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Wednesday, August 21, 2024

'People need to go to jail': Video allegedly shows meat industry colluding to price gouge

Jake Johnson, Common Dreams
August 21, 2024 

Board of grilled meats (Photo by Jon Tyson on Unsplash)

A former grocery executive told a progressive media outlet in a video released Tuesday that "people f------ need to go to jail" over a long-running scheme in which dominant U.S. meat industry players have used information provided by a little-known data analytics company to increase prices and pad their bottom lines.

"This is probably one of the top five food scandals of the 21st Century, and we can't underplay it," said Errol Schweizer, the former vice president of Whole Foods' grocery division. "People need to go to jail for this s---."

Schweizer's comments come at the start of a nine-minute video produced by More Perfect Union, which tells the story of how Indiana-based Agri Stats, the seemingly bland data firm, "built a network used by the nation's largest meat companies," including Tyson Foods, Hormel, and Cargill.

"Inside that network, America's meat barons share secret data," says More Perfect Union's Eric Gardner, the video's narrator. "It's alleged that Agri Stats organizes and then launders that information across the industry. Companies weaponize it, restricting output, manipulating the market, ultimately raising your prices."

Last September, the U.S. Department of Justice filed a civil antitrust suit against Agri Stats for allegedly "organizing and managing anticompetitive information exchanges among broiler chicken, pork, and turkey processors."

"The complaint alleges that Agri Stats violated Section 1 of the Sherman Act by collecting, integrating, and distributing competitively sensitive information related to price, cost, and output among competing meat processors," the DOJ said. "This conduct harms customers, including grocery stores and American families."

Less than two months later, Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison led a bipartisan coalition of states in joining the Justice Department's lawsuit, which Agri Stats tried unsuccessfully to dismiss earlier this year.

Ellison told More Perfect Union that while an update to U.S. antitrust laws is long-overdue, "the Sherman Act, passed in 1890, is enough to stop Agri Stats from this illegal information-sharing that it's doing."

"I want to get to trial on this fast," said Ellison. "I believe we've got a great case, and I believe that what we're fighting for is a fair economy so that all Americans can aspire to prosperity."

More Perfect Union released its video days after Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris proposed a first-of-its-kind federal ban on price gouging in the food and grocery sectors and called for new rules to "make clear that big corporations can't unfairly exploit consumers to run up excessive profits."

The meat industry was among the corporate forces that pushed back on Harris' proposed price gouging ban. Julie Anna Potts, president and CEO of the Meat Institute—a lobbying group for the meatpacking industry—accused the Harris campaign of "unfairly" targeting the meat and poultry industry.

While Potts said that "avian influenza, a shortage of beef cattle, and high input prices like energy and labor are all factors that determine prices at the meat case," Tyson, Cargill, JBS S.A., and National Beef are each facing lawsuits accusing them of illegally colluding to fix prices.

Friday, July 12, 2024

Busted: GOP lawmaker pushed millions for pipeline to benefit companies that donated to her

Matthew Chapman
July 11, 2024 

Photo via VA State Senate webpage

Rep. Jen Kiggans (R-VA) pushed for millions of dollars in earmarks that would benefit a pair of companies that donated thousands of dollars to her election campaign, reported Politico on Thursday.

Kiggans, a former Virginia state senator, was one of the Republicans who was first elected in 2022, unseating Democratic Rep. Elaine Luria.

According to the report, satellite company Rocket Lab's political PAC contributed a total of $3,500 to Kiggans over the last two years, and Tyson Foods, the agribusiness giant, gave her $1,000 last year. According to the report, both stand to benefit from a Kiggans-backed proposal for $7.4 million in appropriations to extend a natural gas pipeline in Maryland to Eastern Virginia; Rocket Lab considered the pipeline last year for fuel, while Tyson Foods was a "potential anchor customer" for the extension.

Asked for comment, Rocket Lab said that the pipeline extension was not one of the things they lobbied for from the House Appropriations Committee.

Earmarks were absent from legislation for most of the 2010s, following House Republicans' move to abolish them. They were ultimately restored, because they are a tangible way for a member of Congress to ask for funding that directly benefits their constituents for a specific project. However, they have sometimes faced criticism for creating the appearance of quid pro quo arrangements, where lawmakers can directly reward their supporters and benefactors with federal funding for projects that benefit them.

Kiggans, during her original campaign for office, caught mockery for ripping off her own opponent's op-ed in a fundraising email.

Friday, July 05, 2024


Animal Factories: On the Killing Floor

 
 JULY 5, 2024

Revenge of the Swine by Sue Coe.

All illustrations by Sue Coe.

“Auschwitz begins whenever someone looks at a slaughterhouse and thinks: they’re only animals.”

– Theodor Adorno

I grew up south of Indianapolis on the glacier-smoothed plains of central Indiana. My grandparents owned a small farm, whittled down over the years to about 40 acres of bottomland, in some of the most productive agricultural land in America. Like many of their neighbors they mostly grew field corn (and later soybeans), raised a few cows and bred a few horses.

Even then farming for them was a hobby, an avocation, a link to a way of life that was slipping away. My grandfather, who was born on that farm in 1906, graduated from Purdue University and became a master electrician, who helped design RCA’s first color TV. My grandmother, the only child of an unwed mother, came to the US at the age of 13 from the industrial city of Sheffield, England. When she married my grandfather she’d never seen a cow, a few days after the honeymoon she was milking one. She ran the local drugstore for nearly 50 years. In their so-called spare time, they farmed.

My parent’s house was in a sterile and treeless subdivision about five miles away, but I largely grew up on that farm: feeding the cattle and horses, baling hay, bushhogging pastures, weeding the garden, gleaning corn from the harvested field, fishing for catfish in the creek that divided the fields and pastures from the small copse of woods, learning to identify the songs of birds, a lifelong obsession.

Even so, the farm, which had been in my mother’s family since 1845, was in an unalterable state of decay by the time I arrived on the scene in 1959. The great red barn, with it’s multiple levels, vast hayloft and secret rooms, was in disrepair, the grain silos were empty and rusting ruins, the great beech trees that stalked the pasture hollowed out and died off, one by one, winter by winter.

In the late-1960s, after a doomed battle, the local power company condemned a swath of land right through the heart of the cornfield for a high-voltage transmission corridor. A fifth of the field was lost to the giant towers and the songs of redwing blackbirds and meadowlarks were drowned out by the bristling electric hum of the powerlines.

After that the neighbors began selling out. The local diary went first, replaced by a retirement complex, an indoor tennis center and a sprawling Baptist temple and school. Then came a gas station, a golf course and a McDonalds. Then two large subdivisions of upscale houses and a manmade lake, where the water was dyed Sunday cartoon blue.

When my grandfather died from pancreatic cancer (most likely inflicted by the pesticides that had been forced upon him by the ag companies) in the early 1970s, he and a hog farmer by the name of Boatenwright were the last holdouts in that patch of blacksoiled land along Buck Creek.

Sewage lagoons by Sue Coe.

Boatenwright’s place was about a mile down the road. You couldn’t miss it. He was a hog farmer and the noxious smell permeated the valley. On hot, humid days, the sweat stench of the hogs was nauseating, even at a distance. In August, I’d work in the fields with a bandana wrapped around my face to ease the stench.

How strange that I’ve come to miss that wretched smell.

That hog farm along Buck Creek was typical for its time. It was a small operation with about 25 pigs. Old man Boatenwright also ran some cows and made money fixing tractors, bush hogs and combines.

Not any more. There are more hogs than ever in Indiana, but fewer hog farmers and farms. The number of hog farms has dropped from 64,500 in 1980 to 10,500 in 2000, though the number of hogs has increased by about 5 million. It’s an unsettling trend on many counts.

Hog production is a factory operation these days, largely controlled by two major conglomerations: Tyson Foods and Smithfield Farms. Hogs are raised in stifling feedlots of concrete, corrugated iron and wire, housing 15,000 to 20,000 animals in a single building. They are the concentration camps of American agriculture, the filthy abattoirs of our hidden system of meat production.

Pig factories are the foulest outposts in American agriculture. A single hog excretes nearly 3 gallons of waste per day, or 2.5 times the average human’s daily total. A 6,000-sow hog factory will generate approximately 50 tons of raw manure a day. An operation the size of Premium Standard Farms in northern Missouri, with more than 2 million pigs and sows in 1995, will generate five times as much sewage as the entire city of Indianapolis. But hog farms aren’t required to treat the waste. Generally, the stream of fecal waste is simply sluiced into giant holding lagoons, where it can spill into creeks or leach into ground water. Increasingly, hog operations are disposing of their manure by spraying it on fields as fertilizer, with vile consequences for the environment and the general ambience of the neighborhood.

Over the past quarter century, Indiana hog farms were responsible for 201 animal waste spills, wiping out more than 750,000 fish. These hog-growing factories contribute more excrement spills than any other industry.

It’s not just creeks and rivers that are getting flooded with pig shit. A recent study by the EPA found that more than 13 percent of the domestic drinking-water wells in the Midwest contain unsafe levels of nitrates, attributable to manure from hog feedlots. Another study found that groundwater beneath fields which have been sprayed with hog manure contained five times as much nitrates as is considered safe for humans. Such nitrate-leaden water has been linked to spontaneous abortions and “blue baby” syndrome.

Pig and wirecutters by Sue Coe.

A typical hog operation these days is Pohlmann Farms in Montgomery County, Indiana. This giant facility once confined 35,000 hogs. The owner, Klaus Pohlmann, is a German, whose father, Anton, ran the biggest egg factory in Europe, until numerous convictions for animal cruelty and environmental violations led to him being banned from ever again operating an animal enterprise in Germany.

Like father, like son. Pohlmann the pig factory owner has racked up an impressive rapsheet in Indiana. Back in 2002, Pohlmann was cited for dumping 50,000 gallons of hog excrement into the creek, killing more than 3,000 fish. He was fined $230,000 for the fish kill. But that was far from the first incident. From 1979 to 2003, Pohlmann has been cited nine times for hog manure spills into Little Sugar Creek. The state Department of Natural Resources estimates that his operation alone has killed more than 70,000 fish.

Pohlmann was arrested for drunk driving a couple of years ago, while he was careening his way to meet with state officials who were investigating yet another spill. It was his sixth arrest for drunk driving. Faced with mounting fines and possible jail time, Pohlmann offered his farm for sale. It was bought by National Pork Producers, Inc., an Iowa-based conglomerate with its own history of environmental crimes. And the beat goes on.

My grandfather’s farm is now a shopping mall. The black soil, milled to such fine fertility by the Wisconsin glaciation, now buried under a black sea of asphalt. The old Boatenwright pig farm is now a quick lube, specializing in servicing SUVs.

America is being ground apart from the inside, by heartless bankers, insatiable conglomerates, and a politics of public theatrics and private complicity. We are a hollow nation, a poisonous shell of our former selves.

An earlier version of this piece originally appeared in CP +.

Jeffrey St. Clair is editor of CounterPunch. His most recent book is An Orgy of Thieves: Neoliberalism and Its Discontents (with Alexander Cockburn). He can be reached at: sitka@comcast.net or on Twitter @JeffreyStClair3

Famine, Affluence, and Morality. Peter Singer. Philosophy and Public Affairs, vol. 1, no. 1 (Spring 1972), pp. 229-243 [revised edition]. As I write this, in ...


* In TOM REGAN & PETER SINGER (eds.), Animal Rights and Human Obligations. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1989, pp. 148-. 162. Page 2. men are; dogs, on the other ...

That's an important step forward, and a sign that over the next forty years we may see even bigger changes in the ways we treat animals. Peter Singer. February ...

In Practical Ethics, Peter Singer argues that ethics is not "an ideal system which is all very noble in theory but no good in practice." 1 Singer identifies ...

Beasts of. Burden. Capitalism · Animals. Communism as on ent ons. s a een ree. Page 2. Beasts of Burden: Capitalism - Animals -. Communism. Published October ...

Nov 18, 2005 ... Beasts of Burden forces to rethink the whole "primitivist" debate. ... Gilles Dauvé- Letter on animal liberation.pdf (316.85 KB). primitivism ..


Saturday, June 15, 2024












Tyson Foods heir suspended as CFO after second alcohol-related arrest


This Nov. 6, 2022 booking photo provided by the Washington County, Ark., Sheriff's Office shows John Tyson, Tyson Foods chief financial officer, following his arrest for public intoxication. Tyson was arrested again on Thursday, June 13, 2024, for DWI.
 (Washington County Sheriff's Office via AP, File)

DEE-ANN DURBIN
Updated Thu, Jun 13, 2024,

Tyson Foods suspended its chief financial officer – a great-grandson of the company’s founder – after his arrest Thursday on charges of driving while intoxicated.

John R. Tyson, 34, was arrested early Thursday by University of Arkansas police in Fayetteville, Arkansas, according to police records. He was also charged with careless driving and making an illegal turn.

Tyson was released from custody later Thursday on a $1,105 bond. He is scheduled to appear in court on July 15.

Springdale, Arkansas-based Tyson Foods said in a statement Thursday that it was aware of the arrest and immediately suspended John R. Tyson. He is the son of Tyson Foods Chairman John H. Tyson and a former investment banker who joined Tyson Foods in 2019.

Tyson Foods named Curt Calaway as its interim chief financial officer. Calaway has had an 18-year career at Tyson, most recently serving as treasurer and senior vice president of finance and corporate development.


It was the second time in less than two years that John R. Tyson was arrested on alcohol-related charges. In November 2022, he was charged with public intoxication and criminal trespassing after allegedly entering a stranger’s home in Fayetteville and falling asleep in her bed.

John R. Tyson sent a companywide email apologizing for that incident, saying he was embarrassed and was getting counseling for alcohol abuse. He later pleaded guilty to those charges and settled them by paying fines and court fees.

Arun Sundaram, an equity analyst with the financial research firm CFRA, said John R. Tyson had been considered a potential future CEO, a role that historically has been held by Tyson family members. But Sundaram said there are now “legitimate concerns about his ability to continue as an executive officer.”

Sundaram said Calaway would be “an excellent choice for Tyson's permanent CEO should the company decide to part ways with John R. Tyson.”

Tyson shares fell 1.5% to close at $53.86 Thursday.


Thursday, June 13, 2024

Montana Has More Cows Than People. Why Are Locals Eating Beef From Brazil?

Susan Shain
Thu, June 13, 2024

Cole Mannix, co-founder of Old Salt Co-op, on his family ranch in Helmville, Mont., on May 9, 2024. (Rebecca Stumpf/The New York Times)


While many people can conjure up romantic visions of a Montana ranch — vast valleys, cold streams, snow-capped mountains — few understand what happens when the cattle leave those pastures. Most of them, it turns out, don’t stay in Montana.

Even here, in a state with nearly twice as many cows as people, only around 1% of the beef purchased by Montana households is raised and processed locally, according to estimates from Highland Economics, a consulting firm. As is true in the rest of the country, many Montanans instead eat beef from as far away as Brazil.

Here’s a common fate of a cow that starts out on Montana grass: It will be bought by one of the four dominant meatpackers — JBS, Tyson Foods, Cargill and Marfrig — which process 85% of the country’s beef; transported by a company such as Sysco or US Foods, distributors with a combined value of over $50 billion; and sold at a Walmart or Costco, which together take in roughly half of America’s food dollars. Any ranchers who want to break out from this system — and, say, sell their beef locally, instead of as anonymous commodities crisscrossing the country — are Davids in a swarm of Goliaths.

“The beef packers have a lot of control,” said Neva Hassanein, a University of Montana professor who studies sustainable food systems. “They tend to influence a tremendous amount throughout the supply chain.” For the nation’s ranchers, whose profits have shrunk over time, she said, “It’s kind of a trap.”

Cole Mannix is trying to escape that trap.

Mannix, 40, has a tendency to wax philosophical. (He once thought about becoming a Jesuit priest.) Like members of his family have since 1882, he grew up ranching: baling hay, helping to birth calves, guiding cattle into the high country on horseback. He wants to make sure the next generation, the sixth, has the same opportunity.

So, in 2021, Mannix co-founded Old Salt Co-op, a company that aims to upend the way people buy meat.

While many Montana ranchers sell their calves into the multibillion-dollar industrial machine when they’re less than a year old, never to see or profit from them again, Old Salt’s livestock never leave the company’s hands. The cattle are raised by Old Salt’s four member ranches, slaughtered and processed at its meatpacking facility, and sold through its ranch-to-table restaurants, community events and website. The ranchers, who have ownership in the company, profit at every stage.

The technical term for this approach — in which a company controls various elements of its supply chain — is vertical integration. It’s not something many small meat businesses try, as it requires a huge amount of upfront capital.

“It’s a scary time,” Mannix said, referring to the company’s sizable debt. “We’re really trying to invent something new.”

But, he added, “No matter how risky it is to start a business like Old Salt, the status quo is riskier.”

It would have been much simpler for Old Salt to open just a meat processing facility, as some ranchers have, and not bother with restaurants and events. (In fact, that’s where much of the national attention has focused: The White House recently committed $1 billion to independent meat processors, citing the major meatpackers’ lack of competition.)

But Mannix said that would not have addressed the other issue that ranchers face: difficulty accessing distributors and customers. “It doesn’t matter if you have a nice processing facility if you can’t sell the product,” he said. “You can’t rebuild the food system by just throwing a bunch of money at one component of that food system.”

Old Salt is his attempt to rebuild the whole darn thing.

And people are taking notice. “Old Salt is a beacon,” said Robin Kelson, executive director of Abundant Montana, a nonprofit organization promoting local food. “They are showing the rest of us that by stacking enterprises, by collaborating in creative ways, it is possible to make the system work.”

On a recent Saturday, downtown Helena’s newest restaurant, the Union, was buzzing. A wood-fired grill sizzled as diners ate steaks and short ribs; up front, a butcher case gleamed with bacon and breakfast sausages. All of it came from Old Salt’s member ranches.

This restaurant-slash-butchery is Old Salt’s latest venture. It joins the Outpost, a burger stand inside a 117-year-old bar, and the Old Salt Festival, a food- and music-filled celebration of sustainable agriculture at the Mannix ranch in late June, now in its second year. That’s in addition to the company’s meat processing facility and subscription meat program.

Andrew Mace, Old Salt’s co-founder and culinary director, probably wouldn’t recommend starting five businesses in three years. But he said this was all part of the company’s “very ambitious plan to re-imagine the local meat economy.”

While Mace wants all of Old Salt’s outfits to turn a profit, their greater purpose is serving as marketing vehicles for the meat subscription service: for diners to fall in love with the Union’s rib-eye, and then sign up to get the company’s “steak and chop bundle” delivered every month.

In the next five years, Old Salt’s goal is to sell meat to 10,000 families annually, up from around 800 now. It won’t be easy: Americans are used to purchasing ground chuck from the grocery store, not from a website.

“It just takes a lot to pry into people’s spending habits,” Mace said, “and get them to understand that you’re not just buying meat, you’re investing in local landscapes.”

That matters to Mannix. He handpicked Old Salt’s members from more than 9,000 ranches across the state because they share his dedication to regenerative ranching, a set of principles that seeks to replenish soils and lessen cattle’s environmental impact.

His overarching goal is putting more money into these ranchers’ hands so they can put more time and money into stewarding their lands. (Altogether, Old Salt’s ranches manage more than 200,000 acres, a parcel larger than Shenandoah National Park.)

That’s why Old Salt’s ranchers own the majority of the company and share in the profits. “We didn’t want to be a meat company that buys livestock from ranchers and, ultimately, as it grows, has an incentive to pay as little as it can for those livestock,” Mannix said. “That leaves less money to pay for the time that it takes to really care for ecosystems.”

Uniting four ranches under one brand has also allowed the members to pool their products and marketing resources, rather than compete against one another.

“It takes some boldness to do what they are doing, but we need people out front like that to show the way,” said Hassanein.

Though it may seem ironic, given that beef production accounts for nearly 9% of global greenhouse gas emissions, she said she supported these ranches precisely because she cares about wildlife and the environment.

“These are well-known ranches; many of them are award-winning conservationists,” Hassanein said. “If they can’t survive economically, then we really have to ask ourselves what’s going to come in their place.”

That’s a question many of Old Salt’s ranchers, who are navigating both economic and environmental pressures, have been asking too. As Cooper Hibbard, a fifth-generation rancher and president of Old Salt’s board, put it, “It’s clear from all angles that we can’t keep doing what we’ve been doing, otherwise we won’t have a ranch to pass off to the next generation.”

“We’re trying to chart a new model,” he said. “We’re really swinging for the fences.”

c.2024 The New York Times Company

Sunday, June 02, 2024

Lethal Workplaces: Deaths on the Job Continue

 
MAY 31, 2024
Facebook

Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

The National Council for Occupational Safety and Health (National COSH) announced “The Dirty Dozen” employers of 2024 recently. Who are the Dirty Dozen? They are members of an employer class, a tiny minority of the population, which put the vast majority of workers and communities at-risk due to unsafe practices, leading to preventable illnesses, injuries and fatalities.

That is not all. Several of the Dirty Dozen also harass and retaliate workers who demand in deeds and words more safety on the job.

Jessica E. Martinez, MPH, is co-executive director of National COSH. “This is an exciting and challenging time for US workers,” she said in a statement. “It’s exciting to see a renewed interest in joining labor unions, participating in workers’ centers and connecting with advocacy campaigns. The challenge facing workers who are fighting for something better is that conditions in US workplaces are getting worse.

“The latest data show an increase in workplace fatalities, injuries and illnesses,” according to her. “An increasing number of children are being assigned to dangerous jobs, and the reality of climate change is bringing the risk of extreme heat to both indoor and outdoor workplaces.”

Consider this. Regular shade and water breaks for agricultural workers who harvest the food we eat is a labor standard that some employers neglect. The impacts of such maltreatment can and do result in death and illness among workers.

National COSH releases the “Dirty Dozen” each year to spotlight the real conditions in US workplaces. That is a direct way to back workers coming together to improve their lives and those of other working families.

The Dirty Dozen report comes out in observance of Workers’ Memorial Week, which took place this year from April 21 through April 28. This global event recalls workers who lost their lives on the job and their families and recognizes those suffering from occupational injuries and illnesses.

Worker victims of death on the job are born in and out of the US. For example, when a container ship, the Dali, hit Baltimore’s Francis Scott Key Bridge, the collision killed immigrant workers who were repairing the roads upon which businesses and households depend.

Local COSH groups, worker centers, unions, and worker leaders and advocates from across the country nominate employers for the Dirty Dozen list. Criteria range from the severity of safety risks to workers, to repeat and serious employer violations of safety standards and applicable laws.

The Dirty Dozen employers for 2024, are, listed alphabetically: Alabama Department of Corrections; Ascension; Black Iron/XL Concrete; Costa Farms; Florence Hardwoods, Mar-Jac Poultry and Onin Staffing; Space X and the Boring Company; Tyson Foods; Valor Security and Investigations; Uber and Lyft; Waffle House and Walmart, Inc.

For more information, please visit coshnetwork.org. Follow National Council for Occupational Safety and Health on Facebook, @NationalCOSH on Twitter and @NationalCOSH on Instagram.

Seth Sandronsky is a Sacramento journalist and member of the freelancers unit of the Pacific Media Workers Guild. Email sethsandronsky@gmail.com