Thursday, October 26, 2023

Secret files show CSIS worried Canada has ‘no consequences’ for foreign state interference


 BNN Breaking

In recently made public documents, the leading intelligence agency of a country has raised alarms over 'no consequences' for foreign state actor interference in their democratic processes. Based on recently obtained access-to-information documents, the country’s top spy agency has repeatedly expressed these concerns to high-level government officials, including the nation's Prime Minister.

A High-Reward, Low-Risk Endeavour

According to the documents prepared by the intelligence service, the lack of legal or political consequences for foreign interference makes it a low-risk high-reward endeavour for state actors. The agency's worries about state-sponsored foreign interference has escalated over the past four years, with a particular focus on alleged activities by Beijing.

In response to these pressing concerns, the intelligence agency has been focusing on delivering 'defensive briefings' to various politicians and staffers. The identified targets of alleged foreign interference efforts include not only federal, provincial and municipal governments but also academics and members of diaspora communities.

Government's Response


A public safety official has stated that the current government has implemented several robust mechanisms to combat foreign interference since it assumed power. The plan is to further strengthen these mechanisms, including a national registry of foreign agents, while closely examining the recommendations made by an ethics committee on foreign interference.


Related video: Canadian spy chief stresses co-operation on research security at Five Eyes summit? (The Canadian Press)   Duration 2:48   View on Watch

Prompted by accounts of foreign nations targeting this country's MPs and their families abroad, the ethics committee's report has given 22 recommendations. These include calls for the intelligence agency to release more relevant information to the public and for the government to impose penalties on all kinds of foreign interference operations including harassment and intimidation by a foreign state.
Increased Transparency on Foreign Interference

The documents present clear indications of the intelligence agency's attempts to communicate its concerns about foreign interference, particularly from Beijing, to top government officials. They painted a picture of foreign interference networks embedded in the country's internal affairs at all levels of government and present within the country's political and social fabric.

With foreign countries targeting influential personalities to gain support for their authoritarian regimes, there is also a concerning attempt to control diaspora communities and local language media for propagating their agendas and limiting political dissent.

Accusations of Foreign Meddling


There is also evidence that some foreign states are monitoring views expressed by students and academics, and in some cases, threatening retribution if those views are deemed inappropriate. The documents single out China for specifically targeting certain language media outlets and members of the respective diasporas in their foreign influence campaigns.

Earlier this year, there was a political uproar over alleged foreign meddling with media outlets publishing leaked intelligence reports. Officials, including top security figures, reiterated that there was no evidence of the results of the past two federal elections being compromised due to such interference. To delve into this issue further, a public inquiry has been initiated.

Public Inquiry into Foreign Interference

The appointed official to look into these allegations concluded in his report that while foreign interference is indeed a growing concern, the specific instances reported in the media were less potent than suggested. Notwithstanding the government's reassurances about the integrity of the recent federal elections, the official pointed to "serious shortcomings" in how intelligence is shared within government bodies.

However, partisan allegations surfaced against the official, questioning his close relationship with high-ranking government officials, undermining his attempts at ensuring trust in democratic institutions. The official subsequently resigned from his position. Despite his opposition to an inquiry, the government eventually called for a public inquiry to thoroughly probe the issue of foreign interference.
Behind the concerns and complex feelings some Indigenous audiences have about Killers of the Flower Moon

Story by Jenna Benchetrit • CBC


Indigenous audiences are weighing in following the release of Martin Scorsese's historical epic Killers of the Flower Moon.

The film tells the story of the 1920s Osage murders — in which an estimated 150 members of the oil-wealthy Osage Nation in Oklahoma were killed by white interlopers in a plot to steal their land rights. Scorsese's version follows Ernest Burkhart (Leonardo DiCaprio), who marries an Osage woman named Mollie Kyle (Lily Gladstone) as part of a plan devised by his uncle, William Hale (Robert De Niro), to kill her family and take their wealth.

While critics had much praise for Gladstone's performance, some felt her character and the rest of the film's Osage characters were underwritten or stereotypical compared to the film's white lead characters.

Devery Jacobs, a Mohawk actor from Kahnawake, Que., who stars in the FX series Reservation Dogs, wrote a thread on X (formerly known as Twitter) describing Killers of the Flower Moon as "painful, gruelling, unrelenting and unnecessarily graphic."

While Jacobs said she knows the goal of the film's violence is for viewers to grasp the horror of what happened to the Osage community, she didn't feel like the characters — who are based on real-life people — were shown honour or dignity in the portrayal of their deaths.

"Contrarily, I believe that by showing more murdered Native women on screen, it normalizes the violence committed against us and further dehumanizes our people," Jacobs wrote.

Related video: Killers Of The Flower Moon Has United Rotten Tomatoes Critics (Mostly) (Looper (video))   Duration 4:08   View on Watch

Mixed feelings from Osage community

The film, which is based on author David Grann's 2017 book of the same name, was made in close consultation with the Osage Nation. Scorsese worked with Osage language consultants and descendents of the real-life people depicted in the movie. But even with that collaboration, there were always concerns about the story being told by a non-Indigenous filmmaker.

Christopher Cote, who was a language consultant on Killers of the Flower Moon, told The Hollywood Reporter shortly after its release that he had mixed feelings about the final product. He praised Scorsese but said he had hoped the film would be from Mollie's perspective.

"I think it would take an Osage to do that," he said.

During a conversation on CBC's The Sunday Magazine, Osage Principal Chief Geoffrey Standing Bear said that Cote and the community's younger people were expressing anger over a story that, until the film, was seldom talked about by people of his generation.

"My children are Osage, [my] grandchildren are Osage. I don't talk to them about this until now. But I have noticed the younger people are mad about it, are mad about the story, and it had to be told, now that I see this happening, because it's a discussion that's long overdue."


Osage Nation Principal Chief Geoffrey Standing Bear, left, and author David Grann attend the premier of Martin Scorsese's Killers of the Flower Moon in New York City on Sept. 27. (Dia Dipasupil/Getty Images)
© Provided by cbc.ca

Eric Janvier, a filmmaker from Chipewyan Prairie Dene First Nation in northern Alberta, told CBC News that there's "so much more to this story" than just its three main characters.

Unlike some other non-Indigenous filmmakers who have told Indigenous stories, Janvier said that Scorsese "comes with respect to the cultures that he's representing. Sometimes he doesn't [do] all the legwork, but he at least tries."

'It's the plot of colonialism'

Others felt that the film overlooked the systemic issues at play in the story of the Osage murders.

"One of the challenges I have coming out of it is that I feel that it does provide audiences both a mirror — mostly non-Indigenous audiences — a mirror to look into," said Jesse Wente, a chairperson for the Canada Council of the Arts.

"But I worry that the mirror directs them to an individual case as opposed to systemic outcomes."


The opening scene from Killers of the Flower Moon shows Leonardo DiCaprio as Ernest Burkhart and Lily Gladstone as Mollie Kyle. Some felt that Gladstone's character was underwritten compared to DiCaprio's. (
Apple)© Apple

"It wasn't the plot of two white men. It's the plot of colonialism," he said.

During the same conversation, author and former CBC journalist Angela Sterritt said that while she was glad to see the film illuminate this piece of history, she questioned the film's depiction of the Osage as "very sickly, very weak," as well as several graphic scenes that show the bodies of the murder victims.

"I just thought there [were] so many more opportunities to represent the Osage people as people who didn't go down without a fight," said Sterritt, who is a member of the Gitxsan Nation.

"From the get go, [they] were standing up for themselves in every single aspect of their lives, not needing a white saviour to do that for them on their behalf."
‘Welcome home, dear ancestor’: after nearly a century, a stolen totem pole returns to the Nisg̱a’a Nation

Story by The Canadian Press • 
This story is a collaboration between The Narwhal and IndigiNews.

Under a protective blanket of low clouds, the Wilps Ni’isjoohl memorial pole returned to Nisg̱a’a territory almost a century after it was stolen in 1929. Imbued with the spirits of ancestors and carved with the crests of names that live on today, the pts’aan (pole) is more than an object — it is an ancestor. Its return to Nisg̱a’a lands was observed with comparable ceremony and protocol for bringing home a loved one who passed.


In Laxg̱alts’ap, a few kilometres from where it once stood in the village of Ank’idaa on the banks of K’alii Aksim Lisims (Nass River), the clouds drifted away and the ancestor breathed Nisg̱a’a air and felt the warmth of the late September sun. An eagle flew slowly across the valley and ravens watched from the surrounding forest as family from Wilps (House) Ni’isjoohl of the G̱anada (raven/frog) clan gathered to celebrate with other citizens of the Nisg̱a’a Nation and guests.

Nisg̱a’a Matriarch Joanna Moody was around 25 years old in 1860 when she commissioned the pole to honour her relative who died defending Nisg̱a’a lands.

“She undertook her leadership at one of the worst times of genocide that we’ve experienced as Nisg̱a’a peoples,” Sigidimnak’ Nox̱s Ts’aawit (Amy Parent) said of her ancestral grandmother. “She also had to undertake her leadership during a time of great grief as she was called upon to erect this memorial pole to honour Ts’waawit, our family member.”

It took around a year for the carver, Oyee, and his assistant, Gwanes, to complete the pole, during which time Joanna Moody housed and fed both, a sign of her wealth and power — derived from the richness of the land and the river that annually brought saak (oolichan) and salmon up from the coast to villages along its banks. Carved from a giant red cedar that Oyee chose from its towering peers in what’s sometimes now called the Nass Valley, the pole depicts several figures, including a raven associated with the G̱anada clan. The hat of the pole is encircled with four rings, commemorating the number of feasts held by the former house chief.

An educator who works in Nisg̱a’a language and cultural revitalization, Nox̱s Ts’aawit is a descendant of Moody, who lived to 115. She said holding four feasts, particularly during that time period, signified the great wealth of the wilps (house.) At every feast, the chief and family give gifts to everyone seated in the feast hall, honouring their role as witnesses. This is true today.

The pole’s creation was rooted in grief and kwhlixhoosa’anskw (respect). But respect was not what it received when it collided with colonization.

In 1929, Canadian anthropologist Marius Barbeau took the pole from the Nisg̱a’a village of Ank’idaa and shipped it to the National Museum of Scotland.

Museum records indicate that Barbeau was commissioned by the institution to purchase the pole for $600. Though these colonial documents show a sale by a Matriarch from the House of Ni’isjoohl, that signature is believed to have been falsified since it contradicts the family’s oral history, according to the Nisg̱a’a.

The family says the pole was stolen by Barbeau with the permission of the Government of Canada during the summertime, when people in the village were away for an annual fishing, hunting and food harvesting season.

“This pts’aan left Ank’idaa and it left under a terrible situation because it was removed without the consent of our community, without the consent of the family,” Apdii Laxha, Andrew Robinson, said. He helped bring the pole home in his role as the former chief administrative officer of the Nisg̱a’a Village of Laxg̱alts’ap. “It encountered horrendous weather and … storms where some of the poles that were wrapped up with it were lost.”

Trafficking totem poles during this era was often done without consent, something that is highlighted in field notes from Barbeau and others involved with taking totem poles — which colonial officials described as “specimens.”

Barbeau had a special affinity for the Nass Valley and for Nisg̱a’a in particular, viewing the carvers from the nation as “on the whole the best in the country,” according to his writings. Though he recognized the significance of the Wilps Ni’isjoohl memorial pole to Nisg̱a’a, having spent time studying their protocols, that didn’t stop him from removing it.

Barbeau’s entire career took place during the Potlatch Ban, a federal law first enacted in 1885 that made potlatching and raising totem poles illegal for 67 years. Barbeau was known for “preserving” the existing northwest coast totem poles during this time — then seen by colonizers as a dying artform — by taking them from Indigenous village sites and distributing them to museums.

“Nearly all the Nass River poles by now have been purchased and removed by the author for various institutions in Canada, the United States, Great Britain and France,” he boasts in the first of his two-volume book Totem Poles, published in 1950.

“The art of totem-pole carving,” he once declared, “now wholly belongs to the past.”

Transporting the towering poles from the remote Nass Valley to museums was no simple task, and often involved cutting them in pieces where they could more easily be floated downriver and later be moved by ship and rail.

When it came to the Wilps Ni’isjoohl memorial pole, the Scottish museum received the pole “in one piece, except for the upper extremity, and certain projecting portions, which have been carved separately and fitted on,” according to a 1931 note from a curator.

It’s now believed by museum staff that the pole was coated with a protective paint so it could be floated down K’alii Aksim Lisims and transported to Edinburgh, where it arrived at the museum in 1930 and remained until its return this September.

The National Museum of Scotland stands in the centre of Edinburgh — a landmark among the many ornate buildings in the city. Nearby looms the historic Edinburgh Castle, housing royal jewels that were recently presented to King Charles III following his coronation.

Prior to returning the pole, the museum’s staff set about readying the space in order for a group from Nisg̱a’a to gather and follow protocol to prepare the pole for its journey home.

Exhibited alongside the pole were various other Indigenous belongings; the museum has an extensive collection from North America, Australia, the Arctic and beyond. But on an August day shortly before the Nisg̱a’a group’s arrival, many of their cases were wrapped in plastic or boarded up for protection, in preparation for the totem pole’s imminent departure.

It was a bright summer day, and bagpipers played outside of the museum, their sound singing out as tourists crowded the streets for the popular annual Fringe Festival. But inside, it was quiet and calm as John Giblin — who oversees the museum’s department of global arts, cultures and design — looked up at the totem pole.

Adjacent to the main hall, the 11-metre pts’aan towered over the gallery as a stunning centrepiece.

Giblin, a courteous man in a well-fitted suit, explained it’s the first totem pole to ever be returned to a First Nation from a United Kingdom museum, calling it an “incredibly significant” moment for both Nisg̱a’a and the National Museum of Scotland.

This return could set a precedent for more returns of cultural items from the United Kingdom and Europe, where other totem poles and many more stolen Indigenous belongings ended up.

A totem pole typically weighs one tonne, and Giblin explained that moving such a large and aged item in one piece is “quite a feat in terms of the logistics.”

“It’s been on display in the museum since 1930,” he said. “The museum’s kind of been built around it in many respects, in different ways. It’s not that easy to actually move the pole out through the museum.”

Giblin said that the museum contracted a company to build scaffolding around the pole and a cradle beneath, “so there is no weight or pressure going on the actual surface of the pole.” Then, it will be gently lowered horizontally and rolled on a trolley through the museum’s underground gallery and outside. The last leg of the journey is by air; the Canadian military organized its flight home.

Saying goodbye to the pole and bringing it to the next phase of its life in Nisg̱a’a homelands, Giblin said, feels right.

“It’s been beneficial for many, many generations of Scottish public and international visitors that have come to see it and learn, but its place now is back home in the Nass Valley,” he said.

“[With] many, many generations of the Nisg̱a’a community who have been separated from it for such a long time.”

When an earlier Nisg̱a’a delegation first asked for the pole’s return in the early 1990s, they were told it was too fragile to be moved. Yet, as Nox̱s Ts’aawit found out, it was later moved to accommodate renovations at the museum.

“That made me very angry,” she said.

“It’s our ancestor, our great-great grandmother,” Sim’oogit Ni’isjoohl (Chief Earl Stevens) said. “We had to get her back on her home soil.”

In 2022, Sim’oogit Ni’isjoohl, Nox̱s Ts’aawit and other Nisg̱a’a leaders went back to Scotland to tell the museum directors they wanted the pole returned.

“We went in with much uncertainty, but with even more determination,” Nox̱s Ts’aawit said. “And I truly believe that we went in with one of the biggest strengths that we have as Nisg̱a’a people. We went in with our hearts and our minds working as one in unity together.”

The Scottish museum, Giblin said, has been putting a larger focus on reconciling the institution’s colonial legacies in recent years — which has included updating displays and labels to address historical biases and updating research behind the scenes. In some cases, those discussions result in returning items in the collection to their original owners.

When the museum eventually agreed to give the pole back to Nisg̱a’a in December 2022, they still had to figure out how to get it safely home.

Andrew Robinson was part of the 2022 delegation. While in Scotland, the group travelled to the University of St. Andrews where Nox̱s Ts’aawit gave a lecture. On their way back to Edinburgh, Sim’oogit Ni’isjoohl said they needed to stop and pause for a moment on Nisg̱a’a lands.

“We stopped at McDonald’s,” Robinson said, laughing. “We’re Nisg̱a’a, it’s part of our territory.”

While they were inside, the building started shaking.

“We heard this big rumble and we were sitting there going, ‘Oh, what’s that?’ We’ve seen these big fighter jets taking off from St Andrews Air Force base and Earl looks at Amy and goes, ‘Wonder if those are Canadian? Maybe we could get the totem pole on that and they could just fly it home,’ ” he said.

“That’s exactly what happened.”

After supporters in Ottawa reached out to the federal government, the Canadian military agreed it would support the rematriation and worked with the Nisg̱a’a delegation to make arrangements.

Less than a year later, the Nisg̱a’a delegation visited Edinburgh again, this time to bring the ancestor home. On August 28, a closed ceremony was carried out to put the pts’aan to sleep in preparation for its journey out of the institution and into the belly of a military plane.

To see the pole off, the Nisg̱a’a leaders gathered with officials from the museum and the Scottish government, and also requested that a group of Scottish children be present to share their culture — reminding them to hold the story for future generations.

“We felt it was important to emphasize to the Scottish people we were interacting with … our shared history of colonization,” Nox̱s Ts’aawit said. “We understand that we have some common experiences with the British and what it means to try to free ourselves from these colonial shackles.”

Scottish people have also historically experienced dispossession at the hands of the English — such as the infamous Stone of Scone, an ancient sandstone artifact that was stolen during the English invasion of Scotland in 1296. The British government returned the stone to Scotland in 1996.

Nox̱s Ts’aawit explained that although these shared histories created a path forward, it wasn’t an easy process, and included some misunderstandings and cultural clashes along the way. However, the two parties have managed to meet in the middle and set a new precedent.

In February, Giblin and the museum’s head of collections Chanté St Clair Inglis travelled to Nisga’a territory to directly experience the culture. Nox̱s Ts’aawit humorously recalled Inglis driving a big Ford pickup truck “on the wrong side of the road” and Giblin participating in a totem pole raising ceremony “in the freezing cold” without proper snow gear.

Bringing Giblin and Inglis to Nisg̱a’a territory bridged a divide in a way that couldn’t be done without a connection to the land and the stewards of that land.

“They saw where we came from, they felt the relationships, they saw our culture and that we weren’t just a totem pole or something behind a piece of glass,” Nox̱s Ts’aawit said. “They saw hundreds of us, thousands of us dancing, and they saw all these different aspects of who we are. And then people started talking to them. And they understood how much it meant to us.”

“There’s always going to be a clash, when we’re engaging with settler colonial institutions and their worldviews,” she added.

To challenge those worldviews and push back against colonial and patriarchal ideas, she said they consciously chose to use the word rematriation. It also just made more sense — Nisg̱a’a society is matrilineal.

After the pole arrived in the town of Terrace, it was driven in a family procession through a winding valley onto Nisg̱a’a lands and to the village of Lax̱g̱altsʼap. The pole was held in a protective box but opened to the air and sun during the public arrival ceremony on Sept. 29. The pole was raised inside the Nisg̱a’a Museum in early October and is available for the public to view until the end of the month.

At the ceremony, two kids jogged after their dad as he walked to get something from their truck.

“You’re a wolf — why are we frogs?” one of the kids asked.

“You follow your mother’s clan, that’s why,” their dad replied.

“The more that we learned about the story and about our ancestral grandmother and her strength and everything that she did in her time, it seemed ill-fitting to call it repatriation,” Nox̱s Ts’aawit explained. “Recognizing that we are a matrilineal society, it’s important for us to return to that and also to look at the complexity of what that means now in a modern era, after the residues of the Indian Act.”

She said reclaiming this identity is part of a healing process.

“It requires all of us — our men, our women, our Two Spirit — working together to create balance by honouring each other’s roles and responsibilities and supporting our children.”

At a feast held by Wilps Ni’isjoohl following the ceremony, Sim’oogit Duuk’ also highlighted the importance of language.

“Artifacts belong to extinct civilizations,” he said. “We are not extinct.”

Eva Clayton, president of Nisg̱a’a Lisims Government who holds the name Sigidimnaḵ’ Yats’, called the moment historic.

“It brings a lot of emotions to our nation, emotions that are filled with happiness, filled with grief, filled with tears,” she said. “We’re so very happy to have our ancestor home. We are on a journey together to show the world what reconciliation in action looks like.”

The pole was returned with an understanding that once it was back on Nisg̱a’a lands, the family would make decisions for its future.

Theresa Schrober, director of the Nisg̱a’a Museum, said this is an important distinction, explaining the museum has over 300 cultural belongings that have been returned by settler institutions — but those returns were conditional.

“The nation was required to construct a … facility to house those belongings,” she said, standing under a pole that was returned from the Royal BC Museum in Victoria after the Nisg̱a’a Museum was built in 2011. “That is very much a reach into the future: ‘we’ll return but we’re not letting go.’ It’s shrouded in a colonial way of thinking about how those belongings need to be conserved, treated, the kind of space they need to be in.”

She said the only condition Scotland included in the final negotiations was the pole had to go to a “like institution.”

“Should the family have made other choices, the museum would have facilitated those other choices,” she said. “That is really critical because I think it’s a learning moment for other institutions, about respecting that the people whose belongings they have should be making the decisions about those belongings’ care and futures, and that they should not be infiltrated with the belief systems of the people that were inappropriately housing them for all that time.”

The rematriation of the Wilps Ni’isjoohl pole from a European institution was preceded by the return of the Xenaksiala/Haisla Gʼpsgolox pole from Sweden in 2006. That, too, had conditions attached initially.

The pole was to be returned only if the nation could house it in a climate-controlled building — something that didn’t exist, nor did the funding to build one. After the family of Gʼpsgolox offered to carve a replica pole for the Stockholm museum, the Swedish negotiators eventually conceded the original. After spending six years in Kitimaat Village, the pole was taken back to the Xenaksiala village of Misk’usa, where it was first raised and where it is slowly returning to the land.

Finally home, the Wilps Ni’isjoohl memorial pole was draped with cedar boughs, welcomed and honoured by its kin. The family decided the pole would live at the Hli Goothl Wilp-Adokshl Nisg̱a’a (Heart of Nisg̱a’a House Crests, also known as the Nisg̱a’a Museum) where it will stand in soil gathered from Ank’idaa.

Sim’oogit Luudisdoos walked slowly forward to stand next to the pts’aan as he shared a song and said a prayer.

“We’re gathered here on such a special occasion to bring healing to our people,” he said, his clear voice wavering with emotion. “This is one of our ancestors that has been brought home and all our ancestors are here today.”

“Great spirits, grandmothers, grandfathers: so grateful for bringing us together in a good way with a good open heart and open mind. Guide us well.”

The day after the ceremony and feast celebrating the pole’s return, community members gathered on a street outside a house in Laxg̱alts’ap to honour a family member who had passed away. When someone dies, the house holds a settlement feast and, roughly one year later, the headstone that was created for them is taken to the graveyard and a stone moving feast is held.

To accommodate the return of the ancestor, stone movings and feasts had been postponed. Now, with many of the same Simgigat (Chiefs) and Sigidimhaanaḵ’ (Matriarchs) who spoke at the ceremony standing in the cold outside the house, proper protocol was observed. One by one, each Sim’oogit walked up to the headstone and spoke softly in the Nisg̱a’a language as kids, aunties and uncles, cousins and friends listened.

Later, standing in a temporary tent set up to protect the pole before it’s raised in the museum, Nox̱s Ts’aawit spoke about the deep connections between the ancestor and the Nisg̱a’a today.

“Many of the crests on here represent particular names in our house,” she said, gently resting her hand on the pole. “Those names are tied to pieces of land that are within what we call our ango’oskw, our house territory. In each generation, these names are passed down so the names never die, the people do and the people get replaced. We are living descendants of these names that are carved in this pole.”

For the Nisg̱a’a, she said, bringing the ancestor home is the first part of a long journey.

“In the spiritual realm, I don’t know what that’s going to mean,” Nox̱s Ts’aawit said. “I think it’s going to mean a gift in terms of our healing. I think there will be a transformation. But I don’t know what that’s going to feel like until we go through it.”

Until then, she’s relieved the pole made it safely home.

“Welcome home, dear ancestor. It’s been a journey.”

During the reporting of this story, The Narwhal’s Matt Simmons and photographer, Marty Clemens, made a mistake that resulted in a breach of protocol. Protocol specifies no one but family members of Wilps (House) Ni’isjoohl is allowed to touch the ancestor. While taking photos of the ancestor from above, the ladder Marty was standing on gave out and he fell, touching the pole. We are working with Nox̱s Ts’aawit and Wilps Ni’isjoohl to make things right. For transparency and teaching, we wrote about what happened and why it’s important for journalists to decolonize their work.

Cara McKenna and Matt Simmons, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, The Narwhal
Vaccine passports had little effect on Ontario and Quebec: Study

Story by Jane Stevenson • POSTMEDIA
A woman shows an app confirming her COVID vaccination status.
© Provided by Toronto Sun

Vaccine passports in Ontario and Quebec only marginally increased the number of COVID vaccinations administered to people in each province, says a peer-reviewed paper published in the CMAJ Open journal.

“Absolute gains were small given that the provinces already had relatively high vaccination coverage,” says the paper.

Around 82% of Ontario and Quebec residents over the age of 12 were already vaccinated when the passports were announced in 2021.

The paper, by McGill University research assistant Jorge Luis Flores, found the passports — required as proof of vaccination in indoor spaces before they were discontinued in spring 2022 — accounted for an increase of vaccination rates of less than 1% in both provinces — 0.9% in Quebec, and 0.7% in Ontario.

“The impact of vaccine passports was largest among younger age groups in both provinces,” resulting in an increase of vaccine rates of 2.3% in Quebec and 1.3% in Ontario for people ages 12 to 17, said the study. Youths in that age range made up the least vaccinated group in both provinces.

The study also says vaccine passports had the smallest impact on those 60 and over — the most vaccinated age group — increasing rates by 0.1% in both provinces.

Researchers found in Quebec, the passports increased vaccine coverage in lowest-income neighbourhoods by 1.1%, compared with 0.7% in the wealthiest areas

“Findings suggest that other policies are needed to improve vaccination coverage among lower-income and racialized neighbourhoods and communities,” said the paper.

In Ontario, the increase was between 0.7%-0.8% across all incomes.
MPs defeat Pierre Poilievre-backed anti-vaccine mandate bill

Story by John Paul Tasker • CBC

MPs overwhelmingly voted to kill a bill Wednesday pushed by Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre that would have banned Ottawa from again imposing COVID-19 vaccine mandates on federal workers and the travelling public.

By a vote of 114-205, MPs agreed to drop the private member's bill, C-278, that Poilievre first introduced last year when he was running for the party's leadership.

The bill was subsequently picked up by Conservative MP Dean Allison, a noted anti-mandate critic who, like his leader, supported the trucker convoy that loudly opposed the government's approach to COVID-19.

Its failure to pass was not unexpected.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said Poilievre is choosing to "wear a tinfoil hat" by backing this sort of "divisive" legislation — a reference to conspiracy theorists. NDP and Bloc Québécois MPs made similarly dismissive comments.

Poilievre's promotion of the bill, however, suggests the Tories are not yet ready to drop their opposition to the COVID policies that outraged some in the party base.

Speaking in the House of Commons during Tuesday's debate, Poilievre said Trudeau "maliciously divided" and attacked Canadians who shunned the COVID-19 vaccine by imposing an "unreasonable" policy that forced some people to get the shot or face consequences like job losses or additional hurdles at the border.

Related video: Poilievre: Anti-vaccine-mandate bill would 'restore personal freedom' (cbc.ca)  Duration 0:56  View on Watch

cbc.ca Poilievre wearing 'tin foil hat' on vaccines: Trudeau
1:22


Global News
Trudeau, NDP have 'violated constitutional rights of Canadians,' Poilievre says after Supreme Court rejects Bill C-69
2:11


"He divided, insulted and name-called millions of people right across this country who are patriotic, law-abiding, decent people," Poilievre said of the government's now-defunct vaccine mandate policy.

Trudeau went beyond "guiding and protecting Canadians to punishing people who chose not to take the COVID-19 vaccine," Poilievre said.

Days after announcing the mandate, Trudeau "called an election and attempted to exploit that political moment in order to regain power," Poilievre said.



RCMP officers take a protester into custody at the Ottawa anti-vaccine mandate protest in February, 2022. (Justin Tang/Canadian Press)© Provided by cbc.ca

The policy did feature prominently in the 2021 federal election as the Liberal Party routinely highlighted ex-leader Erin O'Toole's opposition to the mandates.

There hasn't been a COVID-19-related mandate in place since last year, when Ottawa dismantled its regime as the virus became more manageable.

When the vaccination requirement for federal public servants was lifted in June 2022, employees who had been placed on leave without pay had a chance to return to their regular work duties.

Poilievre argued the legislation is necessary now because Ottawa could reimpose its mandates.

Poilievre said he supports "bodily autonomy" and believes all Canadians can decide for themselves what they put in their own bodies.

The vast majority of the party's delegates at a recent policy convention agreed with that position.

About 68 per cent of delegates in Quebec City voted to affirm that Canadians should have "the freedom and right to refuse vaccines."


Conservative delegate Patrick Wuori calls on the crowd prior to party leader Pierre Poilievre's speech at the Conservative Party convention on September 8, 2023 in Quebec City. (Jacques Boissinot/Canadian Press)© Jacques Boissinot/Canadian Press

Adopting this bill, Poilievre said, would be a "recognition that this ugly chapter in our history, of turning Canadians against Canadians and using a public health matter to pull apart our country, is permanently behind us."

The Liberal government has long defended its vaccine mandate policy as a suite of measures designed to keep people safe from a deadly virus. More than 50,000 Canadians have died of COVID-19, according to public health data.

The government has said it imposed its mandates to encourage more people to take the shots, which have been credited by public health officials with helping the country emerge from the pandemic.

The vast majority of Canadians heeded public health advice and got at least two doses of a COVID-19 vaccine. At last count, about 84 per cent of all people aged five and older are considered "fully vaccinated," according to federal data.

In question period, Trudeau pounced on Polievre's anti-mandate rhetoric.

He said the Conservative leader "doesn't much care about facts" regarding Canada's pandemic response. He said Poilievre "doesn't truly want to accept" that most people in Canada willingly got a shot.

"He has a hidden agenda driven by ideology — an ideology rooted in denying that the government had to act fast in a once-in-a-century moment to keep Canadians safe," Trudeau said.

"He continues to play divisive games to try and divide Canadians on a matter core to public health and public safety. We've always stood up for the safety of Canadians while he chooses to wear a tinfoil hat."

Liberal MP Kevin Lamoureux called the Conservative approach to pandemic management "irresponsible" and "reckless."

"Contrary to what the Conservative Party tries to espouse, vaccinations worked. Vaccinations made a difference," he said during debate on the bill Tuesday.

"I believe that there are some who recognize the importance of public health and see the valuation of vaccinations," Lamoureux said of Conservative MPs. "But a good portion do not, and this is from the leader down."

Liberal MP Chris Bittle said there's no doubt about why Poilievre is pushing this policy.

"We know who they are trying to rally to. They closed down this city for a few weeks. They closed down international borders. They tried to grind the economy to a halt," he said of the trucker convoy.

"In another pandemic, we would not want that party in charge. It is just not worth the risk."


A person prepares a Moderna vaccine dose at a COVID-19 vaccine clinic at St. Lawrence College in Kingston, Ont. in January 2022. (Lars Hagberg/The Canadian Press)© Provided by cbc.ca

NDP MP Don Davies, the party's health critic, said Poilievre has peddled "misinformation" about this legislation.

The bill would only ban COVID-19 mandates — but some Conservative Party literature has suggested it would prevent future vaccine mandates.

While agreeing with the Conservatives' claim that Trudeau and the Liberals "politicized" Canada's pandemic response, Davies said passing this legislation could tie the hands of the government if COVID-19 returns as a pressing public health threat.

Davies said the decision to impose a vaccine requirement should "always be based on the best available evidence, current science and advice of experts," not Conservative MPs "with little or no background in any of those things."

Bloc Québécois MP Caroline Desbiens said her party "refuses to buy the conspiracy theories" that the Conservative party is "selling" about vaccine mandates.

She said the bill is Allison's "umpteenth attempt to discredit vaccines."

"COVID-19 was not a conspiracy. It was a tragedy," she said in French.

"The Conservatives' sympathies lie with pandemic deniers. Our entire society could someday have to sacrifice its safety and security to the anti-vax beliefs of a small group of people who are still in denial."

Allison defended the bill, saying it was "wrong to divide and discriminate against Canadians based on a personal medical decision."

"It was wrong for the government to demonize Canadians who did not agree with the heavy-handed approach of imposing unscientific mandates," he said.

The idea that the mandates were "unscientific" is up for debate.



Chief Public Health Officer Dr. Theresa Tam and Dr. Howard Njoo, deputy chief public health officer, hold a press conference during the COVID-19 pandemic in Ottawa. (Sean Kilpatrick/Canadian Press)© Provided by cbc.ca

Dr. Theresa Tam, Canada's chief public health officer, has defended the various vaccine mandates. She said in February 2022 that it was "obvious" they worked.

"We saw a plateau in the uptake of vaccines after a really tremendous effort by Canadians, and then after the introduction of vaccine mandates by the various provinces and territories and jurisdictions, we did see an uptick," she said.

But Tam also said a month later that it was time to re-examine the policy because the science showed the primary series of the COVID-19 vaccine — the first two doses — offer very little protection against an Omicron infection, which was by then the dominant strain.

The government then started dismantling the mandates as public health officials started to shift their positions on their effectiveness.

Allison said the mandates "damaged our country like I have never seen before."

"Folks were fired. Folks lost their livelihoods. I cannot believe this actually happened here in Canada," he said.

Opinion: How parental rights has co-opted some Muslim communities

Opinion by Edmonton Journal • 

Over 1,000 protesters with anti-LGBTQ groups took part in The 1 Million March 4 Children near the office of the Alberta Teachers, Association on Sept. 19, 2023. They were greeted with a few hundred counter protesters and a couple minor skirmishes ensued.© Provided by Edmonton Journal

Recently, a widely circulated statement from the Muslim Association of Canada defended Muslim protests against 2SLGBTQ+ inclusion in schools. In response, an open letter signed by prominent Canadian Muslim community leaders, educators, and professionals condemned these attacks against the 2SLGBTQ+ community.Ad

The differing approaches indicate that Islam is not a monolith. There are many diverse perspectives as some community leaders practise exclusion, whereas others stand in support of 2SLGBTQ+ communities and affirm sexual and gender diversity within the Islamic faith.

Through his investigative reporting, Canadian journalist Omar Mosleh reveals how prominent organizers of these so-called “parental rights” protests have utilized sensationalized stereotypes and extreme rhetoric equating teaching about sexual and gender diversity as a false equivalency to the genocide of the residential school system.

Another common framing attempts to position discussions about 2SLGBTQ+ identities as a form of sex education and indoctrination. These distortions deliberately conflate sexual identity and behaviour and position 2SLGBTQ+ identities as pathological and deviant sexual acts that infiltrate the minds of vulnerable children. The mantra of “ leave our kids alone ” becomes the battle cry for the total erasure of 2SLGBTQ+ identities, communities, and cultures in schools and society.


Related video: Canadian police boost presence around Jewish and Muslim communities (cbc.ca)
Our communities have spoken clearly that they don't feel safe,  Duration 2:07  View on Watch

The far-right populist movement has gained traction in Canada thanks to Conservative politicians who have seized political opportunism by jumping on the “parental rights” bandwagon to introduce policies targeting transgender and nonbinary youth and banning evidence-based educational programs like SOGI 123 from use in schools.

The current fight against 2SLGBTQ+ inclusion in schools has its roots in the history of sexual health education and the belief that parents should have the final say about how these “personal and private” issues are discussed publicly in schools. The great sex education debate can be traced back decades with the common far-right refrain that teaching about sexuality was akin to promoting pornography in schools and the widely held belief that by talking openly about sex, youth would have more of it.

In the 1960s, it was a common narrative that sexual health education was a communist plot , which still has roots today when “parental rights” protestors describe 2SLGBTQ+ inclusion in schools as a form of sexual Marxism . In the 1980s, with the onslaught of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, messages about sexual health education changed to focus on abstinence-only and promoted discourses of fear, shame, and stigma. In the 2000s, sexual health education moved beyond risk and reproduction to engage more comprehensive approaches , including issues of consent, intimacy, reproductive rights, and 2SLGBTQ+ inclusion.

Today, we see many cultural minorities in Canada being lured into protests against 2SLGBTQ+ inclusion in schools. Unlikely coalitions of Christian evangelicals, white nationalists, conservative Muslims, anti-vaxxers, and conspiracy theorists have coalesced together under the umbrella of a renewed “parental rights” movement. These factions are tenuously united together through forms of religious fundamentalism and anti-government extremism fuelled by populism with the mantra of “taking back” their divine rights and protecting kids from sinister forces.

The question is, what are they trying to “protect kids” from?

As the recent “ 1 Million March 4 Children ” protests have demonstrated, the manufactured enemy of the moment is the 2SLGBTQ+ community premised on the rallying call to stop the indoctrination and sexualization of children by “the elimination of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (SOGI) curriculum, pronouns, gender ideology, and mixed bathrooms in schools.”

What concerns us most is how some factions of the Muslim community have been actively co-opted into these discourses of hate and prejudice, which are counter to the teachings of the Islamic faith.

We echo the calls of progressive Muslim community leaders with the reminder of the Islamic teaching of la darar wa la dirar fil Islam , which translates to mean “there is no harm or reciprocating harm in Islam.”

Preventing Muslim youth from learning about sexual and gender diversity is not only a harmful disservice; it is not based on Islamic teachings. Historically, Muslim societies have comprised 2SLGBTQ+ individuals, albeit known by different names. Across space and time, these included the khuntha mushkil (intersex), mukhannthun (men with feminine traits), mutarajjilat (women with masculine traits), zarifat (courtly lady lovers), habaib (female beloveds), ghayr uli al irba (men without desire for women), amongst many others.

A turn to the past can help us understand the future need not be feared. Schools should be places of liberation, not bastions of prejudice and discrimination. Perhaps adults would do best to leave “our children alone” with the belief that God, Allah, or to whomever you pray has the best intentions for our children to be exactly who they are meant to be in all the wonder of diversity that exists in our world and faith.

Dr. Kristopher Wells is an associate professor and the Canada Research Chair for the Public Understanding of Sexual and Gender Minority Youth at MacEwan University. He also serves as editor-in-chief of the international Journal of LGBT Youth.

Dr. Junaid B. Jahangir is an associate professor of Economics at MacEwan University and co-author of Islamic Law and Muslim Same-Sex Unions.

Canada needs to move faster than the rest of the world on renewable energy: Wilkinson
NOT LIKE ALBERTA WHICH HAS PUT A HOLD ON THEM
The Canadian Press


OTTAWA — Canada needs to move faster on renewable energy as a new international energy outlook forecasts demand for all fossil fuels will peak in seven years, Energy Minister Jonathan Wilkinson said Wednesday.

An annual outlook the International Energy Agency published on Tuesday said that even if no new climate-related policies are implemented, the ones that already exist are still enough to bring demand for oil, gas and coal to a peak by 2030.

It said that renewables will account for nearly half the world's electricity supply by that year, and solar power alone will account for more energy than is currently produced by the entire U.S. electricity system.

Wilkinson said the agency had previously predicted that demand for oil and gas could peak by 2030.

But that forecast had depended on scenarios that saw most countries adopt stronger policies. He said this is the first time the agency is predicting a 2030 peak even if no country lifts another finger on climate action.

It means there should be no doubt that renewable energy and clean technology are the economic drivers of the future, he said.

"What Canada needs to do is to really get with the program," Wilkinson said in an interview.

"We actually have to double down on investing, in building that economy that will create jobs and economic opportunity for the future, and stop looking backwards at a scenario that is in the past. The world is moving. The report underlines that the world is moving."

Wilkinson said China has been strategically investing in renewable technologies for years and is now the world's largest supplier of clean technology, electric vehicles and critical minerals.

He said Canada's oil and gas industry needs to move as quickly as it can to decarbonize its operations, because that is the only way it will increase or even maintain its position as the market begins to shrink.

Canada's biggest oilsands producers are planning to invest in technology that traps some of their emissions and funnels them back underground, but they differ with the federal government on how quickly they can lower their emissions.

Environment Minister Steven Guilbeault is expected to soon publish details of his plan to cap emissions from oil and gas production, part of the strategy to meet Canada's next greenhouse-gas emissions target in 2030.

The oil and gas cap regulations are overdue, with Guilbeault initially promising a draft in the spring. He said recently that it's a very complex policy that no other major oil producer has attempted.

Oil and gas production accounts for more than one-quarter of Canada's total emissions.

Guilbeault said Wednesday that the international agency's forecast is in line with what the Canada Energy Regulator has suggested will happen.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 25, 2023.

Mia Rabson, The Canadian Press
Opinion: Don't worry — the Hudson Bay polar bears are still doing all right

Opinion 
by Special to Financial Post • 

Polar bears along the shoreline of the Hudson Bay near Churchill, Man., 2022.
© Provided by Financial Post

By Susan J. Crockford

The polar bears of southern Hudson Bay are snubbed cousins of the superstars from western Hudson Bay. That’s because the west features the rail-accessible port town of Churchill, self-proclaimed “Polar Bear Capital of the World.”

Over the summer, when the sea ice melts, hundreds of polar bears come ashore near Churchill. As they wait for the ice to reform in the fall, they are viewed by tens of thousands of tourists and studied by a few dedicated polar bear scientists. Even though Southern Hudson polar bears (hereafter “southern bears”) live further south than any other in the Arctic and should logically garner the most attention from those seeking signals of human-caused climate change, it is Western Hudson polar bears (we’ll call them “western bears”) that get all the notice.

The earliest rough estimate of southern bear numbers (254 bears) was completed in 1973 and published in a 1976 Canadian Wildlife Service report , while the first western bear count (308 bears) was done in 1975 and published in 1977. These remarkably low estimates, although crude, reflected decades of wanton polar bear slaughter in Hudson Bay that had decimated bear populations. Evidence of similar declines across the Arctic prompted an international treaty to protect polar bears in 1973.

It is now known that both western and southern bears, as well as bears from Foxe Basin to the north, hunt on the ice over the winter, with the potential for inter-breeding during the spring mating season. A genetic study published in 2016 suggested moving the long-established boundaries for western bears, since it was apparent that they may come ashore over a much larger range of coastline than previously thought. Southern bears, on the other hand, rarely move out of James Bay, not even to hunt during the winter.

This brings us to the 2021 population surveys that revealed an apparent 27 per cent decline in the western bear population but a 30 per cent increase for southern bears. Unfortunately, the survey for southern bears was not available when news of the western bear decline was made public — and generated considerable alarm — in December 2022.

According to the report released first, which was by Stephen Atkinson and colleagues, the three most recent population estimates for western bears were 949 (range 618-1280) in 2011, 842 (range 562-1,121) in 2016 and 618 (range 385-852) in 2021. As mentioned, the apparent change from 2016 to 2021 was a 27 per cent decline — although, as the authors noted, that’s not statistically significant.

The overall drop apparently was driven by a decline of more than 200 adult females and sub-adult bears, especially in the area around Churchill. The authors considered but rejected the possibility that these bears had simply relocated into southern Hudson Bay. Oddly, in light of the 2016 study about changing habitat boundaries, they did not consider the possibility that the “missing” animals had relocated northward into Foxe Basin territory.

Sea ice in Foxe Basin almost always lingers well into August, so it might now be preferred as a summering and denning area by some western bear females and young bears looking for more predictable ice conditions. Foxe Basin bears haven’t been surveyed since 2010 but they were then doing very well, with an estimated population size of 2,580.

As for southern bears, their numbers went from 943 in 2012 (range 658-1350) to 780 in 2016 (range 590-1029), and then to a whopping 1,119 in 2021 (range 860-1,454) — which gives, as noted, an increase of 30 per cent over five years. The study’s authors don’t actually say if that’s statistically significant but it seems likely it is, since they concluded a natural increase in numbers had indeed occurred and they couldn’t verify immigration of bears from another subpopulation.

Overall, the authors of both reports seemed hard-pressed to explain their results. A loss of hundreds of western bears from 2016-2021 is not consistent with the prevailing hypothesis that lack of sea ice drives long-term declines in polar bear numbers: sea ice conditions in western Hudson Bay were better for the first four of those years than they had been in decades — only 2021 was not as good — and southern bear numbers increased markedly with similar ice conditions in their part of Hudson Bay over the same period.

Were polar bears dying in one region during 2017-2021 — for reasons not having to do with sea ice — but reproducing like crazy just next door? Or were hundreds of western bears moving undetected between subpopulation boundaries? If movement into Foxe Basin does explain the recent survey results for western bears, it means they haven’t been counted properly for decades. That’s a big problem for polar bear scientists and conservation organizations because it suggests western bears — and therefore all polar bears — may not be threatened with extinction due to loss of sea ice, as previously thought.

Susan J. Crockford, a zoologist, is author of Polar Bear Evolution: A Model for How New Species Arise (2023).

QIA takes federal government to court over fisheries

Story by The Canadian Press  • 16h


 The Qikiqtani Inuit Association has launched a court challenge against a recent decision by the Department of Fisheries and Oceans to transfer valuable Nunavut-adjacent water fishing licences in the Davis Strait to “non-Inuit southern interests.”

The Qikiqtani Inuit Association (QIA) is arguing that there is and will be significant economic loss incurred to Inuit, including “direct and indirect benefits for Inuit that have not been realized since the creation of the territory in 1999.”

Citing Article 15 of the Nunavut Agreement, the QIA is accusing the Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO) of a failure to fairly distribute commercial fishing licences in adjacent waters, which is a “viable pillar of the Nunavut economy [that] requires addressing unequal and unjust treatment of Inuit within the fisheries.”

The QIA emphasized that this is a crucial decision in the ongoing matter of reconciliation.

“Economic development,” the regional Inuit association states, “is an important way to affirm and enact Inuit jurisdiction and authority while building the Inuit economy.”

The QIA cites the importance of improving the “blue economy” — sustainability in fishing and marine practices — as well as managing the risks and best practices in an industry so heavily dependent on the extraction of non-renewable resources. In addition, non-Indigenous jurisdictional concerns play a part in how these practices and the balance of the economy is meted out. The Qikiqtani-based organization says it is attempting to work with the federal government on the “a fisheries reconciliation approach to quota distribution.

“Increasing Inuit participation in fisheries is therefore a tangible way that QIA can advance economic development while minimizing the need to further expand non-renewable resource extraction activities,” the QIA stated.

With this court challenge, the QIA is also aiming to increase protected areas by 30 per cent by 2030.

Economic losses quantified

The Qikiqtani Inuit Association carried out an economic analysis “to better understand the consequences on Inuit resulting from the federal government’s failure to increase access to the fisheries.”

Its findings were that between 1993-2022, $600 million in indirect economic Inuit benefits were lost, as well as, $450 million in lost economic opportunities. Furthermore, “these economic losses are likely to extend into the future if there is no change in approach and decision-making in Nunavut’s adjacent waters fisheries quota by the federal government.”

When asked for clarification, the QIA gave examples of indirect benefits as the additional economic benefit to the Inuit economy from higher income in the fisheries sector, the social returns from policies and programs undertaken by Inuit organizations that collect fisheries royalties and the reinvestment of profits by Inuit-owned fisheries businesses into productive activity.

“QIA identified Nunavut fisheries as holding many potential opportunities… fishing represents an important economic base for Inuit specifically, which has important socio-economic impacts – for example, commercial fishing licences are all held by Inuit-owned companies, and the industry is intended to create locally-based training and job opportunities specifically for Inuit… To date, Inuit have not seen their fair share of quota in the adjacent water fisheries” the QIA stated. “As a key component of our recent Qikiqtani-Project Finance for Permanence Agreement in Principle, QIA is working to reinforce Qikiqtani Inuit control and care of the land and water, including those waters in the offshore and adjacent to the Qikiqtani region.”

The court heard the legal challenge, known as a “judicial review,” in Iqaluit on Oct. 16-18. It was not known at the time of writing when a decision will be rendered.

Kira Wronska Dorward, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, Nunavut News

Ontario Urges National Summit on Alberta’s CPP Withdrawal Proposal
ONT LIKE 90% OF ALBERTANS 
OPPOSES THIS STUPID IDEA
Story by Olalekan Adigun  • BNN BREAKING NEWS 


Ontario, one of Canada’s most populated provinces, has called for an urgent national summit. The topic of concern is a controversial proposal by Alberta Premier Danielle Smith to withdraw Alberta from the Canada Pension Plan (CPP). This plan, if actualized, could potentially reshape the retirement landscape across the country, affecting millions of working people and retirees.

A Disproportionate Contribution?

Smith argues that Albertans are currently contributing more than their fair share to the CPP. She believes that Alberta is owed an astronomical sum of $334 billion, which is more than half of the total value of the CPP. To test the waters, a task force is currently holding hearings in Alberta to gauge public sentiment on the potential withdrawal. If public sentiment aligns with Smith's vision, a referendum could be on the horizon by 2025.

The Ontario Perspective


Ontario, however, has raised eyebrows at the calculations behind Alberta's claim. The province is demanding a firm estimate of Alberta's share of the CPP assets before moving forward with a referendum. Ontario's opposition to Alberta's plan, coupled with criticism from other provinces and pension experts, brings to light questions about the feasibility and potential consequences of Alberta's proposal.

Related video: Finance ministers to meet on Alberta's proposal to leave Canada Pension Plan (The Canadian Press)  Duration 2:57  View on Watch

One key concern is the increased financial burden that may befall other Canadians. Ontario argues that the CPP's strength lies in its pan-Canadian approach, a shared responsibility that provides stability and security for workers and their families. By leaving the CPP, Alberta could disrupt this balance, potentially affecting the retirement savings of millions of Canadians.

Lessons from Ontario's Experience


Ontario's own experience with a standalone provincial pension plan, the Ontario Retirement Pension Plan (ORPP), serves as a cautionary tale. When federal departments and the Canada Revenue Agency refused to assist with the management of the ORPP, Ontario had to establish its own pension administration corporation. This experience casts a shadow over Alberta's assumption that federal entities would willingly take on the administration of an Alberta pension program.

In addition to concerns about the feasibility of Alberta's plan, there are questions about the accuracy of the calculations behind the claim that Alberta is owed $334 billion. Ontario's own calculations suggest a discrepancy. If Alberta's formula were applied to Ontario, it would be owed 63% of the CPP's total value, which contradicts Alberta's claim and raises concerns about the potential impact on other provinces.

Ontario's opposition to Alberta's proposal, along with criticism from other provinces and pension experts, emphasizes the complexity and potential consequences of withdrawing from the CPP. The ongoing dispute underscores the importance of a pan-Canadian approach to retirement savings, and the need for a national conversation on the subject.

UCP resolutions contentious, but most unlikely to become policy: Political scientist

Story by Matthew Black  •  Edmonton Journal


Premier Danielle Smith speaks during a Calgary Chamber of Commerce luncheon at the Hyatt Regency hotel in Calgary on June 29.

Members of Alberta’s governing United Conservative Party (UCP) are set to vote on a series of policy proposals at their upcoming convention, though the likelihood of any of those changes becoming government policy remains unclear.

The UCP’s annual general meeting is set for Nov. 3 and Nov. 4 in Calgary where delegates will vote on 51 resolutions, including 30 policy proposals .

Those include a pushback against Ottawa’s clean electricity regulations, calls for a school voucher system, and an end for funding of supervised consumption sites.

Other resolutions seek changes to parental rights, treatment of transgender prisoners, and availability of material some deem offensive in schools. About one-fifth of the resolutions address some kind of grievance from the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic; others assert conspiracy theories around 15 minute cities and electronic voting machines.

Mount Royal University political scientist Duane Bratt says while some of the resolutions are eye-catching for varying reasons, it would be a mistake to equate those with the views the party or government will put forth to the public, even if members vote in support.

“There is a wide gap between an election platform and policies adopted at a party convention,” he said.

Related video: 'It's simply not true:' Minister Guilbeault on Alberta's ads (cbc.ca)
Have you seen these ads on TV?   Duration 0:50
View on Watch

“They get a lot of attention, but let’s just see how many actually go through that whole cycle and end up as a public policy.”

There are also resolutions calling for the elimination of diversity, equity and inclusion offices in post-secondary institutions, the creation of a bill of parents rights minimizing the role of “activist professionals” in education, and banning schools form using race as a factor in admissions.

Bratt says what those resolutions do is highlight the views of the party’s most activist members.

“Those are the ones that show up.”

That dynamic, Bratt said, is apparent at all party conventions, noting provincial NDP leader Rachel Notley’s 2016 opposition to the federal NDP-supported Leap Manifesto, which called for the end of fossil fuels as an energy source.

It will also be a different dynamic than when Jason Kenney led the UCP.

“Transgender issues, parental rights, COVID medical stuff, none of that existed,” Bratt said.

“That just shows the dramatic change in politics in this province.”

It will also be a test for Take Back Alberta (TBA), the group credited by some for driving the party’s policies and encouraging enough of its members to attend the convention that a switch to a bigger venue was needed.

“This is going to be a test of TBA’s strength, not just in controlling the board, but in winning these votes and then seeing if they actually get implemented,” Bratt said of TBA.

Premier Danielle Smith will also have navigate her relationship with TBA, whose supporters appear to back some of the resolutions arounds parents rights and gender pronouns in schools, something Smith has been reluctant to speak out against in the past.


“There’s a huge gap between the personal beliefs of Danielle Smith and a political reality within our own party,” Bratt said.

“I don’t think she’s going to be able to avoid it.”

Walking that metaphorical tightrope will not be easy for the premier, Bratt said, bearing in mind the party turfed Jason Kenney as leader when he was a sitting premier not long ago.

He cautioned that any cracks in party unity that emerge at the convention could grow in the months to come.

“Is it actually about the resolution or is it about something wider?”