
First Person: Women In Madagascar Too Ashamed To Seek Help Giving Birth
Monday, 6 May 2024Press Release: UN News
Some of the poorest women in an underdeveloped region south of Madagascar are “too ashamed” to seek the maternal health services they need, according to a midwife working in a health centre supported by United Nations agencies, but that may be about to change.
The predominantly rural region of Androy has been beset by a series of humanitarian crises which have affected the most vulnerable people there, including mothers-to-be, however the delivery of simple, inexpensive maternity kits is encouraging more women to access a range of services that will help keep them and their babies healthy.
Ahead of the International Day of the Midwife, celebrated annually on 5 May, Jeanne Bernadine Rasoanirina, a midwife in Behara, in Androy, spoke to UN News’s Daniel Dickinson about the challenges of reaching the poorest women.
“This is a very poor rural area, and many women are too ashamed to come to the health centre to have their babies delivered because they don’t even have the money for transport or to buy clean cloth in which to wrap their newborn. They don’t want other people to know they are poor.
The mothers-to-be who come here get all the support they need to give birth, and it’s free of charge, thanks to the government as well as UN agencies, including [the UN reproductive health agency] UNFPA.[The UN Children’s Fund] UNICEF and the World Food Programme (WFP) provide important nutrition advice and support, which complements our work and is essential to keeping mothers and their children healthy.
Even though I have done this job for 19 years, it still really saddens me when women arrive who don’t have the means to look after themselves. They may be wearing dirty clothes, which is a sign of poverty, but also a lack of knowledge or respect for cleanliness.
In the last week, I have delivered three babies and over the past month, I attended over 330 antenatal and postnatal consultations, so there is definitely a demand for services.
Maternity kits
I think more women will be encouraged to come to the health centre, as yesterday we had a delivery of 240 maternity kits [supported by UNFPA] for the first time in over a year, which will last about three months.
The kits include everything a mother needs to give birth – gloves, gauze, umbilical cord clip and a syringe for the delivery and then cloth wraps and clothes in which to dress the baby. They will remove the shame that mothers feel.
It is frustrating that we have not had a consistent supply as this small item can make a big difference. It means more women will come to our health centre, which is a safer place to give birth. In 2023, we had only successful births; there were no deaths. We don’t know how many women gave birth at home nor how many children and mothers died as a result. There is definitely a risk of death if a woman doesn’t come here to deliver her baby.
Polygamy
There are still many cultural barriers to safe childbirth in the south of Madagascar. Children are considered a sign of wealth, even if families don’t have the means to look after them properly, so it is common to have many children, sometimes as many as 10.
Polygamy is also practiced, and some men have up to five wives and want to have children with all of them. We provide information here and offer training about these issues, but we must always be sensitive about the local culture.”
Recognizing vital role of midwives on International Doctor-Midwife day
Nazrin Abdul, AZERNEWS
Today, May 5, marks Doctor-Midwife Day, a celebration conceived by the International Association of Physician-Midwives during a 1987 conference in the Netherlands, Azernews reports.
It wasn't until 1992 that this day gained official recognition, now observed in over 50 countries worldwide, aiming to highlight the significance of midwifery.
The pivotal role midwives play in ensuring the health and well-being of both mother and child. Their expertise, knowledge, and skills are critical in safeguarding maternal and infant health.
The roots of this noble profession trace back to ancient civilizations like India and Greece, persisting through the ages to the present day.
In Azerbaijan, strides in obstetrics and gynecology are evident, with the Scientific-Research Institute of Obstetrics and Gynecology under the Ministry of Health serving as a cornerstone for training specialists and advancing medical practices. The institute's focus on maternal and child health underscores its commitment to enhancing treatment and preventive measures for common ailments.
Midwives, often unsung heroes, play a vital role not only in childbirth but also in postnatal care, providing crucial medical assistance and emotional support to mothers and newborns. They serve as the primary caregivers from the moment a woman enters the maternity hospital until the baby's discharge, offering invaluable guidance and comfort throughout the journey into motherhood.
Last year, Azerbaijan welcomed 112,620 newborns into the world, with boys comprising 53.1% and girls 46.9% of births. Among them were 3,410 twins, 147 triplets, and 4 quadruplets. In the first two months of this year alone, over 17,000 babies were born in Azerbaijan, underscoring the ongoing significance of midwifery in ensuring the nation's future generations thrive.