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Wednesday, December 10, 2025

Fast-tracking a natural climate solution by compressing millennia of carbon capture into hours





The Hebrew University of Jerusalem




Researchers have managed to speed up a natural process that normally takes thousands of years, creating a lab “machine” to capture carbon dioxide. A new study shows how limestone, dolomite, and seawater can be used as a natural carbon absorption system and could help reduce emissions from power plants in the future. By running CO₂ and seawater through columns filled with these common rocks, the team demonstrated a controllable way to lock carbon safely in dissolved form, rather than letting it escape into the air. The system already works but currently captures only part of the CO₂, leaving clear room – and a clear roadmap – for engineering improvements toward a practical, nature-based carbon capture technology.

What if it were possible to take a very slow geological process, one that takes thousands of years in nature, and speed it up so that it happens within hours, in order to slow the rate of global warming?

That is exactly what Noga Moran, Dr. Yonaton Goldsmith from Hebrew University and Dr. Eyal Wargaft from the Israeli Open University did in a new study published in Environmental Science & Technology, a leading journal of the American Chemical Society.

The increase in the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere causes global warming and climate change. The new study suggests a method for preventing the release of carbon dioxide from power plants that could help reduce warming.

Brief background: What happens in nature?

In nature, carbon dioxide dissolves in rainwater, forming a slightly acidic solution. This water seeps through limestone and dolomite rocks, reacts with them, and forms bicarbonate ions, a dissolved form of carbon, that are carried by rivers to the oceans.

This process is one of the main mechanisms by which the Earth removes carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. However, it occurs at a very slow rate and is limited by the availability of water, carbon dioxide, and the surface area of the rock. On its own, it is far too slow to significantly reduce the intensity of global warming.

The current study investigates how this process can be made to happen faster and in a controlled manner, inside a reactor that mimics natural conditions.

What did the researchers discover?

In this new study, the researchers built a tall, transparent reactor filled with limestone and dolomite and flowed seawater and carbon dioxide through it. In this way, they were able to “compress” a very slow natural process, carbonate weathering, into a controlled experiment.

The study shows how this process can be made to work efficiently in a reactor. Among other things, the researchers:

  • Identified an optimal CO₂-to-seawater ratio at which the system uses carbon dioxide most efficiently.
  • Found that gentle recycling of the gas improves the reaction, while too much circulation actually reduces efficiency.
  • Showed that grain size matters: smaller grains lead to more total carbon dissolved, while larger grains create smoother pathways that speed up the reaction rate.
  • Demonstrated that dolomite may be a better rock for carbon capture because it does not produce secondary carbonate precipitates that could release carbon back into the atmosphere.
  • Measured the system’s overall efficiency: currently only about 20% of the introduced CO₂ is converted into dissolved carbon, suggesting that engineering improvements could significantly enhance performance.

Together, these findings map out the practical conditions under which a natural carbon capture process can be replicated in the laboratory and turned into an engineering basis for developing future systems to reduce emissions in power plants and industry.

“The goal was to understand what’s really happening when carbonate rocks encounter high levels of carbon dioxide. Once we figured out the conditions that allowed the process to work efficiently, we could see how something natural and slow becomes a controlled process that can be measured and tuned,” says Noga Moran.

In memory of Dr. Eyal Wargaft

The study is dedicated to Dr. Eyal Wargaft, the initiator of the research and a lecturer at the Open University, who passed away from cancer during the study.

“Eyal was a brilliant scientist and a great teacher,” says Moran. “He believed that science was part of the solution to the climate crisis, and this work bears his fingerprint at every stage.”

Thursday, December 04, 2025

Phillis Wheatley: Genius, Poet, and Pioneer in the Face of Slavery



 December 3, 2025
Washington’s Gamble On Ahmed Al-Sharaa Could Push Syria Toward A New Authoritarian Era – Analysis

Syria's interim president Ahmed al-Sharaa with US President Donald Trump. 
Photo Credit: SANA
By Halmat Palan

On September 22, 2025, Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, a man once hunted by the United States and its allies, walked onto the stage of the Concordia Annual Summit in New York City. Waiting to interview him was retired US General David Petraeus, the same commander once tasked with pursuing him as the head of the Al Qaeda-affiliated Nusra Front during the height of the Iraq and Syria Jihadi insurgency. Petraeus, once CIA director, praised al-Sharaa’s vision and barely concealed the surreal nature of the moment.

Only weeks later, al-Sharaa sat in the White House with President Donald Trump, who suspended sanctions on Syria for 180 days and hailed him as a major advocate for peace. What was unimaginable a few years ago is now official US policy.

This rebranding of al-Sharaa is a dangerous gamble. He didn’t stumble into power through democratic reform or national consensus. He built his position through the Nusra Front, which later became the Hayat Tahrir al Sham (HTS). According to the United Nationsand Human Rights Watch, this group engaged in suicide bombing, massacres, torture, unlawful killings, war crimes and coercive rule during the Syrian Civil War. West Point’s Combating Terrorism Center has shown that HTS’s rebranding didn’t change either its core jihadist ideology or methods.

Washington once placed a $10 million bounty on al-Sharaa and put him on the terrorist list. Today, these designations have been removed and replaced by handshakes and photo ops with jihadists in suits.

Al-Sharaa’s impact on Syria’s diverse communities

Trump’s description of al-Sharaa as a stabilizing partner sends a troubling message to the communities that suffered most under jihadist and authoritarian violence. Syria’s Kurds, Druze and Alawites see an unelected leader with a hardline past consolidating power in Damascus with Western blessing as a dangerous threat to building a decentralized and democratic Syria that enshrines in its constitution and institutions guaranteed rights and freedoms for all.

They understand the danger a man like al-Sharaa poses because they have not only lived through the reign of leaders with similar ideological and authoritarian tendencies but have also paid many lives responding to such forces of intolerance and repression, as in the case of the Al-Assad Dynasty and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). The signals of alarm sent by the Kurds and Druze about al-Sharaa and the HTS should be heeded because nothing in this man’s record suggests he has abandoned his desire for centralized rule and homogenization politics cloaked in Jihadism.

His government has already made it clear that, in its desire for national unity, it will stand against demands for power-sharing or decentralized structures of governance. The interim constitution rejects federalism and strips Kurdish cultural and linguistic recognition in line with Ba’athist homogenization of the Assad era, rather than a break from it.

According to the London School of Economics, Al Monitor and North Press, there has been an active rollback of Kurdish language curricula, cultural programs and even public holidays such as Newroz since al-Sharaa took the helm in Damascus. These are not symbolic moves but evidence of the governing philosophy for Syria’s future under al-Sharaa.

The ethnic and religious groups in Syria will not accept marginalization reminiscent of the Ba’athist era. They will reject and revolt against any authority that seeks to strip them of the freedoms and autonomy they have paid for with blood.


Rising tensions and marginalization of the Druze

Similar to the Kurds, the Druze in Sweida suffer from marginalization and threats to their security as a people. Reporting by the Middle East Institute and Syria Direct suggests that the central government has supported Sunni Bedouin tribes in recent clashes, exacerbating sectarian insecurity and eroding local defence structures.

This forms part of a concerning pattern that emboldens groups loyal to the HTS-run government and furthers ethnic and religious fault lines rather than calming them. This leads to a security and political climate where groups like the Druze and Kurds, who demand autonomy or self-defense, are treated as threats to national sovereignty rather than forces crucial to the security of their regions and the broader country.

Al-Sharaa presents this tightening grip on power as necessary for defending national unity and Syria’s sovereignty. In reality, it is the same centralization that led Syria to civil war and eventual collapse under Bashar al-Assad. Concentrating authority in Damascus without meaningful inclusion of the periphery does not create stability. Instead, it alienates communities like the Kurds and Druze that proved to be the most resilient against ISIS and the most willing to build pluralistic governance, while the central state resorted to massacres, detention and torture of the populace seeking their democratic rights and freedoms.

Why decentralization is essential for Syria’s future

The strategic flaw in Washington’s embrace of al-Sharaa is deeply concerning and should be viewed with great caution. True stability in deeply divided states comes from balancing power between the center and the periphery, not from labeling the periphery as a national security threat and the central power as justified in whatever it does. This is clear both from international relations theory and the lived experience of pluralistic and multicultural societies.

When the center knows the periphery can check its excesses, incentives shift from the use of force towards negotiation. When the periphery knows it cannot be dominated, incentives shift toward cooperation rather than revolt. Thus, decentralization is the ideal model of governance for Syria since it creates a balance of power, whereas centralization seeks to destroy it through the domination and supremacy of the central power.

In Syria, the communities most committed to shared governance are the same ones being sidelined today. Kurdish forces protected Arabs, Yazidis, Assyrians and Christians during the fight against ISIS and were decisive in the destruction of the ISIS caliphate. While they held the line, al-Sharaa was pledging allegiance to Al Qaeda, expanding HTS control and jihadist governance. It is hard to justify rewarding al-Sharaa’s HTS while undercutting the Kurds and others.

It is also important to highlight the influence of regional powers like Turkey in this push for centralization. According to the Atlantic Council and the Washington Institute, Ankara sees al-Sharaa as someone who could help neutralize Kurdish autonomy and reshape northern Syria in line with Turkish interests.

A US policy that strengthens the central government under al-Sharaa effectively aligns with Turkish objectives at the expense of the Kurds, who fought ISIS and pushed back against both jihadist and regime authoritarianism in Syria. Such a policy does not bode well for US allies or the objectives of stability and democracy in the region.

Given Syria’s demographic diversity, a federal or pluralistic system that provides real cultural, linguistic and administrative autonomy for Kurds, Druze and others is the only structure that can create stability and prosperity. Security arrangements might include local forces like the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and community units made up of Druze, alongside, but not subordinate to, the Syrian army.

The details would have to be worked out, but the principle is paramount to the stability and harmony of all groups in a future Syria. Stability cannot be built on the pretense that Syria is a homogeneous Arab nation with one identity, one center, and one narrative.

Lastly, Al Shara is unelected. His authority rests on military power and foreign endorsement. No leader with that profile should be allowed to reshape Syria’s political future without major constitutional guarantees, independent elections and the full participation of the country’s diverse communities to check any moves towards authoritarian and discriminatory policies.

By backing al-Sharaa without strong conditions and checks on power, Washington and its allies risk empowering a force that could create a new authoritarian and Islamist system akin to the Islamic Republic built by former Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini and his successors in Iran. Syria’s stability and prosperity begin with a stronger periphery, not a reinforced central authority led by a man whose record and ideology have yet to indicate any meaningful change.



The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.

About the author: Halmat Palani is a Kurdish human rights activist, English teacher, and freelance writer based in Vancouver, Canada. Halmat was born as a refugee, and his personal journey has fueled his determination to make a difference. With a bachelor’s degree in political science and international studies from Simon Fraser University, he channels his expertise to shed light on pressing issues.

Source: This article was published by Fair Observer


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