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Thursday, October 03, 2024

Dems, GOP see a common villain in the port fight: Foreign shippers

Ry Rivard
Wed, October 2, 2024



Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump are so far taking the same side in the strike by East and Gulf Coast longshoremen — speaking up for the American workers against the foreign-owned shipping companies that control ports in the U.S.

The fact that major political leaders from both parties are taking aim at the European- and Asian-based shipping companies represents an early political victory for the dockworkers. Their union has portrayed the strike that began this week as a necessary step to get better wages from exploitative conglomerates that bring goods in and out of the country.

The messaging is also just the latest sign that both parties see the support of blue-collar workers as crucial to the outcome of November's elections.

“American workers should be able to negotiate for better wages, especially since the shipping companies are mostly foreign flag vessels, including the largest consortium ONE,” Trump said in a statement on Tuesday evening. The Singapore-based ONE is the sixth-largest shipping company in the world.

Striking dockworkers are enjoying the confluence of a labor-friendly Democratic White House and a GOP nominee trying to court union voters weeks before an election. Trump’s support for this strike contrasts with his suggestion in August, during an interview on X with Elon Musk, that striking employees should be fired.

Harris also sounded a message sympathetic to the port workers on Wednesday, despite the risk that an extended strike could trigger price spikes and commodity shortages that would imperil her chances of defeating Trump.


The vice president said the strike by the International Longshoremen’s Association is “about fairness,” and also emphasized the shippers’ outside-the-U.S. locale.

“Foreign-owned shipping companies have made record profits and executive compensation has grown,” she said in a statement. “The Longshoremen, who play a vital role transporting essential goods across America, deserve a fair share of these record profits.”

Harris also dismissed Trump’s pro-union rhetoric as an “empty promise.”

President Joe Biden has similarly criticized shipping companies for not sharing enough of their recent record profits with workers, and said his administration is monitoring “any price gouging activity that benefits foreign ocean carriers” during the strike.

New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy, a Democrat whose state is home to the largest port on the East Coast, put the issue more starkly. He said the strike is “foreign owned operators on the one hand and American workers on the other hand.”

The United States Maritime Alliance, the trade group that represents the shipping industry at the bargaining table, pushed back against the criticism, saying its diverse membership includes foreign-owned companies that have American subsidiaries, as well as port facility operators and associations that are based in the U.S.

“Our members employ more than 35,000 Americans within their direct organizations, and play a vital role in supporting economic activity across the country,” the alliance, known as USMX, said in a statement.

The foreign companies are convenient political foils for all sides, including the union, which is demanding raises of 60 percent or more over the next six years for workers who already do well by blue-collar standards. (Dockworkers in New York and New Jersey can make over $250,000 a year.)

Shortages during the pandemic put supply-chain issues on America's radar screen. Both parties have sought to boost American self-reliance and manufacturing, with Trump and Biden notably both agreeing that the U.S. needs to cut its reliance on Chinese goods.

But the shipping industry is a vital link to world markets that remains in the hands of foreign companies. Since the 1980s, almost all American ocean carriers have been sold to foreign companies or gone out of business. As a result, the U.S., which has its roots as a collection of maritime colonies centuries ago, has lost its place as a maritime leader over the past several decades.

Some of the companies that operate these ships, known as ocean carriers, may carry familiar logos on the sides of shipping containers. Many — like Maersk, CMA CGM, Evergreen and Hapag-Lloyd — are based in countries friendly to the U.S., but some are not. COSCO is a state-owned Chinese enterprise, which makes it an even bigger target given the anti-China sentiment coursing through Congress in both parties.

Rep. Mike Waltz, a Florida Republican, singled out COSCO in a social media post about the strike and warned of Chinese influence over American ports.

Of the more than 40,000 cargo ships in the world, fewer than 200 are based in the U.S. The business is also heavily concentrated because the largest companies — all foreign owned — control the lion’s share of the market.

Even Sea-Land, an American company that is credited for inventing the now-ubiquitous cargo container 70 years ago, was sold to Denmark-based Maersk in 1999.

The head of the striking dockworkers union, ILA President Harold Daggett, used to work for Sea-Land and speaks fondly of the company, while blasting Maersk for making record profits, doling out executive bonuses and attempting to replace his members with robots.

“If it was up to them, they would like to see everybody lose their jobs,” Daggett said in a recent video statement.

While all the major shipping lines are foreign-owned, other companies operate port facilities, known as terminals. Some of those are purely American companies, including Port Newark Container Terminal, which is based in New Jersey, and Red Hook Terminals, which has facilities in New York, New Jersey and Texas.

But Maersk also owns one of the largest terminal operators, APM Terminals, which Daggett has been particularly critical of because his members work at terminals. In Rotterdam, the Netherlands, Maersk has already built a “fully automated” terminal. As part of the contract negotiations, Daggett wants to protect workers from such automation.

At times, the foreign ownership issues have drawn legal and lawmakers’ scrutiny.

In 2016, Tyson Foods, the American food giant, urged the federal government to take a closer look at alliances among the shipping companies.

In 2017, The Wall Street Journal reported that federal investigators “crashed a meeting of the world’s 20 biggest container-shipping operators and gave subpoenas to top executives at several companies as part of a probe on price fixing.” The investigation was closed without charges.

Not only does the U.S. have few cargo ships, but the country cannot easily build more ships even if it wanted to.

This issue has long worried Congress because the American shipbuilding industry is, in the words of the Congressional Research Service, “globally uncompetitive.”

New attention on foreign ownership amid the strike could put pressure on the Biden administration to take action against Chinese cargo ships as part of a probeinto Beijing’s state-backed shipbuilding industry, which has enabled the country’s industry to quickly dominate the shipbuilding and maritime sector. The probe was requested by a coalition of labor unions, which proposed a port fee on Chinese-made ships that could be used to fund a subsidy to revitalize U.S. shipbuilding.

Ari Hawkins, Nick Niedzwiadek, Holly Otterbein, Josh Sisco and Sam Sutton contributed to this report.

Wednesday, October 02, 2024

Harris backs striking port workers, knocks Trump

Alex Gangitano
Wed, October 2, 2024

Vice President Harris voiced her support Wednesday for striking port workers, while also bashing her rival former President Trump, after tens of thousands of longshoremen at ports along the East Coast and Gulf of Mexico walked off the job.

“This strike is about fairness. Foreign-owned shipping companies have made record profits and executive compensation has grown. The Longshoremen, who play a vital role transporting essential goods across America, deserve a fair share of these record profits,” Harris said in a statement.

She quickly turned to Trump, saying he “wants to pull us back to a time before workers had the freedom to organize,” arguing that he makes “empty promises” to workers but “never delivers.”

The United States Maritime Alliance (USMX) and the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA) failed to reach a new labor agreement by the deadline Tuesday, leading to the first strike by the port workers’ union in nearly 50 years.

The union has demanded wage increases and a total ban on the automation of cranes, gates and container-moving trucks. The USMX said Monday evening it had “traded counteroffers related to wages” with the ILA.

Harris, in her statement, repeated a line from her rallies, which is that Trump cares more about skyscraper owners than the workers who built the buildings. And, she touted the PRO Act, which is the pro-labor legislation that President Biden has also called for Congress to pass.

“He thinks our economy should only work for those who own the big skyscrapers, not those who actually build them,” Harris said, referring to Trump. “As President, I will have workers’ backs and finally pass the PRO Act. And I will fight for an opportunity economy — where every person has the chance not just to get by but to get ahead.”

Biden on Tuesday called for the striking workers to get an increase in wages, urging USMX to come to the table and present an offer to the workers that ensures they are paid fairly.

The strike raises political obstacles for Biden and Harris and has real consequences for the U.S. and international economy, costing as much as $5 billion per day and impacting both exports and imports.


Harris, Trump take an America First tone on dockworkers’ strike

Ry Rivard
Wed, October 2, 2024 



Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump are so far taking the same side in the strike by East and Gulf Coast longshoremen — speaking up for the American workers against the foreign-owned shipping companies that control ports in the U.S.

The fact that major political leaders from both parties are taking aim at the European- and Asian-based shipping companies represents an early political victory for the dockworkers. Their union has portrayed the strike that began this week as a necessary step to get better wages from exploitative conglomerates that bring goods in and out of the country.

The messaging is also just the latest sign that both parties see the support of blue-collar workers as crucial to the outcome of November's elections.


“American workers should be able to negotiate for better wages, especially since the shipping companies are mostly foreign flag vessels, including the largest consortium ONE,” Trump said in a statement on Tuesday evening. The Singapore-based ONE is the sixth-largest shipping company in the world.

Striking dockworkers are enjoying the confluence of a labor-friendly Democratic White House and a GOP nominee trying to court union voters weeks before an election. Trump’s support for this strike contrasts with his suggestion in August, during an interview on X with Elon Musk, that striking employees should be fired.

Harris also sounded a message sympathetic to the port workers on Wednesday, despite the risk that an extended strike could trigger price spikes and commodity shortages that would imperil her chances of defeating Trump.


The vice president said the strike by the International Longshoremen’s Association is “about fairness,” and also emphasized the shippers’ outside-the-U.S. locale.

“Foreign-owned shipping companies have made record profits and executive compensation has grown,” she said in a statement. “The Longshoremen, who play a vital role transporting essential goods across America, deserve a fair share of these record profits.”

Harris also dismissed Trump’s pro-union rhetoric as an “empty promise.”

President Joe Biden has similarly criticized shipping companies for not sharing enough of their recent record profits with workers, and said his administration is monitoring “any price gouging activity that benefits foreign ocean carriers” during the strike.

New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy, a Democrat whose state is home to the largest port on the East Coast, put the issue more starkly. He said the strike is “foreign owned operators on the one hand and American workers on the other hand.”

The United States Maritime Alliance, the trade group that represents the shipping industry at the bargaining table, pushed back against the criticism, saying its diverse membership includes foreign-owned companies that have American subsidiaries, as well as port facility operators and associations that are based in the U.S.

“Our members employ more than 35,000 Americans within their direct organizations, and play a vital role in supporting economic activity across the country,” the alliance, known as USMX, said in a statement.

The foreign companies are convenient political foils for all sides, including the union, which is demanding raises of 60 percent or more over the next six years for workers who already do well by blue-collar standards. (Dockworkers in New York and New Jersey can make over $250,000 a year.)

Shortages during the pandemic put supply-chain issues on America's radar screen. Both parties have sought to boost American self-reliance and manufacturing, with Trump and Biden notably both agreeing that the U.S. needs to cut its reliance on Chinese goods.

But the shipping industry is a vital link to world markets that remains in the hands of foreign companies. Since the 1980s, almost all American ocean carriers have been sold to foreign companies or gone out of business. As a result, the U.S., which has its roots as a collection of maritime colonies centuries ago, has lost its place as a maritime leader over the past several decades.

Some of the companies that operate these ships, known as ocean carriers, may carry familiar logos on the sides of shipping containers. Many — like Maersk, CMA CGM, Evergreen and Hapag-Lloyd — are based in countries friendly to the U.S., but some are not. COSCO is a state-owned Chinese enterprise, which makes it an even bigger target given the anti-China sentiment coursing through Congress in both parties.

Rep. Mike Waltz, a Florida Republican, singled out COSCO in a social media post about the strike and warned of Chinese influence over American ports.

Of the more than 40,000 cargo ships in the world, fewer than 200 are based in the U.S. The business is also heavily concentrated because the largest companies — all foreign owned — control the lion’s share of the market.

Even Sea-Land, an American company that is credited for inventing the now-ubiquitous cargo container 70 years ago, was sold to Denmark-based Maersk in 1999.

The head of the striking dockworkers union, ILA President Harold Daggett, used to work for Sea-Land and speaks fondly of the company, while blasting Maersk for making record profits, doling out executive bonuses and attempting to replace his members with robots.

“If it was up to them, they would like to see everybody lose their jobs,” Daggett said in a recent video statement.

While all the major shipping lines are foreign-owned, other companies operate port facilities, known as terminals. Some of those are purely American companies, including Port Newark Container Terminal, which is based in New Jersey, and Red Hook Terminals, which has facilities in New York, New Jersey and Texas.

But Maersk also owns one of the largest terminal operators, APM Terminals, which Daggett has been particularly critical of because his members work at terminals. In Rotterdam, the Netherlands, Maersk has already built a “fully automated” terminal. As part of the contract negotiations, Daggett wants to protect workers from such automation.

At times, the foreign ownership issues have drawn legal and lawmakers’ scrutiny.

In 2016, Tyson Foods, the American food giant, urged the federal government to take a closer look at alliances among the shipping companies.

In 2017, The Wall Street Journal reported that federal investigators “crashed a meeting of the world’s 20 biggest container-shipping operators and gave subpoenas to top executives at several companies as part of a probe on price fixing.” The investigation was closed without charges.

Not only does the U.S. have few cargo ships, but the country cannot easily build more ships even if it wanted to.

This issue has long worried Congress because the American shipbuilding industry is, in the words of the Congressional Research Service, “globally uncompetitive.”

New attention on foreign ownership amid the strike could put pressure on the Biden administration to take action against Chinese cargo ships as part of a probeinto Beijing’s state-backed shipbuilding industry, which has enabled the country’s industry to quickly dominate the shipbuilding and maritime sector. The probe was requested by a coalition of labor unions, which proposed a port fee on Chinese-made ships that could be used to fund a subsidy to revitalize U.S. shipbuilding.

Ari Hawkins, Nick Niedzwiadek, Holly Otterbein, Josh Sisco and Sam Sutton contributed to this report.

Wednesday, August 21, 2024

'People need to go to jail': Video allegedly shows meat industry colluding to price gouge

Jake Johnson, Common Dreams
August 21, 2024 

Board of grilled meats (Photo by Jon Tyson on Unsplash)

A former grocery executive told a progressive media outlet in a video released Tuesday that "people f------ need to go to jail" over a long-running scheme in which dominant U.S. meat industry players have used information provided by a little-known data analytics company to increase prices and pad their bottom lines.

"This is probably one of the top five food scandals of the 21st Century, and we can't underplay it," said Errol Schweizer, the former vice president of Whole Foods' grocery division. "People need to go to jail for this s---."

Schweizer's comments come at the start of a nine-minute video produced by More Perfect Union, which tells the story of how Indiana-based Agri Stats, the seemingly bland data firm, "built a network used by the nation's largest meat companies," including Tyson Foods, Hormel, and Cargill.

"Inside that network, America's meat barons share secret data," says More Perfect Union's Eric Gardner, the video's narrator. "It's alleged that Agri Stats organizes and then launders that information across the industry. Companies weaponize it, restricting output, manipulating the market, ultimately raising your prices."

Last September, the U.S. Department of Justice filed a civil antitrust suit against Agri Stats for allegedly "organizing and managing anticompetitive information exchanges among broiler chicken, pork, and turkey processors."

"The complaint alleges that Agri Stats violated Section 1 of the Sherman Act by collecting, integrating, and distributing competitively sensitive information related to price, cost, and output among competing meat processors," the DOJ said. "This conduct harms customers, including grocery stores and American families."

Less than two months later, Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison led a bipartisan coalition of states in joining the Justice Department's lawsuit, which Agri Stats tried unsuccessfully to dismiss earlier this year.

Ellison told More Perfect Union that while an update to U.S. antitrust laws is long-overdue, "the Sherman Act, passed in 1890, is enough to stop Agri Stats from this illegal information-sharing that it's doing."

"I want to get to trial on this fast," said Ellison. "I believe we've got a great case, and I believe that what we're fighting for is a fair economy so that all Americans can aspire to prosperity."

More Perfect Union released its video days after Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris proposed a first-of-its-kind federal ban on price gouging in the food and grocery sectors and called for new rules to "make clear that big corporations can't unfairly exploit consumers to run up excessive profits."

The meat industry was among the corporate forces that pushed back on Harris' proposed price gouging ban. Julie Anna Potts, president and CEO of the Meat Institute—a lobbying group for the meatpacking industry—accused the Harris campaign of "unfairly" targeting the meat and poultry industry.

While Potts said that "avian influenza, a shortage of beef cattle, and high input prices like energy and labor are all factors that determine prices at the meat case," Tyson, Cargill, JBS S.A., and National Beef are each facing lawsuits accusing them of illegally colluding to fix prices.

Friday, July 12, 2024

Busted: GOP lawmaker pushed millions for pipeline to benefit companies that donated to her

Matthew Chapman
July 11, 2024 

Photo via VA State Senate webpage

Rep. Jen Kiggans (R-VA) pushed for millions of dollars in earmarks that would benefit a pair of companies that donated thousands of dollars to her election campaign, reported Politico on Thursday.

Kiggans, a former Virginia state senator, was one of the Republicans who was first elected in 2022, unseating Democratic Rep. Elaine Luria.

According to the report, satellite company Rocket Lab's political PAC contributed a total of $3,500 to Kiggans over the last two years, and Tyson Foods, the agribusiness giant, gave her $1,000 last year. According to the report, both stand to benefit from a Kiggans-backed proposal for $7.4 million in appropriations to extend a natural gas pipeline in Maryland to Eastern Virginia; Rocket Lab considered the pipeline last year for fuel, while Tyson Foods was a "potential anchor customer" for the extension.

Asked for comment, Rocket Lab said that the pipeline extension was not one of the things they lobbied for from the House Appropriations Committee.

Earmarks were absent from legislation for most of the 2010s, following House Republicans' move to abolish them. They were ultimately restored, because they are a tangible way for a member of Congress to ask for funding that directly benefits their constituents for a specific project. However, they have sometimes faced criticism for creating the appearance of quid pro quo arrangements, where lawmakers can directly reward their supporters and benefactors with federal funding for projects that benefit them.

Kiggans, during her original campaign for office, caught mockery for ripping off her own opponent's op-ed in a fundraising email.

Friday, July 05, 2024


Animal Factories: On the Killing Floor

 
 JULY 5, 2024

Revenge of the Swine by Sue Coe.

All illustrations by Sue Coe.

“Auschwitz begins whenever someone looks at a slaughterhouse and thinks: they’re only animals.”

– Theodor Adorno

I grew up south of Indianapolis on the glacier-smoothed plains of central Indiana. My grandparents owned a small farm, whittled down over the years to about 40 acres of bottomland, in some of the most productive agricultural land in America. Like many of their neighbors they mostly grew field corn (and later soybeans), raised a few cows and bred a few horses.

Even then farming for them was a hobby, an avocation, a link to a way of life that was slipping away. My grandfather, who was born on that farm in 1906, graduated from Purdue University and became a master electrician, who helped design RCA’s first color TV. My grandmother, the only child of an unwed mother, came to the US at the age of 13 from the industrial city of Sheffield, England. When she married my grandfather she’d never seen a cow, a few days after the honeymoon she was milking one. She ran the local drugstore for nearly 50 years. In their so-called spare time, they farmed.

My parent’s house was in a sterile and treeless subdivision about five miles away, but I largely grew up on that farm: feeding the cattle and horses, baling hay, bushhogging pastures, weeding the garden, gleaning corn from the harvested field, fishing for catfish in the creek that divided the fields and pastures from the small copse of woods, learning to identify the songs of birds, a lifelong obsession.

Even so, the farm, which had been in my mother’s family since 1845, was in an unalterable state of decay by the time I arrived on the scene in 1959. The great red barn, with it’s multiple levels, vast hayloft and secret rooms, was in disrepair, the grain silos were empty and rusting ruins, the great beech trees that stalked the pasture hollowed out and died off, one by one, winter by winter.

In the late-1960s, after a doomed battle, the local power company condemned a swath of land right through the heart of the cornfield for a high-voltage transmission corridor. A fifth of the field was lost to the giant towers and the songs of redwing blackbirds and meadowlarks were drowned out by the bristling electric hum of the powerlines.

After that the neighbors began selling out. The local diary went first, replaced by a retirement complex, an indoor tennis center and a sprawling Baptist temple and school. Then came a gas station, a golf course and a McDonalds. Then two large subdivisions of upscale houses and a manmade lake, where the water was dyed Sunday cartoon blue.

When my grandfather died from pancreatic cancer (most likely inflicted by the pesticides that had been forced upon him by the ag companies) in the early 1970s, he and a hog farmer by the name of Boatenwright were the last holdouts in that patch of blacksoiled land along Buck Creek.

Sewage lagoons by Sue Coe.

Boatenwright’s place was about a mile down the road. You couldn’t miss it. He was a hog farmer and the noxious smell permeated the valley. On hot, humid days, the sweat stench of the hogs was nauseating, even at a distance. In August, I’d work in the fields with a bandana wrapped around my face to ease the stench.

How strange that I’ve come to miss that wretched smell.

That hog farm along Buck Creek was typical for its time. It was a small operation with about 25 pigs. Old man Boatenwright also ran some cows and made money fixing tractors, bush hogs and combines.

Not any more. There are more hogs than ever in Indiana, but fewer hog farmers and farms. The number of hog farms has dropped from 64,500 in 1980 to 10,500 in 2000, though the number of hogs has increased by about 5 million. It’s an unsettling trend on many counts.

Hog production is a factory operation these days, largely controlled by two major conglomerations: Tyson Foods and Smithfield Farms. Hogs are raised in stifling feedlots of concrete, corrugated iron and wire, housing 15,000 to 20,000 animals in a single building. They are the concentration camps of American agriculture, the filthy abattoirs of our hidden system of meat production.

Pig factories are the foulest outposts in American agriculture. A single hog excretes nearly 3 gallons of waste per day, or 2.5 times the average human’s daily total. A 6,000-sow hog factory will generate approximately 50 tons of raw manure a day. An operation the size of Premium Standard Farms in northern Missouri, with more than 2 million pigs and sows in 1995, will generate five times as much sewage as the entire city of Indianapolis. But hog farms aren’t required to treat the waste. Generally, the stream of fecal waste is simply sluiced into giant holding lagoons, where it can spill into creeks or leach into ground water. Increasingly, hog operations are disposing of their manure by spraying it on fields as fertilizer, with vile consequences for the environment and the general ambience of the neighborhood.

Over the past quarter century, Indiana hog farms were responsible for 201 animal waste spills, wiping out more than 750,000 fish. These hog-growing factories contribute more excrement spills than any other industry.

It’s not just creeks and rivers that are getting flooded with pig shit. A recent study by the EPA found that more than 13 percent of the domestic drinking-water wells in the Midwest contain unsafe levels of nitrates, attributable to manure from hog feedlots. Another study found that groundwater beneath fields which have been sprayed with hog manure contained five times as much nitrates as is considered safe for humans. Such nitrate-leaden water has been linked to spontaneous abortions and “blue baby” syndrome.

Pig and wirecutters by Sue Coe.

A typical hog operation these days is Pohlmann Farms in Montgomery County, Indiana. This giant facility once confined 35,000 hogs. The owner, Klaus Pohlmann, is a German, whose father, Anton, ran the biggest egg factory in Europe, until numerous convictions for animal cruelty and environmental violations led to him being banned from ever again operating an animal enterprise in Germany.

Like father, like son. Pohlmann the pig factory owner has racked up an impressive rapsheet in Indiana. Back in 2002, Pohlmann was cited for dumping 50,000 gallons of hog excrement into the creek, killing more than 3,000 fish. He was fined $230,000 for the fish kill. But that was far from the first incident. From 1979 to 2003, Pohlmann has been cited nine times for hog manure spills into Little Sugar Creek. The state Department of Natural Resources estimates that his operation alone has killed more than 70,000 fish.

Pohlmann was arrested for drunk driving a couple of years ago, while he was careening his way to meet with state officials who were investigating yet another spill. It was his sixth arrest for drunk driving. Faced with mounting fines and possible jail time, Pohlmann offered his farm for sale. It was bought by National Pork Producers, Inc., an Iowa-based conglomerate with its own history of environmental crimes. And the beat goes on.

My grandfather’s farm is now a shopping mall. The black soil, milled to such fine fertility by the Wisconsin glaciation, now buried under a black sea of asphalt. The old Boatenwright pig farm is now a quick lube, specializing in servicing SUVs.

America is being ground apart from the inside, by heartless bankers, insatiable conglomerates, and a politics of public theatrics and private complicity. We are a hollow nation, a poisonous shell of our former selves.

An earlier version of this piece originally appeared in CP +.

Jeffrey St. Clair is editor of CounterPunch. His most recent book is An Orgy of Thieves: Neoliberalism and Its Discontents (with Alexander Cockburn). He can be reached at: sitka@comcast.net or on Twitter @JeffreyStClair3

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