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Monday, November 24, 2025

Tyson to Close Major Beef Facility, Shafting 3,000 Workers After Boosting Stock Buybacks

“It’s no secret that just a few years ago, packers like Tyson were making windfall profits while the rest of the industry was continuously in the red,” said a Republican US senator from Nebraska.


Tyson Foods frozen products are pictured in a Safeway store on August 8, 2023 in Washington, DC.
(Photo by Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)


Jake Johnson
Nov 24, 2025
COMMON DREAMS

Tyson Foods, the largest meat supplier in the United States, is shutting down a Nebraska beef-processing plant that employs more than 3,000 people just months after the company rewarded shareholders by boosting its dividend and ramping up stock buybacks.

The company said late last week that its decision to shutter the Lexington, Nebraska plant and scale back shifts at its Amarillo, Texas facility is “designed to right size its beef business and position it for long-term success” even as beef prices are close to record highs. The Wall Street Journal reported that Tyson and other meatpackers, which are facing federal scrutiny for allegedly colluding to drive up prices, “have been losing hundreds of millions of dollars processing beef because of the lowest amount of cattle on U.S. pastures since the 1950s.”




Tyson, the latest company to cut thousands of jobs after prioritizing stock-boosting share buybacks, said it intends to provide “relocation benefits” to impacted workers, but provided no details.

“Tyson Foods recognizes the impact these decisions have on team members and the communities where we operate,” the company said in a statement.

The plant in Lexington, which has a population of 11,000, is one of the largest beef-processing facilities in the United States. US Sen. Deb Fischer (R-Neb.), a member of the Senate Agriculture Committee, said in a statement that she was “extremely disappointed” by Tyson’s decision to close the Lexington plant, warning it would “have a devastating impact on a truly wonderful community, the region, and our state.”

“It’s no secret that just a few years ago, packers like Tyson were making windfall profits while the rest of the industry was continuously in the red,” Fischer added. “As we head into the holiday season, I call on Tyson to do everything in its power to take care of the families affected by this short-sighted decision.”

Tyson’s announcement came days after the company said its adjusted operating income increased by 26% this fiscal year compared to 2024. The company also said it repurchased 3.5 million of its own shares for $196 million.

In early August, Tyson announced that its board “approved an increase of 43 million shares authorized for repurchase under the company’s share repurchase program.”

Stock buybacks have long been associated with mass layoffs, wage stagnation, and other harms to workers.

“Tens of thousands of workers are losing their jobs in thousands of companies only because CEOs and their major stockholders want to make a quick killing by artificially jacking up the price of their stock,” Les Leopold, executive director of the Labor Institute, told Common Dreams last year after mass layoffs at John Deere.

“We must always call stock buybacks for what they really are: blatant stock manipulation,” he added.

Friday, August 22, 2025

 

AI in Agriculture Symposium, hackathon set for September in Fayetteville



Inaugural event features eight experts from academia and industry




University of Arkansas System Division of Agriculture

Samuel B. Fernandes 

image: 

Samuel B. Fernandes is an assistant professor of agricultural statistics and quantitative genetics for the Center for Agricultural Data Analytics and the department of crop, soil, and environmntal sciences. He has organized the center's inaugural AI in Ag Symposium to take place Sept. 15 online and in-person at the Don Tyson Center for Agricultural Sciences, 1371 W. Altheimer Drive, in Fayetteville, Arkansas.

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Credit: U of A System Division of Agriculture






FAYETTEVILLE, Ark. — The inaugural AI in Agriculture Symposium, hosted by the Center for Agricultural Data Analytics within the Arkansas Agricultural Experiment Station, will highlight the latest in AI research and real-world applications for agriculture on Sept. 15.

The free event, featuring artificial intelligence and automation experts from academia and industry, will be offered online and in-person at the Don Tyson Center for Agricultural Sciences, 1371 W. Altheimer Drive, in Fayetteville. The experiment station is the research arm of the University of Arkansas System Division of Agriculture.

“AI is present in every field, and we would like to make sure our ag students and researchers have the opportunity to interact with people at the forefront of this field to foster collaborations and awareness of the potential of AI in agriculture,” said Samuel Fernandes, organizer of the event and an assistant professor of agricultural statistics and quantitative genetics with the experiment station.

The AI in Agricultural Symposium begins at 8:30 a.m. with a light breakfast and opening remarks from Jean-François Meullenet, senior associate vice president for agriculture-research and director of the experiment station.

Sessions begin at 9 a.m. Lunch will be provided at noon, and the event concludes at 5 p.m., followed by a reception and poster session until 7 p.m.

Featured speakers include:

  • Girish Chowdhary, associate professor of agricultural and biological engineering, and computer science with the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign.
  • Rohit Sanjay, automation developer with Tyson Foods.
  • Rich Adams, assistant professor of agricultural statistics for the Center for Agricultural Data Analytics, and the entomology and plant pathology department in the Dale Bumpers College of Agricultural, Food and Life Sciences at the University of Arkansas.
  • Aranyak Goswami, assistant professor and computational biologist with the Center for Agricultural Data Analytics, and the animal science and poultry science departments for the Division of Agriculture and Bumpers College.
  • Nicholas Ames, principal data scientist for Bayer Crop Science.
  • Erin Gilbert, staff data steward for Bayer Crop Science.
  • Alon Arad, director of artificial intelligence and analytics for Walmart Global Tech.
  • Ana Maria Heilman-Morales, director of the Big Data Pipeline Unit at North Dakota State University.

Heilman-Morales will lead a roundtable beginning at 4 p.m. on the topic “AI as a bridge for multidisciplinary collaborations in agriculture.”

The deadline to register for in-person attendance is Sept. 7. There is no deadline to register for online attendance.

AI in Ag Hackathon

In addition to the symposium, Fernandes also highlighted the inaugural AI in Ag Hackathonwhich gives graduate students from the University of Arkansas in Fayetteville and the University of Arkansas at Pine Bluff a chance to address real-world scenarios commonly faced in the ag industry. The hackathon takes place Sept. 13-14 in the Mullins Library on the University of Arkansas campus in Fayetteville.

Fernandes said that while participants can win prizes for developing the best solutions, “most importantly, the top three teams will be given 5 minutes to present their solution at the Arkansas AI in Ag Symposium.”

Interested graduate students can find more details on the AI in Agriculture Symposium event page. The AI in Ag Hackathon is a collaboration between the Center for Agricultural Data Analytics, the Dale Bumpers College of Agricultural, Food and Life Sciences, and Bayer Crop Science.

The registration deadline for the AI in Ag Hackathon is Sept. 10.

To learn more about the AI in Agriculture Symposium, contact Samuel Fernandes at samuelbf@uark.edu or 479-575-5677. Dial 711 for Arkansas Relay.

To learn more about the Division of Agriculture research, visit the Arkansas Agricultural Experiment Station website. Follow us on X at @ArkAgResearch, subscribe to the Food, Farms and Forests podcast and sign up for our monthly newsletter, the Arkansas Agricultural Research Report. To learn more about the Division of Agriculture, visit uada.edu. Follow us on X at @AgInArk. To learn about extension programs in Arkansas, contact your local Cooperative Extension Service agent or visit uaex.uada.edu.

About the Division of Agriculture

The University of Arkansas System Division of Agriculture’s mission is to strengthen agriculture, communities, and families by connecting trusted research to the adoption of best practices. Through the Agricultural Experiment Station and the Cooperative Extension Service, the Division of Agriculture conducts research and extension work within the nation’s historic land grant education system. 

The Division of Agriculture is one of 20 entities within the University of Arkansas System. It has offices in all 75 counties in Arkansas and faculty on three system campuses.  

The University of Arkansas System Division of Agriculture is an equal opportunity institution. If you require a reasonable accommodation to participate or need materials in another format, please contact Samuel Fernandes at samuelbf@uark.edu or 479-575-5677 as soon as possible. Dial 711 for Arkansas Relay.

Pursuant to 7 CFR § 15.3, the University of Arkansas System Division of Agriculture offers all its Extension and Research programs and services (including employment) without regard to race, color, sex, national origin, religion, age, disability, marital or veteran status, genetic information, sexual preference, pregnancy or any other legally protected status, and is an equal opportunity institution.

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Friday, May 09, 2025

Framing the Feed: How Social Media Shapes Our Interpretation of Reality



Facebook

Photo by Jon Tyson

In 2024, Project Censored introduced Beyond Fact-Checking: A Teaching Guide to the Power of News Frames to critically analyze narrative strategies media outlets use to present news stories. Framing shapes how we understand these stories by emphasizing certain aspects and downplaying others, ultimately promoting a particular interpretation of events. The point of framing is that it’s subtle and extremely easy to overlook, so the guide walks readers through framing red flags, such as selective sourcing, passive voice in headlines, and deceptively cropped images.

Although my colleague, Andy Lee Roth, and I initially developed this guide to educate students about how news can be factually accurate and still misleading due to framing, this concern is not limited to news. Framing shapes our interpretations of all kinds of content seen online every day.

After all, we’re all the architects, or framers, of our personal online presence. We carefully curate what we want others to see or know about us and deliberately omit the less desirable aspects of our lives. But in a more extreme form, this curation becomes the domain of influencers, where false advertising, dubious health recommendations, or shameless self-promotion are often tools to boost one’s image and ultimately generate significant income.

Algorithmic curation on platforms like X, Instagram, and TikTok also works to make framing a mostly invisible practice. Algorithms subtly amplify certain narratives more than others, ultimately trapping users in harmful echo chambers they’re unaware of.

For example, a user who repeatedly comes across a particular type of political content can begin to assume that most others on the platform share that same perspective. When, in reality, it’s not a matter of consensus—it’s a feedback loop. The user simply engages the most with that kind of content and certain accounts, signaling to the algorithm to feed them more of the same. This reality may feel organic, but tech companies have thoroughly engineered this exclusive focus over time.

In 2013, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) cracked down on influencers and celebrities peddling products without disclosing brand partnerships, marking the beginning of the .Com Disclosures. By 2017, the FTC began improving disclosures on social media specifically, sending out more than ninety warning letters to influencers and celebrities about clearly identifying brand partnerships in posts, using hashtags like #sponsored or #ad.

Notably, in 2020, the FTC alleged that the brand Teami Blends misled consumers by not “adequately disclos(ing) payments to well-known influencers.” The brand’s 30 Day Detox Pack, promoted by Cardi B, Jordin Sparks, Alexa PenaVega, and others, was touted as a sort of miracle product that would help consumers lose weight, fight or prevent cancer, and clear clogged arteries, among other unsubstantiated claims.

Influencers’ “before and after” photos showed thinner versions of themselves, suggesting these positive body transformations were the result of using Teami’s teas, instead of what was likely a combination of rigorous diet and exercise. Moreover, the FTC said that when influencers did disclose paid partnerships, the relevant hashtags were often not visible unless users clicked a link to read more.

In November 2023, the FTC sent warning letters to lobbying group American Beverage Association (ABA), the Canadian Sugar Institute, and health influencers with a cumulative follower count of more than 6 million across TikTok and Instagram, saying it had identified nearly three dozen posts that “failed to clearly disclose who was paying the influencers to promote artificial sweeteners or sugary foods.” Unlike Teami Blends’ partnership posts, these posts were clearly captioned #ad, but they offered followers no clear identification of the influencers’ sponsors.

One follower of Mary Ellen, or @milknhoneynutrition, a registered dietitian with more than 150,000 Instagram followers, commented on the partnered post, saying, “Genuine question – your post says this is an ad/paid partnership…with who? Diet Coke? Aspartame? The FDA? The ADA? The WHO? I’m just curious…” By leaving the partnership unidentified, Mary Ellen could convince followers that her endorsement was more neutral or personally motivated than it was.

Beyond the FTC violation, critics argued that online dietitians flogging the safety of sugar substitutes was inappropriate, if not unethical.

Of course, consumer awareness is an essential ethical consideration. But what happens when FTC guidelines have not been violated, when disclosures are clear and conspicuous, but the concern that should be disclosed isn’t the paid partnership itself, but instead, the political and moral implications of the partnership?

For her “Challenge Accepted” series, YouTuber Michelle Khare, whose channel has more than 5 million subscribers, became an army soldier for a day, sponsored by (you guessed it) the United States Army. Khare’s video highlights the physical commitment of training, including obstacle courses, parachute operations, and marksmanship. However, her video neglects to emphasize the actual challenges and responsibilities of military life, such as combat risks and stress, and long-term contractual obligations. Instead, the video glorifies military service by framing it as an opportunity to travel, pursue education, and learn foreign languages, without addressing some of the most obvious risks and consequences.

Khare’s army video is a clear departure from a lot of her other content in the original series, including videos where she tries anchoring the news, training like a chess grandmaster, or joining the traveling circus. In these, Khare gains a deeper appreciation and understanding of the skill, discipline, and dedication required in a wide range of professions. However, Khare’s army video, and her previously sponsored Marine boot camp video, deliberately blur the line between entertainment and recruitment. The underlying message is: This could be a better version of who you are now.

Framing is everywhere and often intentionally subtle. Even the most skeptical among us can fall prey to curated realities, algorithmic manipulation, and persuasive narratives cloaked in (apparent) neutrality. These days, it’s not enough for the news we consume and social media accounts we follow to pass a fact-check. We must be vigilant frame-checkers, off and online, asking ourselves how facts are presented, what perspectives are prioritized or outright excluded, and whose interests are served.

We can’t eliminate misinformation or misleading framing, but we can try to see it more clearly.

This originally appeared on Project Censored.

Shealeigh Voitl is Project Censored’s Digital and Print Editor. A regular contributor to the Project’s yearbook series, her writing has been featured in State of the Free Press 2023TruthoutThe Progressive, and Ms. Magazine.

Thursday, May 08, 2025

Trump tariffs to hit small farms in Maga heartlands hardest, analysis predicts


Major corporations are best placed to benefit from Trump polices at the expense of independent farmers



Nina Lakhani in New York
Thu 8 May 2025 
THE GUARDIAN

The winners and losers of Trump’s first tariff war strongly suggest that bankruptcies and farm consolidation could surge during his second term, with major corporations best placed to benefit from his polices at the expense of independent farmers.

New analysis by the non-profit research advocacy group Food and Water Watch (FWW), shared exclusively with the Guardian, shows that Trump’s first-term tariffs were particularly devastating for farmers in the Maga rural heartlands.


Farm bankruptcies surged by 24% from 2018 to 2019 – the highest number in almost a decade – as retaliatory tariffs cost US farmers a staggering $27bn.

Numbers of farms fell at the highest rate in two decades with the smallest operations (one to nine acres) hardest hit, declining by 14% between 2017 and 2022. Meanwhile, the number of farms earning $2.5m to $5m more than doubled.


Losses from the first-term trade war were mostly concentrated in the midwest due to the region’s focus on export commodities such as corn, soy and livestock that are heavily reliant on China. States with more diverse agricultural sectors such as California and Florida experienced lower rates of insolvency and export declines than in previous years, suggesting the trade war played a role, according to Trump’s Last Tariff Tantrum: A Warning.

The breakdown in closures suggests that Trump’s $28bn tariff bailout package in 2018-19 disproportionately benefited mega-farms while smaller-scale farms and minority farmers were left behind.

The top tenth of recipients received 54% of all taxpayer bailout funds. The top 1% received on average $183,331 while the bottom 80% got less than $5,000 each, according to previous analysis.

The number of Black farmers fell by 8% between 2017 and 2022, while white farmer numbers declined by less than 1%.
Workers on a farm n Homestead, Florida, on 25 April. Photograph: Chandan Khanna/AFP/Getty Images

“President Trump’s first-term trade war hurt independent farmers and benefited corporations, offering a warning of what is to come without a plan to help farmers adjust,” said Ben Murray, senior researcher at FWW.

“Trump’s latest slap-dash announcements will likely further undermine US farmers while benefiting multinationals who can easily shift production abroad to avoid high tariffs. Farmers’ livelihoods should not be used as a foreign policy bargaining chip. Chaotic tariff tantrums are no way to run US farm policy.”

The first 100 days of Trump 2.0 have led to turmoil and uncertainty for consumers, producers and the markets, amid an extraordinary mix of threats, confusing U-turns and retaliatory tariffs from trading partners.

Trump’s second trade war could prove even more damaging for US farmers and rural communities, as it comes on top of dismantling of agencies, funds and Biden-era policies to help farmers adapt to climate shocks, tackle racist inequalities and strengthen regional food markets. By the end of April, more than $6bn of promised federal funds had been frozen or terminated, according to the National Sustainable Agriculture Association’s tracker.

Rural counties rallied behind Trump in 2024, giving him a majority in all but 11 of the 444 farming-dependent counties, according to analysis by Investigate Midwest.

Last week, the agriculture secretary, Brooke Rollins, played down the likely harm to Trump’s farmer base, but said the administration was preparing a contingency bailout plan if farmers are hurt by escalating trade wars. “We are working on that. We are preparing for it. We don’t believe it will be necessary,” Rollins told Fox News. “We are out across the world, right now, opening up new markets.”

US farm policy has long incentivized large-scale monocropping of export commodities such as wheat, corn, soy, sorghum, rice, cotton – and industrial animal farming – rather than production for domestic consumption. This globalized agricultural system favors large and corporate-owned operations, while undermining small, diversified farms and regional food systems. It is a system inextricably tied to global commodity markets, and therefore extremely vulnerable to trade wars.

The 2018-19 bailout payments were set up in a way that, inadvertently perhaps, “subsidized, encouraged and promoted” the loss of smaller and mid-size farms to the benefit of mega-farms – in large part because the tariffs were implemented without a coherent plan to reform US farm policy and help farmers transition to domestic markets.

The number of large farms – those earning more than $500,000 – grew by 18% between 2017 and 2022. “The taxpayers are essentially being asked to subsidize farm consolidation,” the Environmental Working Group said at the time.

Trump’s first-term tariffs hit soybean farmers, who are highly dependent on China, hardest, with exports slumping 74% in 2018 from the previous year. The number of soybean farms fell almost 11% between 2017 and 2022 – a significant turn of fortune given the 9% rise over the previous decade. In fact, the only winners after Trump’s trade war were big farms, those harvesting at least 1,000 acres of soybeans, the FWW analysis found.

The 2018/19 tariff bailout package was also used to facilitate contracts and commodity purchases. A significant share went to the billion-dollar corporations which already have a stranglehold on the US food system, and rural communities.

Arkansas-headquartered Tyson Foods received almost $29m in federal contracts and purchases between August 2018 and July 2019, while Brazil-based JBS secured nearly $78m. JBS used its market power to undercut competition, winning over a quarter of the total $300m in taxpayer dollars allocated towards federal pork purchases, according to FWW.

The two multinationals currently control 40% to 50% of the US beef market, 45% of poultry and, along with two other corporations, 70% of the pork market.

Things could be even worse under Trump 2.0, with the president no longer seeming concerned by the markets or the polls.

John Boyd Jr, a fourth-generation Black farmer, has been unable to secure a farm operating loan since Trump’s tariffs sent commodity prices tumbling. USDA field offices that help farmers apply for credit and government subsidies, which Black, Native and other minority farmers were already disproportionately denied, are being closed in the name of efficiency.

Farmer John Boyd Jr during a break from bailing hay at his farm in Boydton, Virginia, on 27 May 2021. Photograph: Steve Helber/AP

“This administration is putting the heads of Black farmers on the chopping block and ridiculing us in public with no oversight and no pushback from Congress,” said Boyd, president and founder of the National Black Farmers Association, who farms soy, wheat, corn and beef in Virginia. “Trump’s tariffs are a recipe for complete disaster, and this time his voters in red states will also get punched in the face.”

Trump 2.0 tariffs against China are higher and broader, and also target scores of other agricultural trading partners. China is better prepared, having diversified its import markets to Brazil and other Latin American countries since Trump’s first trade war, while US domestic farm policy has barely changed.

“The administration seems completely blind to the harm that was done previously, and in many ways what’s happening now is already worse … The concern is that trades are stalled and nothing’s really flowing,” said Ben Lilliston, director of rural strategies and climate change at the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy.

In late April, China cancelled a 12,000-tonne order of US pork – the largest cancellation since the start of the Covid pandemic, suggesting Trump’s tariff war is already sabotaging trade.

“The lesson from last time is we didn’t get the money to the right farmers. But the longer-term lesson is that the US lost credibility in trade. US Secretary Rollins is going overseas to try to open up export markets but they seem to be in deep denial right now about the harm that’s already been done to these relationships,” Lilliston said.

A USDA spokesperson said: “President Trump is putting farmers first and will ensure our farmers are treated fairly by our trading partners. The administration has not determined whether a farmer support program will be needed at this time. Should a program need to be implemented in the future, the department’s goal will always be to benefit farms of all sizes.”

JBS, Tyson and the American Farm Bureau Federation, a lobby group, have been contacted for comment.

Friday, March 21, 2025

Economist Says Fed Warning Shows Trump Driving US Economy 'Toward Disaster'


"Launching chaotic trade wars with our allies and gutting Social Security, Medicaid, and other vital programs in order to fund tax breaks for his billionaire donors isn't making life more affordable for working-class families."


U.S. Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell speaks at a news conference after a meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee on Wednesday, March 19, 2025 in Washington, D.C.
(Photo: Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc. via Getty Images)


Brett Wilkins
Mar 19, 2025
COMMON DREAMS

A former Obama administration economic adviser said Wednesday that the Federal Reserve's forecast of increased unemployment, accelerating inflation, and slower growth driven by President Donald Trump's economic policies could portend a return of the "stagflation" that plagued the nation in the 1970s.

The Federal Open Markets Committee, which sets U.S. monetary policy, downgraded its economic outlook for 2025 from an initial projection of 2.1% growth to 1.7%. FOMC also revised its inflation forecast upward from 2.5% to 2.8%.

While FOMC said that "recent indicators suggest that economic activity has continued to expand at a solid pace," the committee noted that "uncertainty around the economic outlook has increased."




Fears of an economic slowdown or even a recession have increased dramatically since Trump took office and imposed tariffs on some of the nation's biggest trade partners while moving to gut critical social programs in order to fund a $4.5 trillion tax cut that will overwhelmingly benefit wealthy Americans.

"Inflation has started to move up now. We think partly in response to tariffs and there may be a delay in further progress over the course of this year," Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell said during a Wednesday news conference, at which he said interest rates will remain unchanged. "The survey data [of] both household and businesses show significant large rising uncertainty and significant concerns about downside risks."

The economic justice group Groundwork Collaborative said the FOMC projections show that "Trump is steering our economy toward disaster," while warning of the possible return of stagflation, a combination of low or negative economic growth and inflation.

Alex Jacquez, the chief of policy and advocacy at the Groundwork Collaborative and a former adviser at the White House National Economic Council during the Obama administration, said in a statement that "the Federal Reserve's projections confirm what millions of Americans are already thinking: President Trump is steering our economy toward disaster."

"Voters elected President Trump to lower the cost of living, and instead, they continue to be saddled with persistently high inflation and interest rates," Jacquez continued. "Launching chaotic trade wars with our allies and gutting Social Security, Medicaid, and other vital programs in order to fund tax breaks for his billionaire donors isn't making life more affordable for working-class families. It is, however, a perfect recipe for stagflation."

Trump's economic policies—which some observers believe could be designed to deliberately tank the economy so that the ultrawealthy can buy up assets at deep discounts—have sent consumer confidence plummeting. Meanwhile, recent polls have revealed that a majority of voters disapprove of Trump's handling of the economy and inflation.

The latest FOMC forecast came as the world braces for yet another escalation of Trump's trade war, with the president threatening to implement worldwide reciprocal tariffs starting April 2.

The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) said Monday that Trump's trade war is likely to slow economic growth in the United States and around the world.

"The global economy has shown some real resilience, with growth remaining steady and inflation moving downwards," OECD Secretary-General Mathias Cormann said. "However, some signs of weakness have emerged, driven by heightened policy uncertainty."

"Increasing trade restrictions will contribute to higher costs both for production and consumption," Cormann added. "It remains essential to ensure a well-functioning, rules-based international trading system and to keep markets open."

Why Do Wealthy CEOs Love Trump? He’s Distracting From Their Own Grift


Corporate CEO paychecks continuing to go gangbusters while the corporations these execs run are—at best—just treading water.


U.S. President Donald Trump and Tesla CEO Elon Musk (AND MINI ME MUSK) speak to the press as they stand next to a Tesla Cybertruck on the South Portico of the White House on March 11, 2025 in Washington, D.C.
(Photo: Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images)


Sam Pizzigati
Mar 20, 2025
Inequality.org

Every day’s headlines now seem to bombard us with ever more outrageous Trumpian antics. Who could have possibly imagined, for instance, that a president of the United States would turn the White House lawn into a Tesla auto showroom?

But these antics actually do serve a useful social and political purpose—for President Donald Trump’s fellow deep pockets and the corporations they run. Trump’s kleptocratic arrogance and audacity have shoved the institutionalized thievery of Corporate America’s ever-grasping top execs off into the shadows.

Those shadows could hardly be more welcome. American corporate executive compensation, as the business journal Fortune has just detailed, is now “surging amid a roaring bonus rebound.”

Heads CEOs win, in other words, tails they never lose.

One example: Tyson Foods CEO Donnie King has seen his annual executive rewards leap from $13 million in 2023 to $22.7 million in 2024. To keep King smiling, Tyson’s board of directors has also extended his CEO contract into 2027 and guaranteed him “a post-employment perk that includes 75 hours of personal use of the company jet as long as he sticks around on the board.”

And what in the way of wonders has Tyson’s King been working to earn all this? Not much, concludes a new Compensation Advisory Partners analysis. Anyone who had $100 invested in Tyson shares at the end of fiscal 2019 today holds a nest egg worth just $80.54. Tyson’s most typical workers aren’t doing particularly well either. They took home $43,417 in 2024, 525 times less than the annual compensation that CEO Donnie King pocketed.

Over at Moderna, Big Pharma’s newest big kid on the corporate block, chief exec Stéphane Bancel saw his 2024 annual pay jump 16.4% over his 2023 compensation despite a 53% drop in Moderna’s annual revenue.

Back in 2022, at Covid-19’s height, Bancel personally collected over $392 million exercising stacks of the stock options he had been sitting upon. Between that year’s start and 2024’s close, Moderna shares plummeted from just under $254 each to under $42.

Moderna’s transition to our post-Covid world, the Moderna board acknowledges, has been “more complex than anticipated.” That complexity, the board apparently believes, in no way justifies denying Bancel his rightful place among Big Pharma’s top-earning CEOs. Bancel’s near $20-million 2024 payday is keeping him well within hailing distance of all his Big Pharma peers.

How can corporate CEO paychecks be continuing to go gangbusters while the corporations these execs run are—at best—just treading water? Lauren Peek, a partner at Compensation Advisory Partners and a co-author of the firm’s latest CEO pay analysis, has an explanation.

Corporate board compensation committees, Peek observes, want to keep their top execs adequately incentivized. These board panels simply cannot bear the sight of their CEOs getting down in the dumps. So what do these panels do? They exclude from their final CEO pay decisions any negative economic factors that CEOs can’t directly determine. But these same corporate panels never take into account unexpected positive economic factors that their CEOs had no hand in creating.

Heads CEOs win, in other words, tails they never lose.

Among those winners: Disney chief exec Robert Iger. His 2024 total pay jumped to $41 million, up nearly $10 million from his 2023 compensation. Disney’s total shareholder return, over that same year, didn’t even reach halfway up the total return that Disney’s peer companies recorded.

Disney hardly rates as an outlier among the 50 major publicly traded corporations that the recently released Compensation Advisory Partners report puts under the microscope. The median revenue growth of these 50 firms dropped to 1.6% in 2024, less than half their 2023 rate. Their earnings remained virtually flat as well. But their CEO compensation climbed an average 9%.

“With financial performance largely flat across these early Fortune 500 filers,” notes an HR Grapevine analysis of the Compensation Advisory Partners findings, “board-level decisions to maintain or raise executive bonuses may prompt further scrutiny from investors and stakeholders alike.”

“For ‘shop-floor’ employees,” adds the HR Grapevine, “news of CEO wage hikes despite average financial performances will undoubtedly prompt a good deal of rumination about their own levels of compensation.”

Equilar, an information services firm specializing in corporate pay, has also been busy analyzing the latest trends in CEO remuneration. Equilar’s latest look at corner-office compensation has found that median CEO pay within the corporations that make up the Equilar 500 jumped up from $12 million in 2020 to $16.5 million last year.

CEO-worker pay gaps have increased even more significantly. At the median Equilar 500 corporation, CEOs pocketed 186.5 times the pay of their most typical workers in 2020 and 306 times that pay in 2024. At America’s larger corporations—those companies sitting at the 75th percentile of the Equilar 500—CEOs made 307.5 times their typical worker pay in 2020 and last year collected 527 times more.

A key driver of this ever-widening CEO-worker pay gap? The sinking compensation going to typical corporate workers, as Equilar’s Joyce Chen concluded last week in an analysis for the Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance. These median workers took home $66,321 in 2020, but just $57,299 last year.

But top execs aren’t just shortchanging workers at pay-time. They’re also pressuring those workers to squeeze and defraud clients and customers at every opportunity, as former Wells Fargo bank manager and investigator Kieran Cuadras has just vividly detailed.

Nearly a decade ago, Cuadras relates, a mammoth phony accounts scandal at Wells Fargo led to fines totaling $20 million against the bank’s then-CEO John Stumpf. But those fines, she points out, hardly made a dent in the estimated $130 million that Stumpf “walked away with in compensation when he resigned.”

Wells Fargo’s current CEO, Charles Scharf, appears to be doing his best to follow in Stumpf’s footsteps. Scharf’s gutted risk and complaint departments are cutting corners “to create the illusion of fewer complaints.” The reality: Those departments are closing complaint cases prematurely. In 2024, these and other sneaky moves helped Scharf pocket a sweet $31.2 million .

Our nation’s political leaders, says Wells Fargo employee and customer advocate Kieran Cuadras, need “to step up and do something about a CEO pay system that rewards executives with obscenely large paychecks for practices that harm workers and the broader economy.”

Where to start that stepping up? Lawmakers ought to be levying new taxes on corporations “with huge gaps between their CEO and worker pay,” Cuadras posits, and increasing an already existing tax on stock buybacks.

Moves like these, she astutely sums up, “would encourage companies to focus on long-term prosperity and stability rather than simply making wealthy executives and shareholders even richer.”


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Sam Pizzigati veteran labor journalist and Institute for Policy Studies associate fellow, edits Inequality.org. His recent books include: The Case for a Maximum Wage (2018) and The Rich Don't Always Win: The Forgotten Triumph over Plutocracy that Created the American Middle Class, 1900-1970 (2012).
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