Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burma
Thursday, April 08, 2021
Myanmar military denies responsibility for child deaths and says elections could be pushed back
By Clarissa Ward, Brent Swails, Scott McWhinnie, Sandi Sidhu, and Salai TZ,
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By Clarissa Ward, Brent Swails, Scott McWhinnie, Sandi Sidhu, and Salai TZ,
CNN 4/8/2021
"This is not a coup," said Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun from a gilded hall in Myanmar's purpose-built capital Naypyidaw, the city where his comrades recently ousted an elected government, detained the country's leadership, and installed a military junta
"This is not a coup," said Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun from a gilded hall in Myanmar's purpose-built capital Naypyidaw, the city where his comrades recently ousted an elected government, detained the country's leadership, and installed a military junta
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© Scott McWhinnie/CNN Major General Zaw Min Tun, spokesperson for the Myanmar military, at the Defense Services Museum in Naypyidaw, Myanmar on April 4, 2021.
During an hour-long conversation with CNN, the military spokesperson was steadfast in upholding the junta's official narrative: that the generals are merely "safeguarding" the country while they investigate a "fraudulent" election. The bloodshed on the streets that has killed at least 600 people is the fault of "riotous" protesters, he said.
At one point, Zaw Min Tun said if civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi's father -- the assassinated independence hero Aung San, who founded the country's modern military -- could see the situation now, he would say: "You are such a fool, my daughter."
The interview took place during a week-long press tour of Myanmar's biggest city, Yangon, and Naypyidaw from March 31 to April 6. Prior to the trip, the military assured CNN it would be able to report independently and be given freedom of movement, but the journalists' request to stay in a Yangon hotel was denied and the team instead were housed in a walled military compound, given only intermittent and heavily controlled access to the public.
The following interview with Zaw Min Tun offers an insight into how Myanmar's military junta are trying to justify their bloody takeover to the world, while at the same time cocooning themselves in government buildings far from a populace fiercely resistant to their rule, as they order deadly crackdowns on their own citizens in villages, towns and cities across the country
During an hour-long conversation with CNN, the military spokesperson was steadfast in upholding the junta's official narrative: that the generals are merely "safeguarding" the country while they investigate a "fraudulent" election. The bloodshed on the streets that has killed at least 600 people is the fault of "riotous" protesters, he said.
At one point, Zaw Min Tun said if civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi's father -- the assassinated independence hero Aung San, who founded the country's modern military -- could see the situation now, he would say: "You are such a fool, my daughter."
The interview took place during a week-long press tour of Myanmar's biggest city, Yangon, and Naypyidaw from March 31 to April 6. Prior to the trip, the military assured CNN it would be able to report independently and be given freedom of movement, but the journalists' request to stay in a Yangon hotel was denied and the team instead were housed in a walled military compound, given only intermittent and heavily controlled access to the public.
The following interview with Zaw Min Tun offers an insight into how Myanmar's military junta are trying to justify their bloody takeover to the world, while at the same time cocooning themselves in government buildings far from a populace fiercely resistant to their rule, as they order deadly crackdowns on their own citizens in villages, towns and cities across the country
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© Stringer/AFP/Getty Images
A police officer aims a gun during clashes with protesters taking part in a demonstration against the military coup in Naypyidaw on February 9.
CNN was provided with military interpreters, but conducted its own translations afterward.
The back story
Hours after commander-in-chief of Myanmar's armed forces Gen. Min Aung Hlaing ordered his troops to seize the capital before dawn on February 1, he announced on television that a state of emergency would be in place for one year, after which elections would be held. His takeover came as newly-elected lawmakers were due to take their places on the opening day of parliament.
The state of emergency caused all legislative, executive, and judicial power to be transferred to Min Aung Hlaing.
Zaw Min Tun said the state of emergency could be extended for an additional "six months or more" over "two terms" and "if the duties are not done yet." He did not give a firm date for when elections would be held, but said that according to the 2008 military-drafted constitution, "we have to finish everything within two years. We have to hold a free and fair election within these two years."
CNN was provided with military interpreters, but conducted its own translations afterward.
The back story
Hours after commander-in-chief of Myanmar's armed forces Gen. Min Aung Hlaing ordered his troops to seize the capital before dawn on February 1, he announced on television that a state of emergency would be in place for one year, after which elections would be held. His takeover came as newly-elected lawmakers were due to take their places on the opening day of parliament.
The state of emergency caused all legislative, executive, and judicial power to be transferred to Min Aung Hlaing.
Zaw Min Tun said the state of emergency could be extended for an additional "six months or more" over "two terms" and "if the duties are not done yet." He did not give a firm date for when elections would be held, but said that according to the 2008 military-drafted constitution, "we have to finish everything within two years. We have to hold a free and fair election within these two years."
© Ye Aung Thu/AFP/Getty Images Protesters gather to demonstrate against the February 1 military coup, in downtown in Yangon on February 8.
"We promise that we will make it happen," he said.
Many observers have questioned whether the military, which ruled Myanmar for half a century between 1962 and 2011, would be willing to relinquish power again, whether elections would indeed be "free and fair" -- and whether ousted leader Suu Kyi and her popular party the National League for Democracy (NLD) would be allowed to contest.
Zaw Min Tun pointed to a string of reforms the quasi-civilian government embarked upon in 2011 after the military gave up direct rule, which paved the way for the 2015 elections, in which Suu Kyi won a resounding victory. "If we didn't want her from the beginning there would be no process like this," he said.
However, the 2008 constitution was designed so the military would retain power despite a civilian government. It allocated the military a quarter of seats in parliament, giving it effective veto power over constitutional amendments, and the generals kept control of three powerful ministries -- defense, border and home affairs.
"We promise that we will make it happen," he said.
Many observers have questioned whether the military, which ruled Myanmar for half a century between 1962 and 2011, would be willing to relinquish power again, whether elections would indeed be "free and fair" -- and whether ousted leader Suu Kyi and her popular party the National League for Democracy (NLD) would be allowed to contest.
Zaw Min Tun pointed to a string of reforms the quasi-civilian government embarked upon in 2011 after the military gave up direct rule, which paved the way for the 2015 elections, in which Suu Kyi won a resounding victory. "If we didn't want her from the beginning there would be no process like this," he said.
However, the 2008 constitution was designed so the military would retain power despite a civilian government. It allocated the military a quarter of seats in parliament, giving it effective veto power over constitutional amendments, and the generals kept control of three powerful ministries -- defense, border and home affairs.
© Stringer/AFP/Getty Images The wife of Phoe Chit, a protester who died during a demonstration against the military coup on March 3, cries over the coffin of her husband during his funeral in Yangon on March 5.
Zaw Min Tun also highlighted that Suu Kyi, who is under house arrest and has not been seen in public since the coup, is facing five charges, including illegally importing walkie-talkie radios, and for breaking Covid-19 regulations. She has also been accused of corruption and bribery. The most serious charge, however, is violating violating the country's Official Secrets Act, which carries a prison sentence of up to 14 years.
Zaw Min Tun also highlighted that Suu Kyi, who is under house arrest and has not been seen in public since the coup, is facing five charges, including illegally importing walkie-talkie radios, and for breaking Covid-19 regulations. She has also been accused of corruption and bribery. The most serious charge, however, is violating violating the country's Official Secrets Act, which carries a prison sentence of up to 14 years.
© AP Myanmar's Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on Armed Forces Day in Naypyitaw, Myanmar, on March 27.
"What happened is because of the corruptions on national level and errors on state level procedures and we are accusing on the facts," Zaw Min Tun said. "Daw Aung San Su Kyi is a well-known person both in Myanmar and the world and we will not accuse that person without any reason."
But slapping perceived opponents with charges under vaguely-worded colonial-era laws has been a well-used tool by the military throughout its rule, and during the reform period. The charges against Suu Kyi have been described as "trumped up" by her lawyer, who called the bribery accusations a "complete fabrication."
To justify the coup, the junta has alleged widespread election fraud in the November vote that would have given the NLD a second term and a mandate to continue its reform agenda, which included attempts to amend the constitution to limit the military's power. Zaw Min Tun said the military had tried to negotiate with the NLD government but "no action was taken."
Zaw Min Tun said the junta had "solid evidence" the elections were fraudulent, but did not show any to CNN.
"The voting fraud we found in the election is 10.4 million, the number of eligible votes announced by the Election Commission was around 39.5 million and the voting fraud is a quarter of the vote," he said.
The election commission denied there was mass voter fraud and independent election monitors said there were no substantial problems that would be enough to overturn the result. Suu Kyi won with 83% of the vote.
Bloodshed on the streets
It is evident from the interview that Myanmar's military leaders want the world to believe they are acting in line with the country's laws and constitution, and say they are committed to building a "multi-party democratic county."
But the bloodshed on the streets, in which soldiers and police have shot dead protesters, bystanders and children, belies that claim.
At least 600 civilians have been killed by security forces, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The UN envoy has reported enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions and torture in prisons. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) said authorities have "increasingly resorted to heavy weaponry such as rocket-propelled and fragmentation grenades, heavy machine guns, and snipers to kill demonstrators in massive numbers."
Around 3,000 people have been detained, many kept out of contact from their families, their condition or whereabouts unknown. Meanwhile, protesters, activists, journalists and families of those killed by the junta, have been forced into hiding as they fear security forces will hunt them in nighttime raids.
On Wednesday, a special envoy of Myanmar's ousted civilian government to the UN warned of a civil war if the world fails to stop the junta from seizing power and killing pro-democracy protesters.
"The bloodbath is real. It is coming, more people will die. I am afraid," Dr. Sasa said on CNN. "It is the time for the world to prevent another genocide, another ethnic cleansing, another massacre, so the world has the power to stop it before it's too late."
Zaw Min Tun blamed the violence on protesters "provoking" the crowd and said security forces cracked down because protesters "blocked the civil servants" from going to work.
In reality, thousands of civil servants, as well as white- and blue-collar workers, including medics, bankers, lawyers, teachers, engineers and factory workers, left their jobs as a form of resistance against the coup. The strikes, called the Civil Disobedience Movement, have disrupted sectors of the economy.
"The crowds were throwing stones and slingshots at them in the beginning but later the crowd are blocking with sand bags, shooting with handmade guns, throwing with fire, throwing with molotov (cocktails) and the security forces have to use the weapons for the riot," Zaw Min Tun said.
Asked whether he was seriously comparing slingshots to assault rifles, Zaw Min Tun said the security forces were using "minimum force."
"There will be deaths when they are cracking down (on) the riots, but we are not shooting around without discipline," he said.
According to the military, the death toll at the time of the interview was 248 people, including 10 police officers and six soldiers, he said -- less than half the toll documented by multiple human rights groups, which have repeatedly said security forces are violating international humanitarian law by shooting indiscriminately into crowds of peaceful protesters.
Bullet wounds in the heads and necks of many of those shot also suggest the soldiers are shooting to kill. Video and images captured by local journalists and eyewitnesses and verified by CNN show security forces shooting into crowds. In others, security forces are beating detainees with their rifles, or dragging bodies through the streets.
The killing of children
According to the UN Children's Fund, 46 children have been killed since the coup. CNN has documented instances of children being shot in their homes or while playing outside.
When asked about three teenagers who have died at the hands of security forces -- Kyaw Min Latt, 17, Htoo Myat Win, 13, and Tun Tun Aung, 14, -- the military spokesperson blamed protesters for "using" children on the front lines.
"In some places they provoke the children to participate in violence riots ... Because of that they may get hit when the security forces were cracking down (on) the crowds," he said. "There is no reason we will shoot the children, this is only the terrorists are trying to make us look bad."
He said it was "not possible" that a child would be shot inside their house and an investigation would be carried out if that was the case. Videos posted on social media corroborate that security forces have shot at houses.
Htoo Myat Win's father said his son was shot when several bullets smashed a glass window in his house in Shwebo city on March 27. "I dodged the bullet but my son was coming up to the glass window and got hit," he said, adding that his son was hit in the chest. "I don't understand why they have to shoot us when we were inside our house."
"They were shooting at protesters before and the protesters were running and we hid some of them because we worried that they might get arrested. They (army) must have positioned themselves in this neighborhood," he said.
Video widely circulated online showed Htoo Myat Win's distraught father screaming with grief in the back of a taxi as he rushed to his son's lifeless body for help. Forced to go to a military hospital, Htoo Myat Win's father said doctors there did an autopsy and told him to sign a document stating there was no bullet.
"I asked them my son die with a bullet wound why you want to say it is not from a bullet?" he said.
Perhaps keen to avoid creating martyrs, the military has sought to control the narrative over some high-profile deaths. Junta forces exhumed the body of one young protester and carried out an autopsy in which they determined the bullet that killed her did not come from a police gun.
In another incident, a military hospital claimed Kyaw Min Latt died after falling off his motorbike in Dawei city. CCTV footage, however, captured the moment a soldier standing on the back of a truck shot at the teenager as he rode with two others, who managed to run away. His mother verified the footage to CNN.
"The doctor told us that my son is suffering from the injuries of fall from motorbike, we couldn't say back anything except just kept say yes to everything," his mother Daw Mon Mon Oo said. She said X-rays of her son's body conducted at a second hospital were taken away by officials from the military-run hospital.
His death certificate, seen by CNN, states Kyaw Min Latt died on March 30 because of "the primary brain injury due to the fall from cycle (motorcycle)."
When his family were able to take his body home, his mother said "there was no injury from the fall of the bike but only when there the bullet went in and out, and bruised on his right eye."s
Pressed by CNN about the allegations from families of soldiers shooting into houses and of the military attempting to cover up the causes of deaths, spokesperson Zaw Min Tun demanded CNN show him evidence. "If that kind of thing occurred, we will have investigation for it," he said. "There may be some videos which look suspicious but for our forces, we don't have any intention to shoot at innocent people."
It is unclear whether the military has launched any internal investigations into repeated claims of extrajudicial killings.
CNN also pressed Zaw Min Tun on why at least 11 people were detained shortly after speaking with the CNN team in Yangon. Some were detained merely for flashing the three-finger salute from the Hunger Games movies that has become a symbol of resistance. According to three sources close to those detained, who spoke on condition of anonymity over fears of reprisal, eight were later released.
Zaw Min Tun confirmed security forces detained three people from the first market and eight others at a second after interacting with the team on the ground. When asked by CNN what crime they had committed, he said they hadn't broken the law.
"The security forces were worried they would provoke others and start the protest in the market, and that is why they got arrested," he said, adding the military expressed "regret" over the arrests.
CNN has since learned those eight are now in hiding, fearing rearrest.
International reaction
The coup and subsequent deadly crackdown have been widely condemned internationally. The United States, United Kingdom and European Union have imposed sanctions on several generals in charge of the coup, as well as on military-owned companies.
However, while Zaw Min Tun insisted elections would be held in the future, he warned the military's version of democracy would perhaps not be a Western-style liberal system.
"The democratic country we are building is the one suitable with our history and geography. The standard of democracy in Myanmar will not be the same as from Western counties," he said.
Despite the dangers, protesters from all walks of life in Myanmar continue to demand the military hand back power to civilian control and are held fully accountable. They continue to call for the release of Suu Kyi and other civilian leaders. Myanmar's many ethnic minority groups, which have long fought for greater autonomy for their lands, are also demanding the military-written 2008 constitution be abolished and a federal democracy be established.
Having grown up with a level of democracy, and political and economic freedoms their parents and grandparents didn't have, Myanmar's young people leading the resistance movement remain determined to fight for what they see as their future -- and they say they will not give up.
"What happened is because of the corruptions on national level and errors on state level procedures and we are accusing on the facts," Zaw Min Tun said. "Daw Aung San Su Kyi is a well-known person both in Myanmar and the world and we will not accuse that person without any reason."
But slapping perceived opponents with charges under vaguely-worded colonial-era laws has been a well-used tool by the military throughout its rule, and during the reform period. The charges against Suu Kyi have been described as "trumped up" by her lawyer, who called the bribery accusations a "complete fabrication."
To justify the coup, the junta has alleged widespread election fraud in the November vote that would have given the NLD a second term and a mandate to continue its reform agenda, which included attempts to amend the constitution to limit the military's power. Zaw Min Tun said the military had tried to negotiate with the NLD government but "no action was taken."
Zaw Min Tun said the junta had "solid evidence" the elections were fraudulent, but did not show any to CNN.
"The voting fraud we found in the election is 10.4 million, the number of eligible votes announced by the Election Commission was around 39.5 million and the voting fraud is a quarter of the vote," he said.
The election commission denied there was mass voter fraud and independent election monitors said there were no substantial problems that would be enough to overturn the result. Suu Kyi won with 83% of the vote.
Bloodshed on the streets
It is evident from the interview that Myanmar's military leaders want the world to believe they are acting in line with the country's laws and constitution, and say they are committed to building a "multi-party democratic county."
But the bloodshed on the streets, in which soldiers and police have shot dead protesters, bystanders and children, belies that claim.
At least 600 civilians have been killed by security forces, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The UN envoy has reported enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions and torture in prisons. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) said authorities have "increasingly resorted to heavy weaponry such as rocket-propelled and fragmentation grenades, heavy machine guns, and snipers to kill demonstrators in massive numbers."
Around 3,000 people have been detained, many kept out of contact from their families, their condition or whereabouts unknown. Meanwhile, protesters, activists, journalists and families of those killed by the junta, have been forced into hiding as they fear security forces will hunt them in nighttime raids.
On Wednesday, a special envoy of Myanmar's ousted civilian government to the UN warned of a civil war if the world fails to stop the junta from seizing power and killing pro-democracy protesters.
"The bloodbath is real. It is coming, more people will die. I am afraid," Dr. Sasa said on CNN. "It is the time for the world to prevent another genocide, another ethnic cleansing, another massacre, so the world has the power to stop it before it's too late."
Zaw Min Tun blamed the violence on protesters "provoking" the crowd and said security forces cracked down because protesters "blocked the civil servants" from going to work.
In reality, thousands of civil servants, as well as white- and blue-collar workers, including medics, bankers, lawyers, teachers, engineers and factory workers, left their jobs as a form of resistance against the coup. The strikes, called the Civil Disobedience Movement, have disrupted sectors of the economy.
"The crowds were throwing stones and slingshots at them in the beginning but later the crowd are blocking with sand bags, shooting with handmade guns, throwing with fire, throwing with molotov (cocktails) and the security forces have to use the weapons for the riot," Zaw Min Tun said.
Asked whether he was seriously comparing slingshots to assault rifles, Zaw Min Tun said the security forces were using "minimum force."
"There will be deaths when they are cracking down (on) the riots, but we are not shooting around without discipline," he said.
According to the military, the death toll at the time of the interview was 248 people, including 10 police officers and six soldiers, he said -- less than half the toll documented by multiple human rights groups, which have repeatedly said security forces are violating international humanitarian law by shooting indiscriminately into crowds of peaceful protesters.
Bullet wounds in the heads and necks of many of those shot also suggest the soldiers are shooting to kill. Video and images captured by local journalists and eyewitnesses and verified by CNN show security forces shooting into crowds. In others, security forces are beating detainees with their rifles, or dragging bodies through the streets.
The killing of children
According to the UN Children's Fund, 46 children have been killed since the coup. CNN has documented instances of children being shot in their homes or while playing outside.
When asked about three teenagers who have died at the hands of security forces -- Kyaw Min Latt, 17, Htoo Myat Win, 13, and Tun Tun Aung, 14, -- the military spokesperson blamed protesters for "using" children on the front lines.
"In some places they provoke the children to participate in violence riots ... Because of that they may get hit when the security forces were cracking down (on) the crowds," he said. "There is no reason we will shoot the children, this is only the terrorists are trying to make us look bad."
He said it was "not possible" that a child would be shot inside their house and an investigation would be carried out if that was the case. Videos posted on social media corroborate that security forces have shot at houses.
Htoo Myat Win's father said his son was shot when several bullets smashed a glass window in his house in Shwebo city on March 27. "I dodged the bullet but my son was coming up to the glass window and got hit," he said, adding that his son was hit in the chest. "I don't understand why they have to shoot us when we were inside our house."
"They were shooting at protesters before and the protesters were running and we hid some of them because we worried that they might get arrested. They (army) must have positioned themselves in this neighborhood," he said.
Video widely circulated online showed Htoo Myat Win's distraught father screaming with grief in the back of a taxi as he rushed to his son's lifeless body for help. Forced to go to a military hospital, Htoo Myat Win's father said doctors there did an autopsy and told him to sign a document stating there was no bullet.
"I asked them my son die with a bullet wound why you want to say it is not from a bullet?" he said.
Perhaps keen to avoid creating martyrs, the military has sought to control the narrative over some high-profile deaths. Junta forces exhumed the body of one young protester and carried out an autopsy in which they determined the bullet that killed her did not come from a police gun.
In another incident, a military hospital claimed Kyaw Min Latt died after falling off his motorbike in Dawei city. CCTV footage, however, captured the moment a soldier standing on the back of a truck shot at the teenager as he rode with two others, who managed to run away. His mother verified the footage to CNN.
"The doctor told us that my son is suffering from the injuries of fall from motorbike, we couldn't say back anything except just kept say yes to everything," his mother Daw Mon Mon Oo said. She said X-rays of her son's body conducted at a second hospital were taken away by officials from the military-run hospital.
His death certificate, seen by CNN, states Kyaw Min Latt died on March 30 because of "the primary brain injury due to the fall from cycle (motorcycle)."
When his family were able to take his body home, his mother said "there was no injury from the fall of the bike but only when there the bullet went in and out, and bruised on his right eye."s
Pressed by CNN about the allegations from families of soldiers shooting into houses and of the military attempting to cover up the causes of deaths, spokesperson Zaw Min Tun demanded CNN show him evidence. "If that kind of thing occurred, we will have investigation for it," he said. "There may be some videos which look suspicious but for our forces, we don't have any intention to shoot at innocent people."
It is unclear whether the military has launched any internal investigations into repeated claims of extrajudicial killings.
CNN also pressed Zaw Min Tun on why at least 11 people were detained shortly after speaking with the CNN team in Yangon. Some were detained merely for flashing the three-finger salute from the Hunger Games movies that has become a symbol of resistance. According to three sources close to those detained, who spoke on condition of anonymity over fears of reprisal, eight were later released.
Zaw Min Tun confirmed security forces detained three people from the first market and eight others at a second after interacting with the team on the ground. When asked by CNN what crime they had committed, he said they hadn't broken the law.
"The security forces were worried they would provoke others and start the protest in the market, and that is why they got arrested," he said, adding the military expressed "regret" over the arrests.
CNN has since learned those eight are now in hiding, fearing rearrest.
International reaction
The coup and subsequent deadly crackdown have been widely condemned internationally. The United States, United Kingdom and European Union have imposed sanctions on several generals in charge of the coup, as well as on military-owned companies.
However, while Zaw Min Tun insisted elections would be held in the future, he warned the military's version of democracy would perhaps not be a Western-style liberal system.
"The democratic country we are building is the one suitable with our history and geography. The standard of democracy in Myanmar will not be the same as from Western counties," he said.
Despite the dangers, protesters from all walks of life in Myanmar continue to demand the military hand back power to civilian control and are held fully accountable. They continue to call for the release of Suu Kyi and other civilian leaders. Myanmar's many ethnic minority groups, which have long fought for greater autonomy for their lands, are also demanding the military-written 2008 constitution be abolished and a federal democracy be established.
Having grown up with a level of democracy, and political and economic freedoms their parents and grandparents didn't have, Myanmar's young people leading the resistance movement remain determined to fight for what they see as their future -- and they say they will not give up.
At least one was released not long after being taken, but others are being held incommunicado, say friends and relatives
A woman, who was later detained, speaks to CNN correspondent Clarissa Ward in Yangon
At least six people who were detained on Friday after a CNN camera crew visited two markets in the north of Yangon are being held incommunicado at a military interrogation center, friends and relatives told Myanmar Now.
Armed men in plain clothes snatched at least five people from the Mingaladon Market and another two from the Ten Mile Market shortly after Clarissa Ward, the US broadcaster’s chief international correspondent, left the area with her team.
Based on photos of people being abducted and interviews with relatives, friends and witnesses, Myanmar Now calculated that as many as nine people may have been detained, but was unable to identify two of them.
At least three of the detainees gave interviews to the CNN team, while two others took pictures of the crew and others were with people who gave interviews.
Of those detained at least one has been released and at least six are being held at a military interrogation centre in the northeastern tonwship of Shwepyithar, according to their loved ones.
One of the detainees is 23-year-old Yin Thet Tin. She went to the Mingaladon Market to buy snacks and gave an interview to Ward before being snatched.
She was then brought to the interrogation center, said her sister, who did not want to be named. “We went there but we were not allowed to see her. We weren’t allowed to enter,” the sister said.
Yin Thet Tin’s 17-year-old niece was detained but released the same day without being sent to Shwepyithar. Yin Thet Tin was taken to the interrogation centre at around 5pm on Friday, according to the sister.
“Today we are planning to go to Shwepyithar for a while. But I do not know how to follow her case. We won’t be allowed inside,” she said on Saturday.
Yin Thet Tin’s family is worried because they are unable to contact her, she added.
“My sister didn’t do anything. She was just getting snacks,” she said. “All she did was answer when the CNN reporter interviewed her. Since she is innocent, we want her to be released, safe and sound, as soon as possible after the interrogation.”
Nay Zarchi Shine, Shine Yadanar Phyo, and Sithu Phyo were also arrested by armed men in plain clothes yesterday at the Mingaladon Market. They were also taken to the Shwepyithar interrogation centre, a friend of Nay Zarchi Shine told Myanmar Now.
“They also took her car,” the friend said.
Two employees of the Asia Light Lighting store at the Ten Mile Market on Pyay Road were detained and taken to Shwepyithar immediately after the CNN crew left the area yesterday afternoon, according to a source who knows the women.
“They were taken to the interrogation centre. We have yet to get contact with them,” the source said.
Myanmar Now was unable to contact officials from the military regime regarding the abductions.
The military has carefully choreographed the visit by the CNN crew, who have been escorted everywhere since their arrival.
The visit was authorised even as the coup regime seeks to crush independent media inside Myanmar by arresting journalists, raiding media offices, and revoking publishing licenses.
Myanmar Now’s reporter Kay Zon Nway is being held at Insein Prison after she was detained covering a protest in February. She is among dozens of journalists who have been detained.
The regime has murdered relatively few people since the CNN crew arrived. A police directive issued Tuesday, the day before the crew landed, told officers to be more restrained when attacking protesters.
“Whenever trying to handle crowds, every stage of the process must be done step by step in accordance with procedures,” it read, “and responsible officers at all levels need to supervise police not to use excessive force.”
Residents of Yangon have taken advantage of the lull in violence to intensify their protests against the regime.
Observers have criticised CNN for failing to speak up in defence of those detained after the interviews.
Phil Robertson, deputy director for Asia at Human Rights Watch, said on Twitter that the broadcaster should tell the junta “that any big interviews in Naypyidaw will be canceled unless all who previously spoke with Clarissa Ward are immediately & unconditionally released!”
'Golden Parade' carries pharaohs to new home in Egyptian capital
Issued on: 03/04/2021 -
Issued on: 03/04/2021 -
The carriage carrying the remains of Queen Ahmose-Nefertari, daughter of Pharaoh Seqenenre Tao II, advances as part of the parade of 22 ancient Egyptian royal mummies in Cairo Saturday
Khaled DESOUKI AFP
Cairo (AFP)
A procession of floats carried the mummified remains of 22 pharaohs, including Egypt's most powerful ancient queen, through Cairo Saturday evening, in an eye-catching parade to a new resting place.
Under hefty security, the mummies were driven on floats seven kilometres (four miles) across the capital from the iconic Egyptian Museum to the new National Museum of Egyptian Civilisation.
Dubbed the "Pharaohs' Golden Parade", the 18 kings and four queens travelled in order, oldest first, each aboard a separate vehicle decorated in ancient Egyptian style.
Both pedestrians and vehicles were barred from Tahrir Square, site of the current museum, and other sections of the route.
Images of the slick parade and an equally carefully choreographed opening ceremony were broadcast live on state television, to rousing music.
The mummies entered the grounds of the new museum to a 21-gun salute, after a slightly shorter than expected journey time of around half an hour.
"This grandiose spectacle is further proof of the greatness... of a unique civilisation that extends into the depths of history," said President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi just ahead of proceedings.
Seqenenre Tao II, "the Brave", who reigned over southern Egypt some 1,600 years before Christ, was on the first chariot, while Ramses IX, who reigned in the 12th century BC, brought up the rear.
Another great warrior, Ramses II, who ruled for 67 years, and Queen Hatshepsut, the most powerful female pharaoh, were also on the short voyage.
Emblazoned with the name of their allocated sovereign, the gold and black coloured carriages were fitted with shock absorbers for the trip, to ensure none of the precious cargos were accidentally disturbed by uneven surfaces.
- 'Upgraded cases' -
Discovered near Luxor from 1881 onwards, fascinating new details of the pharaohs' lives -- and deaths -- are still emerging.
A high-tech study of Seqenenre Tao II, involving CT scans and 3D images of his hands and long-studied skull fractures, indicate he was likely killed in an execution ceremony, after being captured in battle.
For their procession through Cairo's streets, the mummies were placed in special containers filled with nitrogen, under conditions similar to their regular display cases.
The new resting place, the National Museum of Egyptian Civilisation in the Fustat district of Old Cairo, consists of sleek, low-rise buildings topped with a pyramid amid expansive grounds.
The mummies will undergo 15 days of laboratory restoration before they are showcased individually in their new home, in an environment redolent of underground tombs.
They will be accompanied by a brief biography.
In their new home, they will occupy "slightly upgraded cases", said Salima Ikram, professor of Egyptology at the American University in Cairo.
Temperature and humidity control will also be enhanced.
The "museum has what it takes to preserve (mummies), the best laboratories... it is one of the best museums we have," Waleed el-Batoutti, adviser to the tourism and antiquities ministry, told state television.
- 'Curse of the Pharaoh' -
The National Museum of Egyptian Civilisation opened its doors to limited exhibits from 2017 and will open fully on Sunday, before the mummies go on display to the general public two weeks later.
In the coming months, the country is due to inaugurate another new showcase, the Grand Egyptian Museum, near the Giza pyramids.
It too will house pharaonic collections, including the celebrated treasure of Tutankhamun.
Discovered in 1922, the tomb of the young ruler, who took the throne briefly in the 14th century BC, contained treasures including gold and ivory.
A so-called "curse of the pharaoh" emerged in the wake of Tutankhamun's unearthing in 1922-23.
A key funder of the dig, Lord Carnarvon, died of blood poisoning months after the tomb was opened, while an early visitor likewise died abruptly in 1923.
With the parade coming only days after several disasters struck Egypt, some inevitably speculated on social media about a new curse provoked by the latest move.
The past days have seen a deadly rail collision and a building collapse in Cairo, while global headlines were dominated by the struggle to refloat the giant container ship MV Ever Given which blocked the Suez Canal for almost a week.
The mummies' re-housing "marks the end of much work to improve their conservation and exhibition," said UNESCO Director-General Audrey Azoulay, who was in Cairo for the parade.
"This raises emotions that go much further than the mere relocation of a collection -- we will see the history of Egyptian civilisation unfold before our eyes."
© 2021
Cairo (AFP)
A procession of floats carried the mummified remains of 22 pharaohs, including Egypt's most powerful ancient queen, through Cairo Saturday evening, in an eye-catching parade to a new resting place.
Under hefty security, the mummies were driven on floats seven kilometres (four miles) across the capital from the iconic Egyptian Museum to the new National Museum of Egyptian Civilisation.
Dubbed the "Pharaohs' Golden Parade", the 18 kings and four queens travelled in order, oldest first, each aboard a separate vehicle decorated in ancient Egyptian style.
Both pedestrians and vehicles were barred from Tahrir Square, site of the current museum, and other sections of the route.
Images of the slick parade and an equally carefully choreographed opening ceremony were broadcast live on state television, to rousing music.
The mummies entered the grounds of the new museum to a 21-gun salute, after a slightly shorter than expected journey time of around half an hour.
"This grandiose spectacle is further proof of the greatness... of a unique civilisation that extends into the depths of history," said President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi just ahead of proceedings.
Seqenenre Tao II, "the Brave", who reigned over southern Egypt some 1,600 years before Christ, was on the first chariot, while Ramses IX, who reigned in the 12th century BC, brought up the rear.
Another great warrior, Ramses II, who ruled for 67 years, and Queen Hatshepsut, the most powerful female pharaoh, were also on the short voyage.
Emblazoned with the name of their allocated sovereign, the gold and black coloured carriages were fitted with shock absorbers for the trip, to ensure none of the precious cargos were accidentally disturbed by uneven surfaces.
- 'Upgraded cases' -
Discovered near Luxor from 1881 onwards, fascinating new details of the pharaohs' lives -- and deaths -- are still emerging.
A high-tech study of Seqenenre Tao II, involving CT scans and 3D images of his hands and long-studied skull fractures, indicate he was likely killed in an execution ceremony, after being captured in battle.
For their procession through Cairo's streets, the mummies were placed in special containers filled with nitrogen, under conditions similar to their regular display cases.
The new resting place, the National Museum of Egyptian Civilisation in the Fustat district of Old Cairo, consists of sleek, low-rise buildings topped with a pyramid amid expansive grounds.
The mummies will undergo 15 days of laboratory restoration before they are showcased individually in their new home, in an environment redolent of underground tombs.
They will be accompanied by a brief biography.
In their new home, they will occupy "slightly upgraded cases", said Salima Ikram, professor of Egyptology at the American University in Cairo.
Temperature and humidity control will also be enhanced.
The "museum has what it takes to preserve (mummies), the best laboratories... it is one of the best museums we have," Waleed el-Batoutti, adviser to the tourism and antiquities ministry, told state television.
- 'Curse of the Pharaoh' -
The National Museum of Egyptian Civilisation opened its doors to limited exhibits from 2017 and will open fully on Sunday, before the mummies go on display to the general public two weeks later.
In the coming months, the country is due to inaugurate another new showcase, the Grand Egyptian Museum, near the Giza pyramids.
It too will house pharaonic collections, including the celebrated treasure of Tutankhamun.
Discovered in 1922, the tomb of the young ruler, who took the throne briefly in the 14th century BC, contained treasures including gold and ivory.
A so-called "curse of the pharaoh" emerged in the wake of Tutankhamun's unearthing in 1922-23.
A key funder of the dig, Lord Carnarvon, died of blood poisoning months after the tomb was opened, while an early visitor likewise died abruptly in 1923.
With the parade coming only days after several disasters struck Egypt, some inevitably speculated on social media about a new curse provoked by the latest move.
The past days have seen a deadly rail collision and a building collapse in Cairo, while global headlines were dominated by the struggle to refloat the giant container ship MV Ever Given which blocked the Suez Canal for almost a week.
The mummies' re-housing "marks the end of much work to improve their conservation and exhibition," said UNESCO Director-General Audrey Azoulay, who was in Cairo for the parade.
"This raises emotions that go much further than the mere relocation of a collection -- we will see the history of Egyptian civilisation unfold before our eyes."
© 2021
Liberals hope for 'tame' convention, in contrast to rival parties' controversies
OTTAWA — Thousands of federal Liberals gathered online Thursday night for the start of a three-day national convention that promises to be downright dull compared to similar events held by the Conservative and New Democratic parties.
© Provided by The Canadian Press
And that suits Liberals just fine.
They hope Canadians will see a governing party focused on the serious policy issues of the day — the COVID-19 pandemic, the economy, climate change, the social safety net, systemic racism — without any of the infighting or controversy that beset the Conservatives' convention last month and that threatens to similarly dominate the NDP's convention this weekend.
Priority policy resolutions up for debate and votes at the Liberal gathering include calls for a universal basic income, enforceable national standards for long-term care homes and a green economic recovery.
Nothing on the agenda is as potentially damaging as the Conservatives' internal squabbling over the place of social conservatives in their midst or their refusal to accept a resolution that climate change is real.
Nothing is as potentially divisive as New Democrats' incipient fight over the definition of anti-Semitism or as radical as their proposed resolutions calling for abolition of the military and nationalization of major automakers.
The biggest buzz at the virtual Liberal event is likely to be around Mark Carney, the former governor of the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England, and whether his appearance at the convention signals an intention to finally take the plunge into partisan politics.
"It looks pretty tame, doesn't it?" rookie Toronto MP Marci Ien, one of the convention co-chairs, said in an interview.
"But I have to say tame isn't a bad thing."
Whereas the Conservative convention featured an attempted takeover by anti-abortion forces within the party, Ien said the Liberals will be talking about how the pandemic has hit women hardest and how to ensure an economic "she-covery."
And whereas the Conservatives voted against a resolution recognizing that climate change is real, she said Liberals will hear from Carney, now the United Nations special envoy on climate action and finance, and Canadian Heritage Minister Steven Guilbeault, a prominent environmentalist before jumping into politics, on what more needs to be done to combat the environmental crisis.
There will also be panels and workshops on systemic racism, reconciliation with Indigenous people, agriculture and protecting Canadians during the ongoing pandemic, among other things.
"These are the things that we're focusing on, that we think are important," said Ien.
Thursday night, the convention was to feature a conversation between Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland and Ken Dryden, the former minister who negotiated a national child care deal with the provinces back in 2005, only to see it abandoned by the subsequent Conservative government in 2006. A child care plan is expected to be a big part of Freeland's first budget, to be delivered in just over a week.
Freeland had originally been scheduled to speak with former finance minister and prime minister Paul Martin but he was forced to cancel his appearance due to personal commitments.
Registered Liberals will also hear about how to run a campaign safely, should their minority government fall or provoke an election during the pandemic. Most of that advice, from various panels sprinkled throughout the three days, will not be for public consumption.
But there will be one open session about running a virtual campaign with two veterans of last fall's U.S. presidential campaign: Caitlin Mitchell, senior digital adviser for the Biden-Harris ticket, and Muthoni Waambu Kraal, former national political and organizing director for the Democratic National Committee.
The convention itself will be entirely virtual, testing the party's ability to appeal to Canadians without the normal visuals or hoopla that attend in-person conventions.
Ien said the pandemic-induced digital convention has one upside: it's allowing people, who might not have been able to afford travel and hotel bills, to take part from the comfort of their homes. The result is the largest policy convention in the party's history, with more than 4,000 Liberals registered to take part as of Wednesday and more expected to join in.
It's also forced convention organizers to find innovative ways to engage the virtual delegates. Ien, who will host a conversation Friday evening with Carney, said she intends to use Instagram to solicit questions to put to the former central banker.
One question is undoubtedly top of mind with most Liberals: Will Carney run for the party in the next election?
"I'll ask him and let him know that there are many people inquiring, including you," Ien said.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published April 8, 2021.
The Canadian Press
And that suits Liberals just fine.
They hope Canadians will see a governing party focused on the serious policy issues of the day — the COVID-19 pandemic, the economy, climate change, the social safety net, systemic racism — without any of the infighting or controversy that beset the Conservatives' convention last month and that threatens to similarly dominate the NDP's convention this weekend.
Priority policy resolutions up for debate and votes at the Liberal gathering include calls for a universal basic income, enforceable national standards for long-term care homes and a green economic recovery.
Nothing on the agenda is as potentially damaging as the Conservatives' internal squabbling over the place of social conservatives in their midst or their refusal to accept a resolution that climate change is real.
Nothing is as potentially divisive as New Democrats' incipient fight over the definition of anti-Semitism or as radical as their proposed resolutions calling for abolition of the military and nationalization of major automakers.
The biggest buzz at the virtual Liberal event is likely to be around Mark Carney, the former governor of the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England, and whether his appearance at the convention signals an intention to finally take the plunge into partisan politics.
"It looks pretty tame, doesn't it?" rookie Toronto MP Marci Ien, one of the convention co-chairs, said in an interview.
"But I have to say tame isn't a bad thing."
Whereas the Conservative convention featured an attempted takeover by anti-abortion forces within the party, Ien said the Liberals will be talking about how the pandemic has hit women hardest and how to ensure an economic "she-covery."
And whereas the Conservatives voted against a resolution recognizing that climate change is real, she said Liberals will hear from Carney, now the United Nations special envoy on climate action and finance, and Canadian Heritage Minister Steven Guilbeault, a prominent environmentalist before jumping into politics, on what more needs to be done to combat the environmental crisis.
There will also be panels and workshops on systemic racism, reconciliation with Indigenous people, agriculture and protecting Canadians during the ongoing pandemic, among other things.
"These are the things that we're focusing on, that we think are important," said Ien.
Thursday night, the convention was to feature a conversation between Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland and Ken Dryden, the former minister who negotiated a national child care deal with the provinces back in 2005, only to see it abandoned by the subsequent Conservative government in 2006. A child care plan is expected to be a big part of Freeland's first budget, to be delivered in just over a week.
Freeland had originally been scheduled to speak with former finance minister and prime minister Paul Martin but he was forced to cancel his appearance due to personal commitments.
Registered Liberals will also hear about how to run a campaign safely, should their minority government fall or provoke an election during the pandemic. Most of that advice, from various panels sprinkled throughout the three days, will not be for public consumption.
But there will be one open session about running a virtual campaign with two veterans of last fall's U.S. presidential campaign: Caitlin Mitchell, senior digital adviser for the Biden-Harris ticket, and Muthoni Waambu Kraal, former national political and organizing director for the Democratic National Committee.
The convention itself will be entirely virtual, testing the party's ability to appeal to Canadians without the normal visuals or hoopla that attend in-person conventions.
Ien said the pandemic-induced digital convention has one upside: it's allowing people, who might not have been able to afford travel and hotel bills, to take part from the comfort of their homes. The result is the largest policy convention in the party's history, with more than 4,000 Liberals registered to take part as of Wednesday and more expected to join in.
It's also forced convention organizers to find innovative ways to engage the virtual delegates. Ien, who will host a conversation Friday evening with Carney, said she intends to use Instagram to solicit questions to put to the former central banker.
One question is undoubtedly top of mind with most Liberals: Will Carney run for the party in the next election?
"I'll ask him and let him know that there are many people inquiring, including you," Ien said.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published April 8, 2021.
The Canadian Press
Global supply lines struggle to clear container backlog after Suez chaos
By Jonathan Saul and Timothy Aeppel
By Jonathan Saul and Timothy Aeppel
4/7/2021
© Reuters/MOHAMED ABD EL GHANY FILE PHOTO:
Ship Ever Given, one of the world's largest container ships,
is seen after it was fully floated in Suez Canal
LONDON/LOS ANGELES (Reuters) - A backlog of container ships carrying consumer goods has grown in some key strategic ports after a near week-long blockage in the Suez Canal, adding to ongoing disruptions to global trade, industry sources say.
Dozens of container ships were stuck when the 400-metre-long (430-yard) Ever Given ran aground in the canal on March 23, with specialist rescue teams taking almost a week to free the vessel.
The suspension of sailings through the waterway left shipping companies - including container lines - with millions of dollars in extra costs, which were not covered by insurance.
"The blockage of the Suez Canal will increase the negative impact on global supply chains in the coming weeks, as the availability of empty equipment, particularly in Asia and Europe, will be affected," Reiner Heiken, chief executive of U.S. headquartered Hellmann Worldwide Logistics, told Reuters.
Container shipping companies, carrying products ranging from mobile phones to designer goods, have been contending for months with disruptions caused by the coronavirus pandemic and a surge in demand for retail goods that led to wider logistical bottlenecks including in top consumer market the United States.
While some transporters of goods have turned to rail, that option has barely made a dent as about 90% of world trade is transported by sea.
European and U.S. retailers have warned about potential supply snags due to the impact from Suez.
Port officials in Europe's leading gateways say the impact will be felt in coming days, adding to already stretched supply lines.
Barbara Janssens, with the Port of Antwerp, said the port and terminal operators were "already preparing for what's ahead".
"The impact on global supply chains is expected to last for several months. There is simply not enough spare capacity across the worldwide container ship fleet to help counter the worst effects of the Suez incident," Janssens said.
Leon Willems, with the port of Rotterdam, said it expected its container traffic to be around 10% higher than normal every day in the coming weeks.
"Both the port and container terminals are doing everything they can to minimise disruptions," Willems said.
Maersk, the world's number 1 container line, said in a customer note that vessels held up in Suez would be delayed for a number of days before they reached U.S. East Coast ports.
In an unusual step, the company urged the ports "to take this opportunity to clear cargo from terminals which will allow them to operate more efficiently".
The East Coast Port of Newark did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
A source at the southern U.S. port of Savannah said they expected to clear a backlog of ships in the coming days.
LONG WAITING TIMES
While ports on the U.S. East Coast are more exposed to any disruptions in the Suez Canal, the surge in demand for retail goods has overwhelmed West Coast terminals in recent months.
Container ships face longer waiting and discharging times at West Coast ports than in many other ports around the world, analysis from logistics platform project44 showed.
Eugene Seroka, executive director of the Port of Los Angeles, said they were making progress whittling down the backlog, which could be cleared by the end of May or early June.
Mario Cordero, executive director of neighbouring Long Beach port, also expected their backlog to be reduced by summer.
"But for at least the next couple of months, we expect a continuing surge on the volume that we're seeing." Cordero said.
Analysts Sea-Intelligence expected a ripple effect in the coming weeks between Asia and Europe and disruption of container trade.
Hong Kong's Transport and Housing Bureau said the government was monitoring the situation although the disruption had not had a significant impact on shipping operations between Europe and Hong Kong.
Transporters elsewhere have been turning to a rail links between China and Europe to get critical supplies through, although users stressed volumes were still small.
Journey times via the rail routes, which run from China through Kazakhstan or Mongolia to Russia and then on to freight centres across Europe, typically take between 16-18 days compared with four weeks by sea and just under a week by air.
Danish freight forwarder DSV, Dutch freight management company GVT and Maersk all said they were seeing a surge in interest for rail freight between Europe and Asia.
"Land transport between Asia and Europe will always be able to cover only a small share of the total transport volume," Hellmann's Heiken said.
(Additional reporting by Nikolaj Skydsgaard in Copenhagen, Bart Meijer in Amsterdam and Donny Kwok in Hong Kong; Editing by Veronica Brown and David Evans)
LONDON/LOS ANGELES (Reuters) - A backlog of container ships carrying consumer goods has grown in some key strategic ports after a near week-long blockage in the Suez Canal, adding to ongoing disruptions to global trade, industry sources say.
Dozens of container ships were stuck when the 400-metre-long (430-yard) Ever Given ran aground in the canal on March 23, with specialist rescue teams taking almost a week to free the vessel.
The suspension of sailings through the waterway left shipping companies - including container lines - with millions of dollars in extra costs, which were not covered by insurance.
"The blockage of the Suez Canal will increase the negative impact on global supply chains in the coming weeks, as the availability of empty equipment, particularly in Asia and Europe, will be affected," Reiner Heiken, chief executive of U.S. headquartered Hellmann Worldwide Logistics, told Reuters.
Container shipping companies, carrying products ranging from mobile phones to designer goods, have been contending for months with disruptions caused by the coronavirus pandemic and a surge in demand for retail goods that led to wider logistical bottlenecks including in top consumer market the United States.
While some transporters of goods have turned to rail, that option has barely made a dent as about 90% of world trade is transported by sea.
European and U.S. retailers have warned about potential supply snags due to the impact from Suez.
Port officials in Europe's leading gateways say the impact will be felt in coming days, adding to already stretched supply lines.
Barbara Janssens, with the Port of Antwerp, said the port and terminal operators were "already preparing for what's ahead".
"The impact on global supply chains is expected to last for several months. There is simply not enough spare capacity across the worldwide container ship fleet to help counter the worst effects of the Suez incident," Janssens said.
Leon Willems, with the port of Rotterdam, said it expected its container traffic to be around 10% higher than normal every day in the coming weeks.
"Both the port and container terminals are doing everything they can to minimise disruptions," Willems said.
Maersk, the world's number 1 container line, said in a customer note that vessels held up in Suez would be delayed for a number of days before they reached U.S. East Coast ports.
In an unusual step, the company urged the ports "to take this opportunity to clear cargo from terminals which will allow them to operate more efficiently".
The East Coast Port of Newark did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
A source at the southern U.S. port of Savannah said they expected to clear a backlog of ships in the coming days.
LONG WAITING TIMES
While ports on the U.S. East Coast are more exposed to any disruptions in the Suez Canal, the surge in demand for retail goods has overwhelmed West Coast terminals in recent months.
Container ships face longer waiting and discharging times at West Coast ports than in many other ports around the world, analysis from logistics platform project44 showed.
Eugene Seroka, executive director of the Port of Los Angeles, said they were making progress whittling down the backlog, which could be cleared by the end of May or early June.
Mario Cordero, executive director of neighbouring Long Beach port, also expected their backlog to be reduced by summer.
"But for at least the next couple of months, we expect a continuing surge on the volume that we're seeing." Cordero said.
Analysts Sea-Intelligence expected a ripple effect in the coming weeks between Asia and Europe and disruption of container trade.
Hong Kong's Transport and Housing Bureau said the government was monitoring the situation although the disruption had not had a significant impact on shipping operations between Europe and Hong Kong.
Transporters elsewhere have been turning to a rail links between China and Europe to get critical supplies through, although users stressed volumes were still small.
Journey times via the rail routes, which run from China through Kazakhstan or Mongolia to Russia and then on to freight centres across Europe, typically take between 16-18 days compared with four weeks by sea and just under a week by air.
Danish freight forwarder DSV, Dutch freight management company GVT and Maersk all said they were seeing a surge in interest for rail freight between Europe and Asia.
"Land transport between Asia and Europe will always be able to cover only a small share of the total transport volume," Hellmann's Heiken said.
(Additional reporting by Nikolaj Skydsgaard in Copenhagen, Bart Meijer in Amsterdam and Donny Kwok in Hong Kong; Editing by Veronica Brown and David Evans)
Opinion: Prairie agriculture on a collision course with shipping containers in B.C.
Reg Ens
4/8/2021
Hard-working farmers and food producers in the Prairies aren’t just feeding Canadians — they’re feeding the world. Because Canada enjoys favourable conditions for food production that far exceed the needs of our population, our agri-food sector is primarily export-oriented.
Hard-working farmers and food producers in the Prairies aren’t just feeding Canadians — they’re feeding the world. Because Canada enjoys favourable conditions for food production that far exceed the needs of our population, our agri-food sector is primarily export-oriented.
© Provided by Leader Post
Canola exports have been a bright spot in the pandemic economy.
In fact, according to the Canadian Agri-Food Trade Alliance, Canada is the fifth-largest exporter of agricultural and agri-food products in the world after the EU, U.S., Brazil and China. C anada exports $56 billion a year in agriculture and agri-food products, and approximately half of everything we produce is exported as either primary commodities or processed food and beverage products.
Western Canada shares a common food production system that is meeting local, national and global needs, serving people who only want more of what we have to offer. That demand continues to grow through the storm of the pandemic. It’s a beacon of light signalling the potential of our sector, and a golden opportunity to drive Canada’s economic recovery.
As a member of the Canadian Federation of Agriculture, I can tell you that our country’s agriculture and food producers have displayed incredible resilience under the stress of the pandemic, as farmers continue to put food on our collective table. What’s more, producers are not only keeping our grocery stores full, but they are exporting at record levels in response to the world’s food security concerns.
In the Prairies, spring 2020 exports of bulk grains, oilseeds and pulses (like beans and lentils) were up nearly 30 per cent over the previous year. Canola from Saskatchewan and Manitoba was a star commodity, with exports jumping 37 per cent in the first eight months of 2020. It’s remarkable, during a time of unprecedented disruption, that Canada produced record food volumes. Our supply chains also delivered.
But the performance and contribution of Canada’s agriculture sector should not be taken for granted.
There is a growing supply chain conflict on the West Coast that will affect farmers and producers in both the Prairies and in B.C. Imagine two passing ships, one laden with containers full of consumer goods coming here from Asia, and one carrying agricultural exports from Canada. Except these two metaphorical ships are on a collision course.
The Port of Vancouver — Canada’s largest port — is rapidly running out of industrial land. Vancouver is in a heated competition to attract inbound container traffic. This dynamic is prompting a story that farmers and food producers are all too familiar with. That is: Agriculture is being side-lined as other, presumably more competitive products and commodities, are favoured.
An example of this conflict is taking place on a small parcel of port land on the south shore of Vancouver Harbour, where a family company called West Coast Reduction — which processes and ships agricultural products — is in the crosshairs. This long-time operator services 11,000 customers across Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and B.C. They handle more than half of the Prairie-farmed canola oil bound for Asia. As well, they are the only facility in Western Canada able to refine feedstocks for biofuel — a service that is critical to meeting our national climate change targets.
The prime minister’s mandate letter to the Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada spells out a clear directive: “Strengthen local, sustainable and value-added food supply chains in Canada.” We could not agree more, but this will mean tackling the Port of Vancouver’s ambitions to use lands for containers at the expense of food producers.
Government is trumpeting agriculture as an important driver of Canada’s post-pandemic economic recovery. That will mean balancing a diverse set of activities at our country’s largest port.
West Coast Reduction is a textbook example of sustainable local agriculture, and a high-value exporter. They are prepared to invest to accommodate more home-grown exports, but their existence at the Port of Vancouver is threatened by an eviction to make way for container terminal development.
It is time for the federal government to grab hold of the tiller and steer clear of the coming collision that will affect farmers throughout Western Canada.
Reg Ens is executive director of the B.C. Agriculture Council.
In fact, according to the Canadian Agri-Food Trade Alliance, Canada is the fifth-largest exporter of agricultural and agri-food products in the world after the EU, U.S., Brazil and China. C anada exports $56 billion a year in agriculture and agri-food products, and approximately half of everything we produce is exported as either primary commodities or processed food and beverage products.
Western Canada shares a common food production system that is meeting local, national and global needs, serving people who only want more of what we have to offer. That demand continues to grow through the storm of the pandemic. It’s a beacon of light signalling the potential of our sector, and a golden opportunity to drive Canada’s economic recovery.
As a member of the Canadian Federation of Agriculture, I can tell you that our country’s agriculture and food producers have displayed incredible resilience under the stress of the pandemic, as farmers continue to put food on our collective table. What’s more, producers are not only keeping our grocery stores full, but they are exporting at record levels in response to the world’s food security concerns.
In the Prairies, spring 2020 exports of bulk grains, oilseeds and pulses (like beans and lentils) were up nearly 30 per cent over the previous year. Canola from Saskatchewan and Manitoba was a star commodity, with exports jumping 37 per cent in the first eight months of 2020. It’s remarkable, during a time of unprecedented disruption, that Canada produced record food volumes. Our supply chains also delivered.
But the performance and contribution of Canada’s agriculture sector should not be taken for granted.
There is a growing supply chain conflict on the West Coast that will affect farmers and producers in both the Prairies and in B.C. Imagine two passing ships, one laden with containers full of consumer goods coming here from Asia, and one carrying agricultural exports from Canada. Except these two metaphorical ships are on a collision course.
The Port of Vancouver — Canada’s largest port — is rapidly running out of industrial land. Vancouver is in a heated competition to attract inbound container traffic. This dynamic is prompting a story that farmers and food producers are all too familiar with. That is: Agriculture is being side-lined as other, presumably more competitive products and commodities, are favoured.
An example of this conflict is taking place on a small parcel of port land on the south shore of Vancouver Harbour, where a family company called West Coast Reduction — which processes and ships agricultural products — is in the crosshairs. This long-time operator services 11,000 customers across Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and B.C. They handle more than half of the Prairie-farmed canola oil bound for Asia. As well, they are the only facility in Western Canada able to refine feedstocks for biofuel — a service that is critical to meeting our national climate change targets.
The prime minister’s mandate letter to the Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada spells out a clear directive: “Strengthen local, sustainable and value-added food supply chains in Canada.” We could not agree more, but this will mean tackling the Port of Vancouver’s ambitions to use lands for containers at the expense of food producers.
Government is trumpeting agriculture as an important driver of Canada’s post-pandemic economic recovery. That will mean balancing a diverse set of activities at our country’s largest port.
West Coast Reduction is a textbook example of sustainable local agriculture, and a high-value exporter. They are prepared to invest to accommodate more home-grown exports, but their existence at the Port of Vancouver is threatened by an eviction to make way for container terminal development.
It is time for the federal government to grab hold of the tiller and steer clear of the coming collision that will affect farmers throughout Western Canada.
Reg Ens is executive director of the B.C. Agriculture Council.
Should Studios Worry About Congress’ Next Big Labor Fight?
Ashley Cullins 4/8/2021
Ashley Cullins 4/8/2021
Should Studios Worry About Congress’ Next Big Labor Fight
Before Hollywood’s workforce was temporarily sidelined by the pandemic, it was California’s AB 5 law that was a hot topic among studio executives worrying about their bottom lines.
The bill, which Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law in September 2019, reclassified many independent contractors as employees — or, at least, it aimed to do so before waves of litigation and lobbying caused the state to dole out exemptions like Ugg boots on a segment of “Oprah’s Favorite Things.” Now, worker classification legislation has gone national.
In California, AB 5 codified a test used by the state’s supreme court in a dispute involving trucking company Dynamex. Under that ABC test, a worker is presumed to be an employee unless they meet three criteria — one of which demands that “the worker performs work that is outside the usual course of the hiring entity’s business.” AB 5 was targeted at gig-economy jobs like those offered by Uber, which tried to get around that requirement by arguing its contractors are drivers and it is a technology company. California voters in November made that argument moot by approving Proposition 22, which explicitly classified app-based drivers as independent contractors.
Meanwhile, in D.C., the Protecting the Right to Organize Act of 2021 (PRO Act) was introduced in February by Rep. Bobby Scott (D-VA) and passed the House on March 9. It’s now sitting in the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions. And, while experts doubt the PRO Act now has enough votes to pass the Senate, they expect that the reclassification fight will become a big issue.
The PRO Act would amend multiple federal statutes, including the National Labor Relations Act, in an effort to make it easier for workplaces to unionize — but it also redefines who’s considered an employee, using the Dynamex test.
While Hollywood workers already covered by a guild or union collective bargaining agreement wouldn’t be affected by the PRO Act, other contractors — like music supervisors, personal assistants and some producers — could find themselves eligible to organize if it passes.
And, since California has already gone to war over the ABC test once, its businesses have a head start over other hubs like New York and Georgia, which haven’t yet dealt with such restrictive standards for worker classification.
“It would give California back an advantage, at least for a time,” says Greg Zbylut, a CPA and tax lawyer, adding that other states would likely draft legislation to create their own industry-specific carve-outs. “States can’t be broader than the federal government, but they can be narrower. There’s nothing that’s going to stop a state from coming back and saying, ‘We want to narrow this and make it more restrictive.'”
In California, it could create situations where a worker is an independent contractor under AB 5 for wage and hour purposes but would be an employee when it comes to organizing and collective bargaining. “It’s creating a patchwork of compliance issues for employers nationwide,” says Fox Rothschild partner Sahara Pynes, who specializes in employment matters. “It really gives the unions a lot of juice to negotiate for more workers and makes it more likely that workers would want to unionize.”
Christopher Thornberg of Beacon Economics says no one likes workers being taken advantage of, but this bill is like “using a shotgun to kill a mosquito.” He doubts it will pass but says if it did, all hell would break loose. “Our government is driven more by narrative than data,” he says. “They should look at what happened in California and see it wasn’t reasonable.”
Adds employment lawyer Ann Fromholz, “It’s going to significantly change the way companies operate. There will be lawsuits from every industry that’s affected by this.”
A version of this story appeared in the April 7 issue of The Hollywood Reporter magazine.
Before Hollywood’s workforce was temporarily sidelined by the pandemic, it was California’s AB 5 law that was a hot topic among studio executives worrying about their bottom lines.
The bill, which Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law in September 2019, reclassified many independent contractors as employees — or, at least, it aimed to do so before waves of litigation and lobbying caused the state to dole out exemptions like Ugg boots on a segment of “Oprah’s Favorite Things.” Now, worker classification legislation has gone national.
In California, AB 5 codified a test used by the state’s supreme court in a dispute involving trucking company Dynamex. Under that ABC test, a worker is presumed to be an employee unless they meet three criteria — one of which demands that “the worker performs work that is outside the usual course of the hiring entity’s business.” AB 5 was targeted at gig-economy jobs like those offered by Uber, which tried to get around that requirement by arguing its contractors are drivers and it is a technology company. California voters in November made that argument moot by approving Proposition 22, which explicitly classified app-based drivers as independent contractors.
Meanwhile, in D.C., the Protecting the Right to Organize Act of 2021 (PRO Act) was introduced in February by Rep. Bobby Scott (D-VA) and passed the House on March 9. It’s now sitting in the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions. And, while experts doubt the PRO Act now has enough votes to pass the Senate, they expect that the reclassification fight will become a big issue.
The PRO Act would amend multiple federal statutes, including the National Labor Relations Act, in an effort to make it easier for workplaces to unionize — but it also redefines who’s considered an employee, using the Dynamex test.
While Hollywood workers already covered by a guild or union collective bargaining agreement wouldn’t be affected by the PRO Act, other contractors — like music supervisors, personal assistants and some producers — could find themselves eligible to organize if it passes.
And, since California has already gone to war over the ABC test once, its businesses have a head start over other hubs like New York and Georgia, which haven’t yet dealt with such restrictive standards for worker classification.
“It would give California back an advantage, at least for a time,” says Greg Zbylut, a CPA and tax lawyer, adding that other states would likely draft legislation to create their own industry-specific carve-outs. “States can’t be broader than the federal government, but they can be narrower. There’s nothing that’s going to stop a state from coming back and saying, ‘We want to narrow this and make it more restrictive.'”
In California, it could create situations where a worker is an independent contractor under AB 5 for wage and hour purposes but would be an employee when it comes to organizing and collective bargaining. “It’s creating a patchwork of compliance issues for employers nationwide,” says Fox Rothschild partner Sahara Pynes, who specializes in employment matters. “It really gives the unions a lot of juice to negotiate for more workers and makes it more likely that workers would want to unionize.”
Christopher Thornberg of Beacon Economics says no one likes workers being taken advantage of, but this bill is like “using a shotgun to kill a mosquito.” He doubts it will pass but says if it did, all hell would break loose. “Our government is driven more by narrative than data,” he says. “They should look at what happened in California and see it wasn’t reasonable.”
Adds employment lawyer Ann Fromholz, “It’s going to significantly change the way companies operate. There will be lawsuits from every industry that’s affected by this.”
A version of this story appeared in the April 7 issue of The Hollywood Reporter magazine.
USA
Indigenous advocacy group launches campaign against new voting bills
Jared Gans
The Hill
4/7/2021
An advocacy group for Native Americans is putting up billboards in various states to oppose measures that it says would increase voting restrictions.
© The Hill Indigenous advocacy group launches campaign against new voting bills
The campaign launched by the Global Indigenous Council comes as more state legislatures are considering voting laws like the one in Georgia that sparked corporate backlash.
Tom Rodgers, president of the Global Indigenous Council and an enrolled Blackfeet tribal member, said the goal of the campaign is to draw attention to bills that would limit the number of available polling stations and ballot drop-off spots, calling the measures especially harmful to Native Americans who may not have access to the remaining voting locations.
Such legislation, he added, is opening painful wounds for Native Americans, who faced obstacles to voting for years even after federal protections were put in place.
"It's truly a teachable moment of history, and it's repeating itself again," Rodgers told The Hill. "The Jim Crow of the West. We were already historically subject to restrictions on our ability to have an equal opportunity to vote."
He said some states put up barriers to voting in the past by requiring residents to pay taxes and own property before they could vote, disenfranchising younger and poorer voters.
Now, more than 360 bills that would limit voting rights have been introduced in 47 states this legislative session, according to the Brennan Center for Justice.
Rodgers said his group's campaign is targeting states with a significant Native American population that have a historical record of voting rights discrimination. The goal of the billboards, he said, is to encourage residents in Arizona, Georgia, Montana and Nevada to advocate against certain bills in their state legislatures.
In his criticism of restrictions on mail-in voting, Rodgers said the long distances many Native Americans need to travel to reach polling locations can unjustly impact those populations. In Montana, for example, more than 78,000 residents, or 6.5 percent of the state population, are Native American.
Billboards were first put up in Phoenix last week, and Rodgers said the council will move on to Atlanta next week and Montana the week after.
"There is a lot of focus on the South, as there should be...but it is now prevalent across the United States," Rodgers said.
The billboard shows an image of tombstones for students who attended the Carlisle Indian Industrial School. The location was the first government-run boarding school for Native American children designed to assimilate the students into white society, according to the Carlisle Indian School Project, which seeks to maintain and honor the legacy of those who attended the school.
The school's motto was "kill the Indian" and "save the man," according to the National Park Service, which said at least 168 students at the school died of various diseases.
"They were separated from their parents, from their culture, from their land," Rodgers said.
He said the campaign is designed to teach others about how Native populations were mistreated in the past through assimilation measures like the school and how that mistreatment lingers through voting restrictions.
"We're more than museums on your walls - we're just people that you've chosen not to see for far too long," he said. "So you put us away on reservations, put us away in your attic, in your basement, and ultimately you put us away in your graveyard."
The billboard campaign comes on the heels of the council's efforts to pressure senators to confirm now-former Rep. Deb Haaland (D-N.M.) to lead the Interior Department as the first Native American Cabinet secretary. The Senate confirmed Haaland in mid-March in a 51-40 vote, with nine senators absent.
The campaign launched by the Global Indigenous Council comes as more state legislatures are considering voting laws like the one in Georgia that sparked corporate backlash.
Tom Rodgers, president of the Global Indigenous Council and an enrolled Blackfeet tribal member, said the goal of the campaign is to draw attention to bills that would limit the number of available polling stations and ballot drop-off spots, calling the measures especially harmful to Native Americans who may not have access to the remaining voting locations.
Such legislation, he added, is opening painful wounds for Native Americans, who faced obstacles to voting for years even after federal protections were put in place.
"It's truly a teachable moment of history, and it's repeating itself again," Rodgers told The Hill. "The Jim Crow of the West. We were already historically subject to restrictions on our ability to have an equal opportunity to vote."
He said some states put up barriers to voting in the past by requiring residents to pay taxes and own property before they could vote, disenfranchising younger and poorer voters.
Now, more than 360 bills that would limit voting rights have been introduced in 47 states this legislative session, according to the Brennan Center for Justice.
Rodgers said his group's campaign is targeting states with a significant Native American population that have a historical record of voting rights discrimination. The goal of the billboards, he said, is to encourage residents in Arizona, Georgia, Montana and Nevada to advocate against certain bills in their state legislatures.
In his criticism of restrictions on mail-in voting, Rodgers said the long distances many Native Americans need to travel to reach polling locations can unjustly impact those populations. In Montana, for example, more than 78,000 residents, or 6.5 percent of the state population, are Native American.
Billboards were first put up in Phoenix last week, and Rodgers said the council will move on to Atlanta next week and Montana the week after.
"There is a lot of focus on the South, as there should be...but it is now prevalent across the United States," Rodgers said.
The billboard shows an image of tombstones for students who attended the Carlisle Indian Industrial School. The location was the first government-run boarding school for Native American children designed to assimilate the students into white society, according to the Carlisle Indian School Project, which seeks to maintain and honor the legacy of those who attended the school.
The school's motto was "kill the Indian" and "save the man," according to the National Park Service, which said at least 168 students at the school died of various diseases.
"They were separated from their parents, from their culture, from their land," Rodgers said.
He said the campaign is designed to teach others about how Native populations were mistreated in the past through assimilation measures like the school and how that mistreatment lingers through voting restrictions.
"We're more than museums on your walls - we're just people that you've chosen not to see for far too long," he said. "So you put us away on reservations, put us away in your attic, in your basement, and ultimately you put us away in your graveyard."
The billboard campaign comes on the heels of the council's efforts to pressure senators to confirm now-former Rep. Deb Haaland (D-N.M.) to lead the Interior Department as the first Native American Cabinet secretary. The Senate confirmed Haaland in mid-March in a 51-40 vote, with nine senators absent.
First Nations open to twinning
Trans-Canada
Four First Nations near the Manitoba-Ontario border say they are prepared to give “conditional consent” for the first phase of the twinning of the Trans-Canada Highway between Kenora and the border.
“We can get so much done when we agree to work together,” Niisaachewan Chief Lorraine Cobiness said at a news conference Tuesday.
She was joined by the leaders of Wauzhushk Onigum, Shoal Lake 40 and Washagamis Bay First Nations, which call themselves the Niiwin Wendaanimok (Four Winds Group).
Following months of discussions with provincial transportation officials, the group has agreed to allow Ontario to enter its territory under its guidance to start the first phase of the project; in return, the provincial government is expected to work collaboratively with the Anshinaabeg and ensure the communities benefit from the project.
That would amount to $77 million in direct and indirect economic activity for the four bands, and a safer drive for travellers.
“I think we all have had… not the greatest experience on that highway at most times,” Cobiness said.
“There is a definite desire to make sure that the highway is safe for everybody to travel on.”
The partnership will also help advance reconciliation, said Wauzhushk Onigum Chief Chris Skead.
“The past relationship has been genocidal for the Anishinaabeg. More recently it hasn’t worked for anyone. But now these discussions have been guided by Manito Aki Inaakonigaawin, the sacred law of the Earth,” Skead wrote.
“We have been guided by the principles of Weweni (Take our time), Bebeka (doing it right), Biiziindun (listen), and Kegotachken (do not be afraid).”
The chief of Shoal Lake 40 said the journey thus far has included a harmonized process for understanding environmental impacts and mitigation measures. The creation of an Anishinaabe Guardians Program and opportunities that will establish the foundation of the nations’ economies are also part of the project, said Chief Vernon Redsky.
The first phase of the twinning, which will involve connecting Highway 1 from the Manitoba-Ontario border to Highway 673, is expected to start this fall. The next two phases, which the nations have yet to consent to, would involve the section from Highway 673 to Kenora. There will be a sacred ceremony at the end of the month, if the Ontario government agrees to the partnership’s conditions.
— with files from Dylan Robertson
Maggie Macintosh, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, Winnipeg Free Press
Four First Nations near the Manitoba-Ontario border say they are prepared to give “conditional consent” for the first phase of the twinning of the Trans-Canada Highway between Kenora and the border.
“We can get so much done when we agree to work together,” Niisaachewan Chief Lorraine Cobiness said at a news conference Tuesday.
She was joined by the leaders of Wauzhushk Onigum, Shoal Lake 40 and Washagamis Bay First Nations, which call themselves the Niiwin Wendaanimok (Four Winds Group).
Following months of discussions with provincial transportation officials, the group has agreed to allow Ontario to enter its territory under its guidance to start the first phase of the project; in return, the provincial government is expected to work collaboratively with the Anshinaabeg and ensure the communities benefit from the project.
That would amount to $77 million in direct and indirect economic activity for the four bands, and a safer drive for travellers.
“I think we all have had… not the greatest experience on that highway at most times,” Cobiness said.
“There is a definite desire to make sure that the highway is safe for everybody to travel on.”
The partnership will also help advance reconciliation, said Wauzhushk Onigum Chief Chris Skead.
“The past relationship has been genocidal for the Anishinaabeg. More recently it hasn’t worked for anyone. But now these discussions have been guided by Manito Aki Inaakonigaawin, the sacred law of the Earth,” Skead wrote.
“We have been guided by the principles of Weweni (Take our time), Bebeka (doing it right), Biiziindun (listen), and Kegotachken (do not be afraid).”
The chief of Shoal Lake 40 said the journey thus far has included a harmonized process for understanding environmental impacts and mitigation measures. The creation of an Anishinaabe Guardians Program and opportunities that will establish the foundation of the nations’ economies are also part of the project, said Chief Vernon Redsky.
The first phase of the twinning, which will involve connecting Highway 1 from the Manitoba-Ontario border to Highway 673, is expected to start this fall. The next two phases, which the nations have yet to consent to, would involve the section from Highway 673 to Kenora. There will be a sacred ceremony at the end of the month, if the Ontario government agrees to the partnership’s conditions.
— with files from Dylan Robertson
Maggie Macintosh, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, Winnipeg Free Press
CANADA
North’s only law school launches Indigenous law and justice institute
Editor's note: Story originally published April 6, 2021. Seventh paragraph quote from law school dean, Jule Hughes, was corrected to change the word 'secular' to 'settler'.
Thanks to the Justice Partnership and Innovation Program offered by Canada’s Department of Justice, Lakehead University’s Bora Laskin Faculty of Law will receive up to $437,139 to launch an Indigenous Law and Justice Institute, Maamawi Bimosewag – They Walk Together, and expand the law program.
Lakehead University’s Bora Laskin Faculty of Law is not only the singular law school in Northern Ontario, but was one of only two law schools (the other being University of British Columbia’s Peter A. Allard School of Law) that offered mandatory courses in Aboriginal law prior to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).
Now, since the release of the TRC’s directives, many universities are responding and once again, so is the law school.
The creation of the Maamawi Bimosewag – They Walk Together Indigenous Law and Justice Institute is a response to Call to Action #50:
“In keeping with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, we call upon the federal government, in collaboration with Aboriginal organizations, to fund the establishment of Indigenous law institutes for the development, use, and understanding of Indigenous laws and access to justice in accordance with the unique cultures of Aboriginal peoples in Canada.”
It is an important step on the path to reconciliation, and one that Bora Laskin Faculty of Law Dean Jula Hughes says is the basis for the Institute’s creation.
“The call to action really speaks to the fact that Canada is built on settler law, British and French,” said Hughes, “in a manner that didn't account for the existing legal orders before the Europeans came, but also not consistent with Indigenous lawmaking.”
“The failure to recognize it has resulted in, or has been a contributor to, the many injustices that Indigenous people have experienced.”
The heart of the Calls to Action, a path to reconciling the treatment of Indigenous people in Canada, is the heart that beats behind the school of law as well.
“The law school was founded with the support and partially on the instigation of Indigenous communities and organizations here in Thunder Bay and in Northwestern Ontario. That's been a big consideration from the beginning,” said Hughes.
“And those same organizations and communities that supported the law school in the first place, our partners at Anishinabek Nation, Fort William First Nation, Grand Council Treaty No. 3, the Métis Nation of Ontario, the Nishnawbe Aski Nation and the Chiefs of Ontario, are all in support of this new Institute.”
The Director of the Indigenous Law and Justice Institute, which launched on April 1, 2021, is Professor Nancy Sandy, with guidance from Hughes and the Anishinawbe Omaa Minowaywin, the law school’s Indigenous advisory council.
“The work at the institute going forward is going to be responsive to what communities and partners want us to do,” said Hughes. “We are very aware that the expertise is in the communities, not in the law school. We're learners in this process and we hope to be helpful partners, but the communities are the drivers. That's going to shape the future of the work of the Institute.”
The school’s location will also shape the curriculum.
According to a release announcing the Institute’s launch, “by offering legal education with a triple mandate in Aboriginal and Indigenous Law, Natural Resources and Environmental Law, and Sole/Small Town Practice with the Integrated Practice Curriculum (IPC), its curriculum provides students with a legal education that will prepare them to practice law in Northern Ontario and Canada while understanding the issues pertinent to the land and peoples of this region.”
Said Hughes, “The vision for the future, where we have vibrant, indigenous legal orders contributing to Canadian law, but also in forming how indigenous self-governance will look in the future. The Institute's work is to contribute to a better awareness of legal orders and allow students in law to become competent practitioners when it comes to indigenous laws, so that they can support the work of those indigenous communities, governments, and organizations.”
You can find more information about Lakehead University’s Bora Laskin Faculty of Law by visiting Lakehead’s website.
Jenny Lamothe is a Local Journalism Initiative reporter at Sudbury.com. She covers the Black, Indigenous, immigrant and Francophone communities.
Jenny Lamothe, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, Sudbury.com
North’s only law school launches Indigenous law and justice institute
Editor's note: Story originally published April 6, 2021. Seventh paragraph quote from law school dean, Jule Hughes, was corrected to change the word 'secular' to 'settler'.
Thanks to the Justice Partnership and Innovation Program offered by Canada’s Department of Justice, Lakehead University’s Bora Laskin Faculty of Law will receive up to $437,139 to launch an Indigenous Law and Justice Institute, Maamawi Bimosewag – They Walk Together, and expand the law program.
Lakehead University’s Bora Laskin Faculty of Law is not only the singular law school in Northern Ontario, but was one of only two law schools (the other being University of British Columbia’s Peter A. Allard School of Law) that offered mandatory courses in Aboriginal law prior to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).
Now, since the release of the TRC’s directives, many universities are responding and once again, so is the law school.
The creation of the Maamawi Bimosewag – They Walk Together Indigenous Law and Justice Institute is a response to Call to Action #50:
“In keeping with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, we call upon the federal government, in collaboration with Aboriginal organizations, to fund the establishment of Indigenous law institutes for the development, use, and understanding of Indigenous laws and access to justice in accordance with the unique cultures of Aboriginal peoples in Canada.”
It is an important step on the path to reconciliation, and one that Bora Laskin Faculty of Law Dean Jula Hughes says is the basis for the Institute’s creation.
“The call to action really speaks to the fact that Canada is built on settler law, British and French,” said Hughes, “in a manner that didn't account for the existing legal orders before the Europeans came, but also not consistent with Indigenous lawmaking.”
“The failure to recognize it has resulted in, or has been a contributor to, the many injustices that Indigenous people have experienced.”
The heart of the Calls to Action, a path to reconciling the treatment of Indigenous people in Canada, is the heart that beats behind the school of law as well.
“The law school was founded with the support and partially on the instigation of Indigenous communities and organizations here in Thunder Bay and in Northwestern Ontario. That's been a big consideration from the beginning,” said Hughes.
“And those same organizations and communities that supported the law school in the first place, our partners at Anishinabek Nation, Fort William First Nation, Grand Council Treaty No. 3, the Métis Nation of Ontario, the Nishnawbe Aski Nation and the Chiefs of Ontario, are all in support of this new Institute.”
The Director of the Indigenous Law and Justice Institute, which launched on April 1, 2021, is Professor Nancy Sandy, with guidance from Hughes and the Anishinawbe Omaa Minowaywin, the law school’s Indigenous advisory council.
“The work at the institute going forward is going to be responsive to what communities and partners want us to do,” said Hughes. “We are very aware that the expertise is in the communities, not in the law school. We're learners in this process and we hope to be helpful partners, but the communities are the drivers. That's going to shape the future of the work of the Institute.”
The school’s location will also shape the curriculum.
According to a release announcing the Institute’s launch, “by offering legal education with a triple mandate in Aboriginal and Indigenous Law, Natural Resources and Environmental Law, and Sole/Small Town Practice with the Integrated Practice Curriculum (IPC), its curriculum provides students with a legal education that will prepare them to practice law in Northern Ontario and Canada while understanding the issues pertinent to the land and peoples of this region.”
Said Hughes, “The vision for the future, where we have vibrant, indigenous legal orders contributing to Canadian law, but also in forming how indigenous self-governance will look in the future. The Institute's work is to contribute to a better awareness of legal orders and allow students in law to become competent practitioners when it comes to indigenous laws, so that they can support the work of those indigenous communities, governments, and organizations.”
You can find more information about Lakehead University’s Bora Laskin Faculty of Law by visiting Lakehead’s website.
Jenny Lamothe is a Local Journalism Initiative reporter at Sudbury.com. She covers the Black, Indigenous, immigrant and Francophone communities.
Jenny Lamothe, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, Sudbury.com
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